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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „National revolutionary movement“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "National revolutionary movement"
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Lee, Hee-eul. „Kwon Oh-seol’s Acceptance of National Revolutionary Move- ment Discourse and Tactics of National Liberation Movement“. Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History 44, Nr. 2 (28.02.2023): 173–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.173.
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Kwon Oh-seol, who participated in the national liberation movement led by the communist group in Colonial Joseon in the 1920s, participated in the enlightenment movement before accepting socialism. Previous studies have identified his activities as influenced by the national independence movement in the 1910s, but did not to elaborate on his acceptance of socialism and the development of the national liberation movement centered on the popular movement. this paper tried to clarify the relationship between his activities and the national liberation movement by specifically reviewing his growth background and acceptance of socialism, and the theory of national revolutionary movement. Kwon Oh-seol was able to forming an enlightened consciousness of life improvement and a revolutionary class consciousness and possible to participate in the national liberation movement based on the national revolutionary movement. he planned The 6·10 National Movement in 1926 and tried to embrace the Old faction of Cheondogyo and the student class while attempting to raise the public’s consciousness of national liberation. Kwon Oh-seol’s national liberation movement were formed based on the consciousness of life improvement and Comintern’s theory of the National Revolutionary Movement.
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Kumari, Dr Kusum, und Dr R. V. R. Murthy. „Perceptions of Youth during Indian Freedom Struggle between 1905 to 1930s: A Study“. Galore International Journal of Applied Sciences and Humanities 6, Nr. 2 (10.05.2022): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/gijash.20220401.
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Like any other Freedom struggle, the Indian National movement too witnessed a great deal of revolutionary thought movement in the initial years of 1900AD. A section of people especially well educated in India supported the revolutionary ideas and contributed greatly to the awakening masses and consolidation of freedom struggle against alien rulers. As a result, the revolutionaries rationalized the fight against alien rulers and infused the idea of self-determination and self-reliance used as a tool to motivate the youth especially. Most of the revolutionaries had common parlance and opined that the British were for the exploitation of resources meant for Indians and nothing more than that. Therefore, the revolutionaries felt that salvation for the motherland thus lay in the attainment of Swaraj alone for Indians. In fact, this made them to think in terms of political independence and economic self-sufficiency was the mandatory requirement for attainment of Swaraj. The cult of Swadeshi movement became vanguard for the youth to imbibe sympathies were manifested in the revolutionary activities. This article elucidates the significant role played by youth in propagating the revolutionary ideals for making national movement as a mass movement. Furthermore, through this paper discussed various issues confronted by youth while profess the prospects of revolutionary thought movement. Keywords: Freedom struggle, Indian National movement, Indian youth.
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Danilov, Kirill. „Approaches to armed struggle and political action: a comparative analysis of the FARC and the Zapatistas“. Polylogos 7, Nr. 3 (25) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110028260-8.
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The article is a study of the radical movement in Colombia in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) is compared to another revolutionary movement created in Mexico, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Both movements claimed to be public representatives in the areas of social justice and economic equality, but chose different approaches and strategies to achieve their goals. One chose the path of constant violence, while the other chose the path of dialogue and resolution of political and social problems.
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Muhsin, Fuad, Hani Hanifah und Muhammad Hasan Al As Ari. „Islamic Defending Action And Fatwa Defenders Movement Indonesian Ulema Council“. International Journal of Islamic Khazanah 10, Nr. 1 (31.07.2020): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijik.v10i1.8412.
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TThe purpose of this study is to photograph the background of the birth of the National Movement for Defending Fatwa (GNPF) MUI and the methods used by the GNPF activist figures. By using social movement analysis and qualitative methods, this study successfully concluded that the GNPF-MUI and ABI are a consequence of the events and movements of group movements that occurred within the MUI, especially after the New Order. The existence of GNPF and ABI stems from the accommodating Islamist-puritan-conservative groups and tends to be revolutionary in the management of the 2015-2020 MUI. The strategy used by the GNPF actors was carried out by asking for support from revolutionary groups such as FPI to mobilize the period so that their actions receive sociological legitimacy from the Indonesian Muslim community
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ALLISON, MICHAEL E. „Why Splinter? Parties that Split from the FSLN, FMLN and URNG“. Journal of Latin American Studies 48, Nr. 4 (26.07.2016): 707–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1600136x.
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AbstractFollowing the ends to the civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, the revolutionary coalitions that had led the fight against authoritarian regimes began to fracture. However, none of the splinter parties that broke from the Sandinista National Liberation Front, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, and Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unit has succeeded on their own as political parties. In this article, I argue that there is no single reason to explain the poor performances of the Democratic Party (PD), the Renovating Movement (MR), and the Democratic Front Party (FDR) in El Salvador, the Sandinista Renovation Movement (Renovate-MRS) and the Movement to Rescue Sandinismo (Rescue-MRS) in Nicaragua, and the New Nation Alliance (ANN) in Guatemala. However, their limited financial resources, alliances with non-revolutionary centrist and centre-right parties, and voter tendency to overlook internal ideological and personal debates within the original political parties, especially the FSLN and FMLN, have not helped.
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Agarwal, Prabal Saran. „Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna: Revolutionary Propaganda in Colonial UP, 1907–27“. Studies in People's History 8, Nr. 1 (Juni 2021): 120–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448921999038.
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The revolutionary movement in United Provinces had its beginnings initially under the influence of the anti-Partition movement in Bengal from 1905 onward. It, first, appeared in radical papers established in 1909 in Urdu and Hindi. Initially, it supported Tilak’s National Party with a tinge of Hindu revivalism, but radical socialist views also began to develop under the influence of the Ghadr movement of 1914–15. Despite repression, the 1920s saw a great increase in propaganda and revolutionary activity, especially under the influence of the Soviet Revolution. Bismil, the revolutionary martyr, played a special role in both propaganda and armed activity. The article argues that though the Kakori case ended in the execution of Bismil and his comrades, the propaganda they had carried on had lasting effect on the ideology of the revolutionary movement and the radicalisation of popular feeling in Uttar Pradesh (UP).
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Fleming, K. E. „Primitive Rebels or Revolutionary Modernisers? The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey“. History: Reviews of New Books 29, Nr. 4 (Januar 2001): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10527850.
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Chang, Seok-Heung. „The national revolutionary movement and liberal ideas of Lee Hoe-yeong“. A Laboratory of Korean Studies 49 (02.02.2018): 353–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25232/ku.2018.49.353.
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Fender, Stephan. „The Mexican Labor Movement and the Global Scripts of Revolution, 1910–1929“. Journal of World History 34, Nr. 3 (September 2023): 433–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2023.a902027.
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Abstract: This article examines the influence of global revolutionary scripts on the nascent labor movement in revolutionary Mexico. During the turmoil of the 1910s and 1920s, Mexican workers appropriated and utilized a wide range of revolutionary examples from the classical world, the French Revolution, the Paris Commune, and the October Revolution to create a frame and a narrative for events in Mexico. The influence of global scripts was determined by the agency of local actors. Over time, they formed a repository of mobilizing tools and were used or suppressed depending on the current framework of revolutionary politics. Since the historiography of the Mexican Revolution is predominantly national in its perspective, the examination of this process among subaltern actors opens the possibility for global comparative approaches that connect the Mexican case with the development and spread of revolutionary thought in other parts of the world.
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Liakhouski, Uładzimir. „“Red Landlord”. The Figure of Anatol Bonch-Osmolovsky and His Role in the Revolutionary Movement of Belarus“. Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, Nr. 13 (25.11.2020): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2020-13.2.
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The article is devoted to the social and political activity of Anatol Osipovich Bonch-Osmolovsky, who was one of the best representatives of the neopopulist direction in the revolutionary movement of Belarus and Russia in 1905–1917. This political biography of one of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party leaders looks at the revolutionary process and the establishment of democratic institutions in a predominantly peasant country by following Bonch-Osmolovsky’s opinions. The attitudes of the “red landowner” to the farm program, to the SocialistRevolutionary Party’s terror, to the Belarusian national movement, and to the idea of Belarus’ political independence are analysed in this article.
Dissertationen zum Thema "National revolutionary movement"
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Deb, Bikash Ranjan. „From national revolutionism to marxism: study of ideological origins of the revolutionary socialist party (RSP) and the socialist unity centre of India (SUCI)“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2018. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/3636.
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Faulkner, Jacqueline Suzanne Marie Jeanne. „The role of national defence in British political debate, 1794-1812“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271636.
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This thesis examines the role of national defence in British parliamentary politics between 1794 and 1812. It suggests that previous analyses of the late eighteenth-century political milieu insufficiently explore the impact of war on the structure of the state. Work by J.E. Cookson, Linda Colley, J.C.D. Clark, and Paul Langford depicts a decentralised state that had little direct involvement in developing a popular “British” patriotism. Here I argue that the threat of a potential French invasion during the wars against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France provoked a drive for centralisation. Nearly all the defence measures enacted during the period gave the government a much greater degree of control over British manpower and resources. The readiness of successive governments to involve large sections of the nation in the war effort through military service, financial contributions, and appeals to the British “spirit”, resulted in a much more inclusive sense of citizenship in which questions of national participation and political franchise were unlinked. National identity was also affected, and the focus on military defence of the British Isles influenced political attitudes towards the regular army. By 1810, however, the nation was disillusioned by the lengthy struggle with France. The result of lingering political weakness was that attention shifted from national defence onto domestic corruption and venality. The aftermath of the Irish Act of Union, too, demonstrated the limits of attempts to centralise the policy of the whole United Kingdom. Significantly, however, the debates over the relationship between the centre and the localities in the 1830s and 1840s, and the response to a new French invasion threat in the 1850s and 1860s, revived themes addressed during the 1790s and 1800s. The political reaction to the invasion threats between 1794 and 1812 ultimately had more in common with a Victorian state bureaucracy than an eighteenth-century ancien régime.
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Carvalho, Yuri Rosa de. „―SE DEZ VIDAS TIVESSE, DEZ VIDAS DARIA‖: O MOVIMENTO REVOLUCIONÁRIO TIRADENTES E A PARTICIPAÇÃO DA CLASSE TRABALHADORA NA RESISTÊNCIA (1964-1971)“. Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2014. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9645.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorThe participation of the working class in the process of resistance to the National Security Dictatorship has been majorly silenced by the historiography that deals with the subject. Placed in second plan, it has been strengthened a representation of resistance that projects as protagonists of history young students of the middle classes, immersed in a quixotic adventure set against the established dictatorial power. With no chance of success and without the ability to understand the reality that they intended to revolutionize, the guerrilla organizations that led the armed resistance were supposedly the result of voluntarism of intellectuals and the absence of effective participation of workers. However, the working class was present in the resistance since the Coup of 31 March of 1964, organizing in various cities in various regions of Brazil, work stoppages and strikes against the overthrow of the constitutional government of João Goulart. When the dictatorship gave clarity signs that served the interests of the Brazilian dominating classes, repressing and disorganizing the unions, the working class has taken steps toward reorganization, creating, through the paralelistic agency, commissions and committees of factory which established networks of solidarity between professional categories of the same region, in a process catalyzed by the fight against wage squeeze that led to major demonstrations and the great strikes of Contagem and Osasco in 1968. With the limitations imposed by the IA-5, published in late 1968 in response to the reorganization of the working class, it left, as direct coping strategy that enabled victory in the short term against National Security Dictatorship, the insertion to the armed resistance, in which many workers would act, even in prominent positions. The Revolutionary Movement Tiradentes (RMT) was an example of an organization mostly composed of militants coming from the working class, putting into practice the revolutionary actions that looked for financing the implementation of the guerrilla in the field, but also sabotaging strategic points of Dictatorship, and undermine the image of "democracy" and legitimacy to the dictatorial State attempted to print. With an internal structure that has adapted to the events of that time and established guiding principles, the RMT participated in actions of expropriation, leafleting, propaganda, kidnapping of the Japanese consul in São Paulo and ―justicizing‖ the industrial Henning Boilesen, in response to the murder of its main leadership Devanir José de Carvalho, occurred in April 1971 when the organization was already surrounded by organs of repression.
A participação da classe trabalhadora no processo de resistência à Ditadura de Segurança Nacional tem sido majoritariamente silenciada pela historiografia que trata o tema. Colocada em segundo plano, tem-se fortalecido uma representação da resistência que projeta como protagonistas da História jovens estudantes das classes médias, imersos em uma aventura quixotesca contra o poder ditatorial estabelecido. Sem possibilidade de êxito e sem a capacidade de compreender a realidade que pretendiam revolucionar, as organizações guerrilheiras que conduziam a resistência armada seriam supostamente fruto do voluntarismo de intelectuais e da ausência da participação efetiva de trabalhadores. Entretanto, a classe trabalhadora esteve presente na resistência desde o Golpe de 31 de março de 1964, organizando em diversas cidades, de várias regiões do Brasil, paralisações e greves contra a deposição do governo constitucional de João Goulart. Quando a Ditadura dava clareza de que servia aos interesses das classes dominantes brasileiras, reprimindo e desorganizando os sindicatos, a classe trabalhadora deu passos rumo a sua reorganização, criando, através da atuação paralelista, comissões e comitês de fábrica que estabeleciam redes de solidariedade entre as categorias profissionais de uma mesma região, em um processo catalisado pela luta contra o arrocho salarial que levou a grandes manifestações e a grandes greves de Contagem e Osasco no ano de 1968. Com as limitações impostas pelo AI-5, editado no fim de 1968 em resposta à reorganização da classe trabalhadora, restou, como estratégia de enfrentamento direto que possibilitasse a vitória em curto prazo da Ditadura de Segurança Nacional, a inserção à resistência armada, na qual diversos trabalhadores iriam atuar, inclusive em posições de destaque. O Movimento Revolucionário Tiradentes (MRT) foi um exemplo de organização majoritariamente composta por militantes oriundos da classe trabalhadora, colocando em prática ações revolucionárias que buscassem financiar a implantação da guerrilha no campo, mas também sabotar pontos estratégicos para a Ditadura, e minar a imagem de ―democracia‖ e legitimidade que o Estado ditatorial tentava imprimir. Com uma estrutura interna que se adaptou aos acontecimentos da época e com princípios norteadores estabelecidos, o MRT participou de ações de expropriação, panfletagem, propaganda, sequestro do cônsul japonês em São Paulo e o ―justiçamento‖ do industrial Henning Boilesen, em resposta ao assassinato de sua principal liderança, Devanir José de Carvalho, ocorrida em abril de 1971 quando a organização já se encontrava cercada pelos órgãos de repressão.
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Rubio, Giesecke Daniela. „Las guerrillas peruanas de 1965: entre los movimientos campesinos y la teoría foquista“. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122151.
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This article studies the ideology which oriented the revolutionary activity of the guerrillas in Peru in 1965. The article argues that in those areas where there were strong peasant organizations the guerrillas were not successful because they were viewed as outsiders. The social and ideological composition of the principal actors (the peasants and the guerrillas) are analyzed, as well as the interaction between the two. The article aims to provide a new reading of the radical leftist guerrilla movements which arose in the mid-sixties.La ideología que guió la acción revolucionaria de las guerrillas en el Perú en 1965 es el tema del presente artículo. Este sostiene que en aquellas zonas donde hubo una fuerte organización campesina, la guerrilla no tuvo éxito porque fue vista como un elemento externo. En el texto se analizan la composición social e ideología de los principales agentes sociales (campesinos y guerrilleros) y la interacción entre ambos. En suma, se trata de una nueva lectura del accionar de los grupos de izquierda radical a mediados de la década de 1960.
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CAPISANI, LORENZO MARCO. „La Cina da impero a Stato nazionale: la definizione di uno spazio politico negli anni Venti“. Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/20588.
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La tesi si concentra sul Partito Nazionalista Cinese negli anni Venti come punto privilegiato di osservazione del cambiamento politico della Cina dopo la Prima guerra mondiale. Questo decennio rappresentò un momento di definizione identitaria sia per i comunisti sia per i nazionalisti. La storiografia ne ha sottolineato numerosi aspetti, ma si è finora occupata del periodo 1919-1928 come una preistoria degli anni Trenta piuttosto che come un autonomo segmento di storia cinese. Studi recenti hanno superato implicitamente questo approccio criticando due date periodizzanti fondamentali per il Novecento cinese: la nascita della Repubblica nazionalista (1911) e la nascita della Repubblica Popolare (1949). A metà tra queste due date, gli anni Venti sono emersi come snodo decisivo nel passaggio da impero a Stato nazionale, durante cui si definì un nuovo spazio di discussione politica. Questo processo, pur interno, subì l’influsso delle strategie internazionali di sovietici e statunitensi dando vita a una nuova visione non soltanto della rivoluzione ma anche dello Stato post-rivoluzionario. Le classi dirigenti nazionalista e comunista, durante la collaborazione, si rivelarono dinamiche e tale “competizione” si trasferì anche all’interno di ciascun movimento diventando un fattore determinante per il successo o il fallimento del partito inteso come moderna formazione politica.The thesis focuses on the Chinese Nationalist Party in the 1920s as a special standpoint to analyze the political changes in China after the World War I. That decade was crucial for shaping the identity of nationalists and communists. Many works have already examined some aspects, but they mostly considered the years 1919-1928 as a pre-history of the Thirties rather than an autonomous part of Chinese history. Recent studies have overcome this approach by criticizing two of the main periodization in the Chinese twentieth century: the birth of the nationalist Republic (1911) and the birth of the People’s Republic (1949). Halfway, the 1920s stood out as a critical juncture in the transition from empire to nation-state. A new space of political discussion was defined. The process, albeit internal, was under the influence of the USSR and US international strategies and gave birth not only to a new vision of the revolution, but also to a vision of the post-revolutionary state. Also, the nationalist and communist leaderships turned out to be dynamic. That "competition" may be seen also within the two political movements and became a shaping factor for the success or failure of the party as a modern political formation.
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CAPISANI, LORENZO MARCO. „La Cina da impero a Stato nazionale: la definizione di uno spazio politico negli anni Venti“. Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/20588.
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La tesi si concentra sul Partito Nazionalista Cinese negli anni Venti come punto privilegiato di osservazione del cambiamento politico della Cina dopo la Prima guerra mondiale. Questo decennio rappresentò un momento di definizione identitaria sia per i comunisti sia per i nazionalisti. La storiografia ne ha sottolineato numerosi aspetti, ma si è finora occupata del periodo 1919-1928 come una preistoria degli anni Trenta piuttosto che come un autonomo segmento di storia cinese. Studi recenti hanno superato implicitamente questo approccio criticando due date periodizzanti fondamentali per il Novecento cinese: la nascita della Repubblica nazionalista (1911) e la nascita della Repubblica Popolare (1949). A metà tra queste due date, gli anni Venti sono emersi come snodo decisivo nel passaggio da impero a Stato nazionale, durante cui si definì un nuovo spazio di discussione politica. Questo processo, pur interno, subì l’influsso delle strategie internazionali di sovietici e statunitensi dando vita a una nuova visione non soltanto della rivoluzione ma anche dello Stato post-rivoluzionario. Le classi dirigenti nazionalista e comunista, durante la collaborazione, si rivelarono dinamiche e tale “competizione” si trasferì anche all’interno di ciascun movimento diventando un fattore determinante per il successo o il fallimento del partito inteso come moderna formazione politica.The thesis focuses on the Chinese Nationalist Party in the 1920s as a special standpoint to analyze the political changes in China after the World War I. That decade was crucial for shaping the identity of nationalists and communists. Many works have already examined some aspects, but they mostly considered the years 1919-1928 as a pre-history of the Thirties rather than an autonomous part of Chinese history. Recent studies have overcome this approach by criticizing two of the main periodization in the Chinese twentieth century: the birth of the nationalist Republic (1911) and the birth of the People’s Republic (1949). Halfway, the 1920s stood out as a critical juncture in the transition from empire to nation-state. A new space of political discussion was defined. The process, albeit internal, was under the influence of the USSR and US international strategies and gave birth not only to a new vision of the revolution, but also to a vision of the post-revolutionary state. Also, the nationalist and communist leaderships turned out to be dynamic. That "competition" may be seen also within the two political movements and became a shaping factor for the success or failure of the party as a modern political formation.
Bücher zum Thema "National revolutionary movement"
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Primitive rebels or revolutionary modernizers?: The Kurdish national movement in Turkey. London: Zed Books, 2000.
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Amílcar Cabral: Revolutionary leadersip and people's war. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2003.
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Malāḥim al-jihād al-waṭanī al-Lībī: Silsilat tārīkh mā aghfalahu al-taʼrīkh. Bayrūt: Muntadá al-Maʻārif, 2014.
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Institut national d'histoire de l'art. La circulation des oeuvres d'art = The circulation of works of art in the revolutionary era: 1789-1848. [Actes du colloque international redistributions, révolutions, politique, guerre et déplacement de l'art = revolution, politics, war and the movement of art, 1789-1848, qui s'est tenu à Paris, à l'institut national d'histoire de l'art du 9 au 11 décembre 2004]. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2007.
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Barbara, Harlow. Resistance literature. New York: Methuen, 1987.
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Edwin, Thumboo, Hrsg. Literature and liberation: Five essays from Southeast Asia. Manila, Philippines: Solidaridad Pub. House, 1988.
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Harlow, Barbara. Resistance literature. New York: Methuen, 1986.
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Kuznetsova, Alexandra, und Sergey Sergeev. Revolutionary nationalism in contemporary Russia. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the main varieties and trends in the development of national revolutionary organisations in Russia from the 1990s until 2010s: national Bolsheviks, national anarchists, national socialists (supporters of the ‘white revolution’), and national democrats. It shows how the genesis of the various Russian national revolutionary organisations is closely connected with the social and economic crises that have struck post-Soviet Russia: the Russian ‘ressentiment’ of the 1990s gave rise to the national Bolsheviks; the economic growth of the 2000s, accompanied by an influx of migrants, inspired the Nazi skinheads/national socialists; and the growth of protest sentiments, which in 2011–2012 erupted in the mass movement ‘For Fair Elections’, led to the emergence of the national democrats. However, after the annexation of Crimea, the authorities managed to intercept the agenda of the nationalist movement, subsequently splitting and weakening it.
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From Popular Movements to Rebellion. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.
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Samaddar, Ranabir. From Popular Movements to Rebellion: The Naxalite Decade. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.
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Clinton, Maggie. „The New Life Movement and national sacrifice“. In Routledge Handbook of Revolutionary China, 173–84. First edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, [2019]: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315626727-12.
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Panossian, Razmik. „The Diaspora and the Karabagh Movement: Oppositional Politics between the Armenian Revolutionary Federation and the Armenian National Movement“. In The Making of Nagorno-Karabagh, 155–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230508965_6.
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Deonandan, Kalowatie. „Guyana’s PPP: From Socialism to National Democracy“. In From Revolutionary Movements to Political Parties, 107–31. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230609778_6.
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Prevost, Gary. „Revolutionaries in Power: The Evolution of the African National Congress“. In From Revolutionary Movements to Political Parties, 133–56. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230609778_7.
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Cummins, Ian. „The View from the West: Marx's and Engels' General Theories of Revolutionary Change“. In Marx, Engels and National Movements, 11–27. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003420576-1.
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Frevert, Ute. „Feeling Political in Demonstrations: Street Politics in Germany, 1832–2018“. In Feeling Political, 341–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89858-8_12.
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AbstractThis chapter focuses on street politics in Germany. Before the establishment of elected parliaments, there were social movements in which citizens united to make public demands for political representation. The practice of democracy in such associations was synonymous with practicing political feelings—democracy involved a high level of emotional excitement and dynamism. The decades preceding the 1848 revolution, the post-revolutionary 1920s and early 1930s (including National Socialist mobilization), and the social movements of the 1970s and 1980s illustrate how emotions served as mobilizing forces and were necessary for sustaining personal involvement and political activism. Yet these examples also shed light on the problematic side of political emotions, which could sometimes block or polarize political debate and obstruct collective action. The more action in the public sphere was defined by passion, the more exclusionary politics could become: this was the argument mounted by early liberalism against women’s political participation.
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Gordon, Joel. „"Revolutionary Jurisprudence"“. In Nasser's Blessed Movement. American University in Cairo Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774167782.003.0004.
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This chapter examines how the Free Officers laid the groundwork for their revolution. During the first six months in power, the officers gradually came to see themselves not only as the vanguard of the struggle for national independence but as legitimate rulers of Egypt. They acted swiftly, purging political ranks and reforming the constitution. They abolished the political parties and assumed direct authority over the country. This was how the Free Officers declared their revolution. The chapter first considers the “blessed movement,” the term used by the Free Officers to refer to themselves, and the military junta they established before discussing the two factions, known as the minimalists and maximalists, that differed in attitude toward the issue of military rule. It also explores how the Free Officers' abolition of political parties intersect with the controversies of the previous six months: the resistance to voluntary “purification” and party organization, and opposition to land reform.
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Gordon, Joel. „“Revolutionary Jurisprudence”“. In Nasser’s Blessed Movement, 58–78. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195069358.003.0004.
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Abstract During the first six months of their rule the officers slowly came to see themselves not only as the vanguard of the struggle for national independence but as legitimate rulers of their country. Initially, they opted for an indirect role, intending less the construction of a new social and political order than a ;wift housecleaning, a purging of political ranks accompanied by constitutional reform. For them, as for disillusioned liberals, the specter of chaos hovered over a decaying social and political order. Revolution from below could be forestalled only by reform from above. In time they adopted a more aggressive posture toward political antagonists. Finally, frustrated by the resistance of the old political establishment, the unwillingness of the old guard to hand power to a new generation of leaders and, ultimately, of many young guard allies to burn bridges with their elders, the officers abolished the political parties and assumed direct authority over the country. In doing so, they declared their revolution.
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„The Romanian Communist Party and the World Communist Movement:“. In Revolutionary Breakthroughs and National Development, 233–72. University of California Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.2430458.20.
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Rodríguez, Miles V. „Revolutionary Antagonism and Movement Decay“. In Movements After Revolution, 98–126. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197558102.003.0006.
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Abstract Chapter Five analyzes how a unique series of organizations from the labor and agrarian movements, best represented by the Communist-led Bloque Obrero y Campesino Nacional (National Worker and Peasant Bloc, BOCN) and the Confederación Sindical Unitaria de México (Unitary Union Confederation of Mexico, CSUM), sought to engage in revolutionary struggle against the state, which had calamitous consequences for them.
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "National revolutionary movement"
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Kuras, Leonid, Norovsambuu Khishigt und Bazar Tsybenov. „From «Revolution in Kolchakia» to the Mongolian Revolution, 1921“. In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.42.
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In the frame of transnational history the article examines the connection between the Russian revolution, 1917 with Civil war in Siberia and the Mongolian revolution, 1921. Along with it, the article reveals cooperation of Bolshevik party, Comintern and leaders of Buryat national movement with Mongolian leaders of national liberation movement for introduction of revolutionary ideas in Mongolia. The special attention is given to the ideologists and leaders of the Mongolian revolution, and Mongolian-Tibetan department in the section of Asian peoples.
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Williams, Ian. „“A STATION ABOVE THAT OF ANGELS”: THE VISION OF ISLAMIC EDUCATION WITHIN PLURALISTIC SOCIETIES IN THE THOUGHT OF FETHULLAH GÜLEN - A STUDY OF CONTRASTS BETWEEN TURKEY AND THE UK“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/jmbu4194.
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Gülen cites ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib as saying, ‘... if a person’s intellect dominates his or her desire and ferocity, he or she rises to a station above that of angels ...’. Both historically as well as in modern contexts Muslim education is not characterised by uniformity but rather by a plurality of actors, institutions, ideas and political milieus. The two central questions are: What is required to live as a Muslim in the present world? Who is qualified to teach in this time? The debate over the nature and purpose of Islamic education is no recent phenomenon. It has been conducted for the past two centuries throughout the Islamic world: the transmission of both spiritual and empirical knowledge has always been dependent upon the support of religious, social and political authorities. Based on fieldwork in Turkey and the UK amongst schools associated with the Gülen move- ment, examination of national government policies and on readings of contemporary Muslim educationalists, this paper seeks to examine the ideals of Fethullah Gülen on contemporary Islamic and religious education. It reports critically on the contribution of these schools to social cohesion, inter-religious dialogue and common ambitions for every child and student. We should accept the fact that there is a specific way of being Muslim, which reflects the Turkish understanding and practices in those regions [which] stretch from Central Asia to the Balkans. [Ocak 1996 79] Islam, a rich and strong tradition in many diverse societies is both a living faith and in every generation has been the means of enabling Muslims to address social developments, justice, and both corporate and individual questions of identity and ethics. Drawing on the Qur’an, Hadith, Sunnah and fiqh new Islamic social movements have constantly formed fresh public spaces in which new identities and lifestyles could emerge. Some of the finest expressions of Islam have occurred in the most pluralist religio-social circumstances when intellectual dis- course, educational achievements and social harmony have flourished. Amongst contempo- rary Islamic thinkers who are professedly concerned to interpret the sources and their practice in an “Islamically correct” manner is Fethullah Gülen [b. 1938], the spiritual father of what is probably the most active Turkish-Islamic movement of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. In considering this movement however, one soon realizes that Fethullah Gülen is neither an innovator with a new and unique theology nor a revolutionary. His understanding of Islam is oriented within the conservative mainstream and his arguments are rooted in the traditional sources of Islam. They stand in a lineage represented as I shall argue through al-Ghazali, Mevlana Jalal ud-Din Rumi, Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, and in company with Muhammad Asad and Muhammad Naquib Syed Al-Attas, and Seyyed Hossein Nasr. Nonetheless, in less than thirty years his followers as Islamic activists have made significant contributions to inter-communal and national peace, inter-religious dialogue, economic development, and most certainly in the field of education out of all proportion to their numbers. Moreover, this is a de-centralised polymorphic social movement.
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Ugur, Etga. „RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.