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1
Gurung, Pramita. „Study of social security laws and policy relating to labour in organized sector in India“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2018. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/2818.
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2
Doye, Zoe. „The Labour party and public housing, 1951-64 : an examination of national policy and its implementation in London“. Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.412476.
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The main theme of this thesis is an examination of Labour Party policies regarding public housing, 1951-64. In order to explore fully the varied and changing Party policy towards public housing, this thesis moves between a national and local level, drawing upon examples of policy and politics from London local government. SpeCifically it takes as its focus four Labour Partyrun councils; the London County Council and Islington, st. Pancras and Lambeth. These local authorities differed significantly in their housing policies, regarding both whom they housed and how this choice related to the authorities' financial position and political priorities. Such local variation requires exploration. An investigation and comparison of Labour's housing policies provides a location from which to examine the ideology of the Labour Party. During this period, there was much debate within the Party over issues of rents, rate subsidies, race and municipalisation. These debates offer a window into the broader political divisions within the Labour Party. Specifically, an examination of Labour's housing agenda has allowed this thesis to examine the twin considerations of finance and politics at both a local and national level. The two strands of this thesis - housing and Labour Party ideology - allow this thesis to isolate two important areas of investigation. The first of these is the existing gap in the historiography of the Labour Party and local politics. Specifically, making a case study of St. Pancras borough council, this thesis starts to explore the nature of the Labour Party within local government and the relationship and tension between local and national Party. Generally, moving between the national and local level allows the thesis to discuss, with regards to housing policy and finance, the issue of local authority autonomy from central government and national party. The second area of investigation of this thesis is an exploration of the competing pressures of principles and pragmatism in the Labour Party's political consciousness, or policy decisions. Therefore, the thesis explores how far the pragmatic demands of governance were in conflict with, for instance, policies such as municipalisation that many Labour Party members saw as furthering socialism.
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Graham, Clarissa Jane. „The role of national trade union organisations in South Africa’s foreign policy processes : 1999-2012“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85684.
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Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The role and influence of interest groups and non-state actors in the foreign policy process remains an interesting topic for debate. This study explores the role of three South African trade union organisations, COSATU, FEDUSA and Solidariteit, in the foreign policy process of South Africa. It asks what role these trade union organisations played between 1999 and 2012 in the South African foreign policy process and what factors had a bearing on that role. The core argument of this study is that trade union organisations participate in creating public awareness of foreign policy issues among its members and the broader population. Through this role they, in turn, get involved in the foreign policy debate by promoting the participation of the masses. The dual approach of quantitative and qualitative content analysis of online news articles, statements and policy documents produced interesting results about the factors that motivate trade union interests in the South African foreign policy process. The main findings show that South African trade union organisations attempt to influence or engage in the economic and foreign policy processes when it affects their members. Their economic focus is on the extent to which economic factors have a bearing on how the macro-economic policy of the state favours the wealth and development of its citizens over the financial gain of international investors. Interesting findings are presented by the political factors that have a bearing on trade union organisations‟ roles in the foreign policy process of South Africa. The results show that trade union organisations have an inherent interest in the strengthening of democratic values, governance and the protection of human rights. Similar to the analysis of economic factors, it was found that South African trade unions show a greater interest in foreign policy events or issues that affect trade unions or workers domestically or in other states. This can be attributed to the strong sense of solidarity among trade union organisations for greater representation in political and policy processes. The findings of this study imply that South African trade union organisations are part of a growing trend among non-state actors and domestic interest groups that take an interest in issues and events beyond national borders. The results of this study correspond with arguments made in existing literature that South Africa trade union organisations play a minimal role in the making of foreign policy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die rol en invloed van belangegroepe en niestaatsrolspelers in die vorming van buitelandse beleid bly 'n interessante onderwerp vir bespreking. Hierdie studie verken die rol van drie Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies – Cosatu, Fedusa en Solidariteit – in die ontwikkeling van die land se buitelandse beleid. Dit ondersoek die rol wat hierdie organisasies tussen 1999 en 2012 in buitelandse beleid gespeel het, en die faktore wat daardie rol beïnvloed het. Die kernargument van hierdie studie is dat vakbondorganisasies hul lede sowel as die groter publiek van kwessies met betrekking tot buitelandse beleid help bewus maak. Deurdat hulle massadeelname aanmoedig, word die organisasies op hulle beurt by die debat oor buitelandse beleid betrek. Die dubbele benadering van kwantitatiewe én kwalitatiewe inhoudsontleding van aanlyn nuusberigte, verklarings en beleidsdokumente bring interessante resultate oor die redes vir vakbondbelangstelling in Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid aan die lig. Die hoofbevindinge toon dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies die vorming van ekonomiese en buitelandse beleid probeer beïnvloed of daaraan deelneem wanneer dit hul lede raak. Ekonomies konsentreer hulle veral op die mate waarin die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die staat die welvaart en ontwikkeling van sy burgers bo finansiële gewin vir internasionale beleggers stel. Dit is egter veral die politieke beweegredes vir vakbonddeelname aan die land se buitelandse beleid wat insiggewende resultate oplewer. Die studie bevind dat vakbonde 'n inherente belang het by die versterking van demokratiese waardes en bestuur, en die beskerming van menseregte. Soos met die ekonomiese faktore, dui die ontleding van die politieke faktore ook daarop dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbonde 'n groter belangstelling toon in gebeure of kwessies insake buitelandse beleid wat vakbonde of hul lede binnelands sowel as in ander state raak. Dít kan toegeskryf word aan die sterk samehorigheidsgevoel onder vakbondorganisasies om gesamentlik beter verteenwoordiging in politieke en beleidsprosesse te bekom. Die bevindinge van hierdie studie impliseer dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies deel uitmaak van 'n toenemende tendens onder niestaatsrolspelers en binnelandse belangegroepe om al hoe meer in kwessies en gebeure buite landsgrense belang te stel. Die resultate van die studie ooreenstem met die argumente gestel in bestaande literatuur dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbond organisasies ʼn beperkte rol binne buitelandse-beleidsmaking speel.
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Wright, Christopher F. „Policy legacies and the politics of labour immigration selection and control : the processes and dynamics shaping national-level policy decisions during the recent wave of international migration“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/237050.
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The two decades preceding the global financial crisis of 2008 saw an increase in international migration flows. This development was accompanied by the relaxation of immigration entry controls for select categories of foreign workers across the developed world. The scale of labour immigration, and the categories of foreign workers granted entry, varied considerably across states. To some extent, these developments transcended the traditional classifications of comparative immigration politics. This thesis examines the reform process in two states with contrasting policy legacies that adopted liberal labour immigration selection and control policies during the abovementioned period. The instrumental role that immigration has played in the process of nation-building in Australia has led it to be classified as a 'traditional destination state' with a positive immigration policy legacy. By contrast, immigration has not been significant in the formation of national identity in the United Kingdom. It has a more negative immigration policy legacy and is generally regarded as a 'reluctant state'. Examining the reasons for liberal shifts in labour immigration policy in two states with different immigration politics allows insights to be gained into the processes of policy-making and the dynamics that underpin it. In Australia, labour immigration controls were relaxed incrementally and through a deliberative process. Reform was justified on the grounds that it fulfilled economic needs and objectives, and was consistent with an accepted definition of the national interest. In the UK, liberal shifts in labour immigration policy were the incidental consequence of the pursuit of objectives in other policy areas. Reform was implemented unilaterally, and in an uncoordinated manner characterised by an absence of consultation. The contrast in the manner in which reform was managed by the various actors, institutions and stakeholders involved in the process both reflected, and served to reinforce, the immigration policy legacies of the two states. Moreover, the Howard government used Australia's positive legacy to construct a coherent narrative to justify the implementation of liberal reform. This generated greater immediate and lasting support for its reforms among stakeholders and the broader community. By contrast, lacking a similarly positive legacy, the Blair government in the UK found it difficult to create such a narrative, which contributed to the unpopularity of its reforms. This thesis therefore argues that policy legacies had a significant impact on the processes and dynamics that shaped labour immigration selection and control decisions during the recent wave of international migration. The cases demonstrate that a nation's past immigration policy experiences shape its policy-making structures, as well as institutional and stakeholder policy preferences, which are core constituent components of a nation's immigration politics. The UK case shows that even when reluctant states implement liberal labour immigration policies, these characteristics tend to create feedback effects that make it difficult for reform to be durable. The relationship between immigration policy and politics thus becomes self-reinforcing. But this does not necessarily mean that states' immigration politics are rigid, since the institutions that help to make a nation's immigration policy and shape its politics will inevitably undergo a process of adaptation in response to changing contexts.
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Harrison, Isabel D. „State and labour in the U.S. : the Carter administration and the AFL-CIO, 1976-1980 : political strategy and the National Accord“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61edc432-a93d-4892-9c4b-a1c90591fb8c.
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The Accord was a political exchange whereby the labour leadership participated in the wage restraint programme in return for consultative rights and specific quid pro quo policies, including countercyclical measures to offset fiscal austerity. The President subsequently sustained a policy of fiscal and monetary restraint despite the approaching election and the increasing protests of organized labour. However, in the face of strong opposition from some of Carter's senior economists, the labour leaders secured significant modifications to the second year of the pay standard. The 1980 presidential election renewed incentives for continuing cooperation when economic policy otherwise jeopardized relations.
6
Economou, Nicholas. „Greening the Commonwealth : the Australian Labor Party government's management of national environmental politics, 1983-1996 /“. Connect to thesis, 1998. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000333.
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7
Kinge, Josie. „The partnership experiment : changing employee relations in the National Health Service : examining the viability of partnership between management, trade unions and the workforce“. Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/296753.
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Partnership has enjoyed fresh attention since the 1990s and consequently is a growing yet increasingly fragmented area of research. With the incoming Labour Government in 1997, policy has aimed to replace conflict with co-operation in employee relations. Partnership is an approach to managing the employment relationship based on the search for common ground between management, employees and their representatives and involves the development of long-term relationships built on high levels of trust and respect. Approaches to, and models of, partnership are still at a formative stage with no consensus on how partnership develops effectively. Despite the recognition that to understand partnership fully the study of the processes involved is necessary, little is known about these processes involved. Furthermore, the current body of literature on partnership in a UK context is limited in terms of its theoretical basis. The research set out to identify through which theoretical mechanisms partnership works. Informed by social exchange theory, the study examines the viability of partnership within the NHS and attempts to understand the conditions for its successful development. Two stages of empirical research using a mainly qualitative design were conducted. The first stage of fieldwork involved a preliminary investigation of the introduction of partnership in the National Health Service. The aim of this stage was to trace the introduction of partnership and to understand its antecedents and what had set out to achieve using data from eleven in depth interviews with key players at national, regional and local levels throughout the service. Stage two followed a case study approach and investigated the development of partnership in four NHS Acute Trusts. This stage involved a range of techniques (i.e. semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and documentation) examining the views of fifty five respondents from management and trade union representatives across the four Trusts and used data from 543 questionnaires to investigate employee's experiences of partnership. The study contributes to the partnership literature on the developmental processes of partnerships by utilising social exchange theory to better understand the viability of partnership. In particular, examining partnership from a social exchange perspective enabled a deeper understanding of the decision processes involved when deciding whether to co-operate. The study demonstrates that the theory (and its related concepts) can be helpful in examining the viability of partnership in understanding the mechanisms that lead to its successful development and the maintenance of the relationship over time. In assessing the viability of partnership, the thesis identifies the conditions under which partnership produces its effects and demonstrates how these differed in terms of changes in both the climate and the behaviour and attitudes of participants. In sum, the idea of social exchange would seem to provide an underpinning rationale for partnership. Some support for a new and expanding role for the trade union involving jOint work in developing policies was found. Trade unions appear to have a legitimate role in the relationship which is on the whole accepted by key management and trade union players. However, the union role has a low profile amongst managers and employees and trade unions lacked the organisation needed for partnership to be effective. Moreover, if trade unions are going to reap the potential rewards of partnership there should be a continuing effort to address the problems of capacity and capability (by increasing the numbers and capability of union representatives) in order to raise the profile and acceptance of the union among management and employees. In addition, there is a requirement for adequate training and support to ensure that these representatives have the attitude, skills and confidence to become effective representatives of the workforce.
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Faulkner, Xandra Madeleine, und n/a. „The Spirit of Accommodation: The Influence of the ALP's National Factions on Party Policy, 1996-2004“. Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070216.133604.
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This thesis explores the influence of the Australian Labor Party's (ALP's) national factions on Party policy. The specific emphasis is on policy development during Labor's 1996-2004 period in opposition. Through a total of 88 interviews, predominantly with members of Caucus including Kim Beazley, Simon Crean and Mark Latham, this thesis has been able to examine not only the formal policy development processes but, significantly, also the informal processes within the Party. The thesis begins with an overview of the national factions' organisation and operations in relation to policy development in both the organisational and parliamentary wings. It concentrates on exploring how the informal processes of the faction system dominate the formal Party structures, and demonstrates how the factional elite control these decision-making forums. The thesis then concentrates on analysing in-depth the factional influences on policies developed within the Immigration, Trade and Family and Community Services portfolios. These case studies were selected because they provoked debate, to varying degrees, in the Party. An understanding of how consensus was reached among the diverse perspectives, particularly between the factions, within the Party is critical to exploring the relationship between the national factions and policy development. The case studies cover a range of policy development modes, and therefore provide ample opportunity to explore factional dynamics in relation to policy formulation under different circumstances throughout the 1996-2004 period. This thesis utilises Arend Lijphart's theory of the Politics of Accommodation, which was originally developed to explain inter-party negotiations within the Dutch coalition government during the twentieth century. This theory is relevant to the study of the ALP's modern factions because, similar to the Dutch political system, the faction system operates on the power-sharing principle of proportional representation (PR). By applying Lijphart's theoretical framework, this thesis provides a rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the ALP's factional dynamics in relation to policy. It gives an in-depth analysis of the elite control of the faction system in the domain of policy development. It demonstrates that faction leaders resolve contentious policy issues by negotiating in a 'spirit of accommodation' and when the factions adopt a policy position, the unwritten rules of the 'factional game' are applied to ensure the national factions reach a consensus on Party policy. Given that the national factions compete for power and sometimes pursue a different set of policy objectives, this 'spirit of accommodation' appears to be paradoxical; this palliative application of factional power is arguably in contrast to the general perception of faction politics. Through the presentation and analysis of original primary data this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the study of the ALP and factions in general, significantly advancing existing knowledge.
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Faulkner, Xandra Madeleine. „The Spirit of Accommodation: The Influence of the ALP's National Factions on Party Policy, 1996-2004“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366353.
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This thesis explores the influence of the Australian Labor Party's (ALP's) national factions on Party policy. The specific emphasis is on policy development during Labor's 1996-2004 period in opposition. Through a total of 88 interviews, predominantly with members of Caucus including Kim Beazley, Simon Crean and Mark Latham, this thesis has been able to examine not only the formal policy development processes but, significantly, also the informal processes within the Party. The thesis begins with an overview of the national factions' organisation and operations in relation to policy development in both the organisational and parliamentary wings. It concentrates on exploring how the informal processes of the faction system dominate the formal Party structures, and demonstrates how the factional elite control these decision-making forums. The thesis then concentrates on analysing in-depth the factional influences on policies developed within the Immigration, Trade and Family and Community Services portfolios. These case studies were selected because they provoked debate, to varying degrees, in the Party. An understanding of how consensus was reached among the diverse perspectives, particularly between the factions, within the Party is critical to exploring the relationship between the national factions and policy development. The case studies cover a range of policy development modes, and therefore provide ample opportunity to explore factional dynamics in relation to policy formulation under different circumstances throughout the 1996-2004 period. This thesis utilises Arend Lijphart's theory of the Politics of Accommodation, which was originally developed to explain inter-party negotiations within the Dutch coalition government during the twentieth century. This theory is relevant to the study of the ALP's modern factions because, similar to the Dutch political system, the faction system operates on the power-sharing principle of proportional representation (PR). By applying Lijphart's theoretical framework, this thesis provides a rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the ALP's factional dynamics in relation to policy. It gives an in-depth analysis of the elite control of the faction system in the domain of policy development. It demonstrates that faction leaders resolve contentious policy issues by negotiating in a 'spirit of accommodation' and when the factions adopt a policy position, the unwritten rules of the 'factional game' are applied to ensure the national factions reach a consensus on Party policy. Given that the national factions compete for power and sometimes pursue a different set of policy objectives, this 'spirit of accommodation' appears to be paradoxical; this palliative application of factional power is arguably in contrast to the general perception of faction politics. Through the presentation and analysis of original primary data this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the study of the ALP and factions in general, significantly advancing existing knowledge.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
Full Text
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Lingayah, Sanjiv. „Between the lines : contours of nation, multiculture and race equality in policy discourse in the New Labour period“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/932/.
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This thesis examines how New Labour policymakers and Black and Minority Ethnic (BME)-led race equality organisations articulated and connected themes of nation, multiculture and ‘race’ equality in policy discourse and discussions over the New Labour period. My study extends previous accounts of New Labour and multicultural discourses by incorporating the significant, but not always influential, role of BME civil society actors in such policy discussions. My research draws on documents and archival material from and interviews with policymakers and race equality actors. I analyse this data using a qualitative thematic approach to discern changing policy discourses and claims about the state of the multicultural nation and the place of race equality within it. In the study I suggest that, after a promising start, New Labour policymakers came to understand the relationship between nation, multiculture and race equality as a troubled and troubling one. At the same time, the three BME-led race equality organisations that I focus on in my research struggled to counter government discourses of parallel lives, community cohesion and Britishness that were detrimental to efforts to combat race inequality. Policy and policy discursive interventions of BME-led race equality organisations were thrown off course not only by New Labour but also by ‘new ethnicities’, and the idea of complex and diverse BMEness’. BME-led organisations have struggled to engage with this latter destabilisation, let alone develop a politics capable of overcoming such issues. I therefore end my thesis by suggesting that, if BME-led race equality organisations are to shape policy debates on race equality, there is much hard labour and re-thinking about BMEness and re-organising for them still to do.
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Tunney, Sean. „An exploration of Labour Party policy and debates on national newspaper ownership from 1972-2002, with regard to models for achieving pluralistic and democratic ownership of the media“. Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/90240.
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Górniok, Łukasz. „Swedish refugee policymaking in transition? : Czechoslovaks and Polish Jews in Sweden, 1968-1972“. Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-119532.
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The aim of this dissertation is to examine the Swedish government’s responses to the Prague Spring, the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, the anti-Semitic campaigns in Poland and, first and foremost, to Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees fleeing their native countries as a result of these event during the formative period of the late 1960s and early 1970s. This has been accomplished by examining the entire process from the decision to admit the refugees in 1968, to their reception and economic integration into Swedish society during the seven-year period necessary for acquiring Swedish citizenship. This study also analyzes discourses in Swedish newspapers relating to these matters and compares the media’s treatment of these two groups. The investigation is guided by factors influencing refugee policy formation such as bureaucratic choices, international relations, local absorption capacity, national security considerations, and Cold War considerations. Press cuttings, diplomatic documents, telegrams, protocols from the departments and government agencies involved, as well as reports from the resettlement centres, and, finally, refugees’ applications for citizenship form the empirical basis of this study. The period under investigation coincides with three key developments in Sweden’s foreign, refugee, and immigrant policies – the emergence of a more activist foreign policy, the shift from labour migration to refugee migration and, finally, the shift from a policy of integration to multiculturalism. In this regard, the overarching objective of the study is to shed some light on these developments and to determine whether the arrival, reception, and integration of these refugees should be regarded as the starting point for new policies towards immigrants and minorities in Sweden, or if it should rather be seen as the finale of the policies that had begun to develop at the end of World War II. The results demonstrate that Sweden’s refugee policy formation of the late 1960s and early 1970s was hardly affected by these major developments. It could be argued that a more active foreign policy was evident in the criticism of the events in Czechoslovakia and Poland and in the admission of the Czechoslovak of Polish-Jewish refugees to Sweden, but a detailed analysis of the motives shows that these decisions were primarily the result of international relations, national security considerations, and economic capacity, along with other considerations that had guided Swedish refugee policy in previous decades. Similarly, at the centre of Sweden’s reception of the Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees during the late 1960s and early 1970s was, like in previous decades, the labour market orientation of Sweden’s refugee policy. The Czechoslovaks and Polish-Jews did not experience any multiculturalist turn. Overall, Sweden’s responses to the Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees were consistent with the objectives developed at the end of World War II and thus did not represent a transition in Swedish refugee policymaking.
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Fox, Talia Mestel. „Co-opting sustainabilities : the transformative politics of labor and extended producer responsibility under Brazil's national solid waste policy“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118208.
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Thesis: M.C.P., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, 2018.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 94-101).
Growing levels of global solid waste production implore society to identify the actors responsible for preventing, reducing, and disposing of wasted material in a sustainable manner. Extended producer responsibility (EPR) and corporate social responsibility (CSR) are policy frameworks that hold accountable the manufacturers of goods that create post-consumer waste. National and state governments typically prescribe EPR through market mechanisms, performance standards, and disclosure requirements. CSR relies largely on voluntary programs that international bodies and corporations themselves establish to prevent or remediate socially and environmentally destructive behaviors. Responding to a paucity of research regarding adaptations of EPR to the global South, this thesis traces the origins and outcomes of the 2010 National Solid Waste Policy of Brazil (PNRS), which mandates EPR. I focus on a provision of the PNRS that prescribes CSR in fulfillment of EPR through partnerships between corporations and cooperatives of wastepickers: collectively-organized, self-employed individuals who separate, sort, and sell recyclable materials. Guiding this inquiry is a question regarding the implications of the interactions between the transnational sustainability frameworks of corporations and laborers. Through an analysis of the histories and realities of these interactions, I interrogate the dynamics that shape the structures of CSR programs and their evaluative tools under the PNRS, from the perspective of wastepickers. I assert that these CSR programs, while sources of technical and financial support for wastepickers, by design cannot actualize the concept of EPR because they fail to remunerate wastepickers as market actors. Furthermore, I demonstrate that by controlling the processes that assign and assess responsibility for waste management in Brazil, corporations have co-opted a sustainability discourse of labor that is intended to advance wastepickers' own fight for fair pay, rights, and recognition. Key Words Waste management; municipal solid waste; sustainability; extended producer responsibility, Brazil, waste picker; corporate social responsibility, labor, evidence-based policy.
by Talia Mestel Fox.
M.C.P.
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Timpson, Mark. „An international history of unemployment through the League of Nations and the International Labour Organization, 1931-1937“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f097700f-c18d-4acf-b17b-477f1fc11c36.
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Late in 1931, the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated that worldwide unemployment had reached 20-25 million. The ILO was also mindful that the consequences of unemployment were borne by dependents and concluded that the number of people directly affected by unemployment was therefore probably in the region of 50-60 million. The thesis revisits this old theme of the 'Hungry Thirties' but considers it in a new and different way. Most histories of unemployment during the Great Depression have been presented in national terms but this study examines unemployment from an international perspective by utilizing the League of Nations and ILO as sites through which to explore how debates about unemployment and how to respond to it were being internationalized. Utilizing the vast archives of the League of Nations and ILO, the thesis focuses on a series of interconnected themes - public works and economic policy, migration, housing, and nutrition - themes that the League and ILO identified as being the 'fallout' from unemployment. It builds on recent research of the League and ILO that has revealed more complex histories of these two international organizations and that has recognized that the 'technical' agencies were core functions that consumed significant resources of personnel and money. Crucially, this work not only continued during the 1930s but thrived even as the political atmosphere darkened; it is, therefore, a history that offers another side to the autarky and nationalism of the 1930s. The thesis also connects the technical agencies of the League of Nations to the ILO and, in contrast to the customary treatment of the interaction of these two organizations that emphasizes inter-agency tension, it identifies how the collaboration was an important step in the rediscovery of the fundamental connection between economy and society by linking economic policy to social and physical welfare.
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Oulická, Zdeňka. „Legal immigration - the specifics of national minorities in the Czech Republic“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124936.
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This thesis deals with legal immigration in the Czech Republic. The aim is to answer the question of whether migration is always mainly economic, that is, whether the main motive for migration is economic activity in the territory, or whether there are differences between different ethnic groups. The chosen method was the comparison of economic development and migration flows in selected countries in comparison with the Czech Republic. Furthermore the subject is an analysis of the economic activities of foreigners in the labor force and flexibility of the labor market in relation to the current economical crisis. The outcome of the thesis is the fact that Ukraine and Vietnam are typical representatives of countries with economic immigration and that motives for migration from Russia are not economical. An interesting finding of this work is the fact that even a restrictive policy of the state to protect the labor market did not affect a number of citizens in foreign territory (Czech Republic), only it reduced their total employment.
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Mgoqi, Nyameko Confidence. „The state and the non-governmental organisation sector in South Africa, 1994-2001: a case study of the relations between the National Development Agency, the Labour Research Service and the Institute for Democracy in South Africa“. Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This study was aimed at analysing structural relations between the State and the non-governmental organizations (NGO) sector. It focused on the relations between two NGOs, namely the Labour Research Service and the Institute for Democracy in South Africa on the one hand and the National Development Agency on the other. The National Development Agency is a State intermediary structure established to facilitate funding and policy dialogue between the State and the NGO sector. The three institutions have been included in order to analyse the way in which a state-designed institution relates with NGOs and in turn the NGOs responded in general.
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Zhang, Lanlin. „Labor market outcomes of PhD graduates in Canada and the policy implications an analysis of the National Graduate Survey in 1997“. Ottawa : National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2002. http://www.nlc-bnc.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ60927.pdf.
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Zhang, Lanlin. „Labor market outcomes of PhD graduates in Canada and the policy implications, an analysis of the National Graduate Survey in 1997“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ60927.pdf.
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Foster, Pauline Adele. „Retraining adults : an examination of national training policy, its influence on the structure and content of adult job retraining in further education and industry, and consequent impact on the experiences and perceptions of participating adults“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 1990. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34720/.
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This is a study of adult job retraining in further education and industry. Through indepth case studies of a small number of chemical and engineering companies and one college of further education, it attempts to develop an understanding of the broader relationship between further education, industry and government as it pertains to retraining. Data was collected by unstructured interview and participant observation. Supporting data was collected by means of postal questionnaires. The thesis is divided into four parts. Part one examines national government training and retraining policy; a policy characterised by ambiguity and ambivalance. Part two reviews the development of further education, and assesses the adult job retraining provision within one particular college. Part three examines retraining in industry and describes the enterprise restructuring under which retraining took place in three chemical companies. On the basis of findings outlined in Parts two and three, Part four asks whether further education is equipped to provide the type of retraining which industry believes it requires. The thesis concludes that, because industry and further education acknowledge two different concepts of retraining, a structural disengagement occurs. Further education seeks to provide individuals with general competencies whereas industry is concerned with enterprise specific retraining. The remainder of Part four examines the retraining experience from the point of view of trainees and students and looks at the way skills, in the context of training and retraining, undergo reconstruction. This thesis contributes to an area which is currently under-researched; and at a time of structural change within industry and further education, issues relating to retraining become important. The thesis examines this restructuring and suggests ways in which retraining can be reorganised for the benefit of industry, communities and individuals.
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Hlobilová, Lucie. „Problémy bezpečnosti a ochrany zdraví při práci“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76098.
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As a theme for my Master's Thesis I chose the theme of problems which are connected with application of Occupational Safety and Health Protection principles in practice. The aim of the Master's Thesis is to outline possible problems which we could come across while implementing the Occupational Safety and Health Protection policy and to map a major part of important legal enactments covering sphere of Occupational Safety and Health Protection. The Master's Thesis is divided into two parts, theoretical and practical one. In the theoretical part I at first briefly outline historical development of legal regulation in the Czech Republic then I proceed to a summary and characteristics of the most important contemporary legal enactments whereas I don' t omit an European legal regulation and legal regulation within the framework of International Labour Organisation. Another important part of the theoretical part is devoted to national policy of occupational safety and health protection at work. In the practical part I present the Occupational Safety and Health Protection problematic in practice and I focus on training, analysis and risk classification and formation of risk register in company Hella Autotechnik, s.r.o.
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Johansson, Jesper. „"Så gör vi inte här i Sverige. Vi brukar göra så här" : Retorik och praktik i LO:s invandrarpolitik 1945-1981“. Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2212.
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The primary purpose of this thesis is to analyse the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, the LO’s, mediated rhetoric, arguments and social and institutional practices in the process of forming the LO’s policy regarding the introduction, incorporation and participation of immigrants in Swedish society in general, the workplace and the trade union movement in the period 1945–1981. The theoretical purpose is to explore how power relations of superiority and subordination based primarily on the categories of class, ethnicity and nation, but also on gender and to some extent generation, have been formed through ideological processes of inclusion and boundary drawing in rhetorical speeches, texts and institutional practices within the framework of an explicit class-based community as the LO constituted. The results demonstrate that the LO had an ambivalent attitude towards labour immigration in an expanding post-war Swedish economy. On the one hand the trade unions accepted that industrial growth and general welfare reforms were dependent on the labour supply. On the other hand, the LO feared that uncontrolled labour immigration would be a disadvantage for indigenous workers, since wages could be kept low and obsolete industrial sectors could be maintained and the “solidarity wage policy” could be endangered because of the influx of migrant labour. Organising the immigrants was a central part of the union movement’s strategy, and the LO also insisted from the very beginning on equal wages and employment conditions between indigenous and immigrant workers to avoid wage pressures. During the second half of the 1960s and the 1970s, the LO repeatedly argued that the scale of immigration should be weighted against factors such as access to work, housing, social services, education and language teahcing. One major argument in the thesis is that within the LO, immigration policy measures were perceived to be a functional “adaptation” of immigrants to the already defined institutions, norms and national culture of the Swedish majority society. Accordingly, the immigrants were expected to adapt themselves to the “normal” Swedish and social democratic way of doing things in a rational and organised manner. During the 1970s, Swedish language training and company introduction with union attendance, translated information bulletins about the Swedish labour market and society, union courses and study circles could be seen as central means in a process of socialisation and “normalisation”. These policy measures were dimensions of a social democratic ideological identity project within the trade union movement, which was constructed as a symbol of the given national order and “the Swedish way of doing things”. The results also demonstrate how class, ethnicity, nation and gender have worked as structuring principles of power and status within the LO.
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Focacci, Chiara Natalie <1994>. „Framing Active Labour Market Policy“. Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2022. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/10043/1/TesiDottorato_CNFocacci.pdf.
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Contrary to passive benefits, ALMPs are intended to reskill individuals and require their ‘active’ participation to facilitate reinstatement into the labour market. In this thesis, I investigate how ALMPs do not remain a mere symbolic political message but become something which significantly helps individuals and benefits society. In particular, the thesis tries to raise the understanding of the economic and social effects of the law reflected in: i) the promotion of targeted reforms, ii) the evolution of labour market instruments embraced or disregarded by lawmakers, and iii) the existence of an identity in the labour market which has a social dynamic.
First, I study the effect of participating in a European active labour market policy aimed at fighting youth inactivity; namely, the recent Youth Guarantee. Then, I use text analysis to illustrate how the progressive emergence of an ALMP approach in the law corresponds, over time, to the rising success of policymakers in fighting unemployment and preventing the NEET emergency. Finally, I exploit experimental methods to demonstrate that occupationally inactive individuals may deviate from standard social norms, such as working, and therefore may avoid participating in job training, due to negative peer pressure from their sub-cultural group of reference.
In conclusion, this thesis sheds new light on the economic, institutional, and social implications of an active labour market policy approach by showing that measures to fight occupational inactivity can be effective insofar as we consider their framing; namely, their target, their institutional framework, and their societal role.
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Vogel, Luiz Henrique. „Negociar direitos? : legislação trabalhista e reforma neoliberal no governo FHC (1995-2002)“. Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2010. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4634.
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Ao longo do século XX, o Direito do Trabalho esteve associado a um arranjo político e social cujos sentidos estavam vinculados, entre outros aspectos, à civilização das relações de classe e à reprodução do capitalismo com democracia, no âmbito dos Estados nacionais. O propósito desta pesquisa é investigar como ocorreu o processo de deslocamento e reinterpretação desses sentidos (equivalente à codificação da razão do mais forte), no contexto da forte
hegemonia política da coalizão de centro-direita que governou o país entre 1995 e 2002. Nesse período, o Poder Executivo Federal, as principais organizações patronais, setores importantes da mídia impressa e a Força Sindical estiveram empenhados na promoção de profunda alteração dos traços centrais do modelo brasileiro de relações de trabalho, no qual a lei é mais importante na definição dos direitos substantivos do trabalho do que os contratos coletivos.
Para justificar politicamente essas alterações, o Poder Executivo e seus apoiadores apontaram a responsabilidade do modelo legislado pelos elevados custos do emprego formal, a
perda de competitividade da indústria, o aumento da informalidade e do desemprego durante o governo FHC. Por meio da leitura das justificativas dos projetos encaminhados ao Congresso Nacional pelo Poder Executivo, das manifestações de suas principais lideranças e dos apoiadores
na mídia e no meio sindical, a pesquisa busca interpretar o sentido político dessa leitura, apresentada como se fosse solução técnica e modernizante para uma legislação que estaria ultrapassada. Consideramos que a reforma trabalhista tinha claros propósitos políticos pois, além de repassar aos trabalhadores os custos do ajuste econômico nos anos 90, permitiu justificar na cena pública a retração do papel do Estado, bem como fortalecer o apoio de setores
importantes do patronato a esse projeto político.Throughout the twentieth century, labor law has been associated with a political and social arrangement that, within the national states, reproduced capitalism and civilized class relations. The research aims to analyze the shift in the interpretation and meaning of labor law, in the context of strong political hegemony of the center-right coalition that governed Brazil from 1995 to 2002. Throughout this period, the Federal Executive branch, the main employer organizations, important sectors of press and unions had been engaged in a battle to change the Brazilian model of work relations, in which labor law is more important than collective contracts, with regard to the definition of labor rights. In order to justify those changes, the Federal Executive branch and its supporters have considered the burden of the Brazilian model for the formal employment high costs, the competitiveness loss of local industries, the unemployment and informal sector growth during the Cardoso administration. The research analyzes the justifications of legislative initiatives sent to National Congress by Federal Executive branch, the speeches of its political leaders and supporters in the media press and among unions with the purpose of interpret the political meaning of this project, sold to public as a technical and modern solution to a legislation that, presumably, was old-fashioned. The research evidences allow us to affirm that the labor reform had clear political purposes: besides transferring to the workers the economic costs of the neoliberal reforms during the nineties, it had also been useful to justify the retreat of state from the economy and to gain the political support of the main employer organizations.
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Walker, Richard Ernest Hugh. „Macroeconomic policy and labour market structure“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1677/.
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This thesis comprises three chapters. Each considers a particular manner in which policy choice and labour market structure interact to determine macroeconomic performance. The first chapter argues that employment protection legislation can significantly reduce equihbrium employment. It considers the impact of firing costs on the pricing behaviour of intermediate-good firms facing idiosyncratic productivity shocks. It is shown that, since they might work against existing market distortions, such costs can lead to either more or less efficient labour allocations. Simulations indicate that the magnitude of their effects is potentially much greater than is found in standard, representative-firm models, particularly when they act to reduce employment. The second chapter links the decentralisation of wage-bargaining in industrialised countries over the last twenty years to the more anti-inflationary macroeconomic regimes also in evidence. It presents a monetary policy game in which, prior to the central bank choosing inflation, wages are set by coalitions of unions. Unions are assumed to anticipate central bank behaviour when forming these coalitions. Using both cooperative and non-cooperative theories of coalition stability and formation, it is shown that highly conservative central banks are associated with decentralised patterns of wage-setting. The third chapter considers the effect of spatial unemployment dispersion on inflationary pressure in the aggregate. It reviews the theoretical rationales for any such effect, and argues that some previous studies have been overly restrictive in their assumption of homogeneous disaggregate Phillips curves. A theoretical rationale for disaggregate heterogeneity is provided and aggregate and regional Phillips curves estimated. Statistics on the spatial unemployment distribution are found to explain a significant part of the variation of the GB NAIRU over time.
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Yeung, Siu-hung Polly, und 楊少紅. „Labour policy and the employment ordinance“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42574195.
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Jacobs, Jeremy John. „Spaces of New Labour Youth policy“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1490/.
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This thesis examines the issue of policy change by focussing on time and space as the conditions of possibility for change. Drawing on post-structuralist theory, it interrogates existing theories of policy change with special attention paid to how these theories construct time and space. This engagement with policy theory, time and space leads to the introduction of a new theoretical logic which is termed the logic of demarcation. The logic of demarcation is then deployed along with other concepts, rooted in the post-Marxist political theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, such as political, social and fantasmatic logics, to investigate changes in New Labour youth policy from 1998 to 2008. The thesis focuses on the related but separable policy areas of Anti-social Behaviour and Every Child Matters and aims to explain change and/or resistance to change with respect to these policies as well as their relationship to each other. The aim is to examine the how the demarcations and exclusions that constitute these policy areas change over time. This is achieved by examining a mixture of textual data and drawing on data gained from primary interviews with key actors.
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Yeung, Siu-hung Polly. „Labour policy and the employment ordinance“. Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1991. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42574195.
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Jennings, Peter. „New Zealand defence policy under Labour“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/113894.
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It is now two and a half years since the United States suspended military co-operation with the Armed Forces of New Zealand (AFNZ) following the Labour Government's refusal to
grant port-access to the USS Buchanan in January 1985. In this thesis I propose to study the
consequences of the breakdown for the AFNZ with a view to establishing exactly what areas of
co-operation have been affected and the significance this has for the professionalism and
capability of the Services. Thus far, very few public studies have been made of the direct military
costs of the ANZUS rift. Most attention has been focused on the state of political relations
between the ANZUS powers. It is however, impossible to make a fully informed judgement about the
merits of the Government's present defence policy of developing closer relations with Australia in
the context of what it claims is a more self-reliant defence posture without some
understanding of the problems that policy seeks to remedy. Accordingly, I hope to
present that necessary background, and from this point will go on to discuss the extent to which
the Government's defence policy addresses itself to the problems generated by the rift with the
United States.
29
Chapman, Terence Richard. „The National Dock Labour Scheme in Cornwall“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421609.
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Wright, Timothy H. „How can the DOD minimize the impact on the reservist/National Guardsman's civilian employer while transforming to an operational force?“ View report via DTIC View report via CGSC website, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA482989.
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Thesis (Master of Military Art and Science)--Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, 2008.Title from title screen (viewed June 16, 2009). "ADA482989"-DTIC URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-81).
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Bowen, Jonathan Mark. „Labour Left policy formation and Labour Party politics in Britain, 1931-1940“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387505.
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Cunningham, Stephen. „Child labour in Britain 1900-1973“. Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2000. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/20035/.
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Until relatively recently, 'child labour' remained a pejorative term used primarily by historians to describe the grinding and unremitting work routines and hostile work environments to which nineteenth century children were exposed. The start of the twentieth century, though, is frequently identified as marking the emergence of a more humanitarian attitude towards children, epitomised by the increasing willingness of the state to intervene in arenas such as child welfare. Historians have cited the intensification of legislation designed to protect the child as evidence to suggest that by the turn of the nineteenth century the vast majority of children were no longer significant workers. Before the publication of Emrys Davies' government funded 1972 study, which concluded that the employment undertaken by school children was frequently arduous and harmful, such claims were taken at face value in the academic world. As a result, until recently, the labour of school children throughout the twentieth century has not been subject to adequate social research, and the experiences of working school children have been largely ignored. However, as the recent upsurge in academic and political interest in child employment illustrates, the debate over what is an effective and appropriate level of child labour regulation remains a heated political question. One of the problems, though, is that a lack of information on the period c1900-1973 is hampering our understanding of the forces and interests which have helped shape child labour policy in Britain. Hence, this thesis has two main aims. Firstly, it seeks to provide detailed empirical information on the levels and types of work performed by children. Secondly, and more importantly, it aims to deepen our appreciation of the concerns which have influenced thinking and policy on this subject in the twentieth century. It is hoped that an analysis of these two issues will help us understand the origins and nature of current debates over school child labour, and to evaluate the 'solutions' advanced by politicians and academics in the twenty-first century. The potential impact of the range of factors and interests which are traditionally seen to be present within the policy-making process, such as ideologies, political parties and pressure groups, are assessed. Particular emphasis, though, is placed on the conservative role played by civil servants within the Home Office, the government department charged with responsibility for the administration of legislation for school children's employment throughout the period under examination. The thesis concludes that of all the agents active in the policy-making process, civil servants were the most influential in shaping the approach adopted by successive governments towards the question of child labour reform. It suggests that officials were guided by a pervasive 'departmental view' of the phenomenon, a key element of which emphasised its potential for channeling the potentially 'problematic' leisure hours of working class youths into creative outlets. Finally, the thesis highlights the extent to which the ideas and beliefs which underpinned thinking on child labour regulation between 1900-1973 continue to have an enduring influence on the current policy debate.
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Barbu, Mirela. „Socially useful jobs : the last Keynesian labour market policy in Italy : policy process evaluation“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/47067/.
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The industrial restructuring of the 1970s, the sluggish economic growth of the 1980s and the difficult macroeconomic scenario of the early 1990s which preceded the Italy's joining of the EMU, gradually reduced the space for Keynesian economic policies in the country. In certain geographical areas, unemployment remained high over a long period of time and the Italian state had to confront this situation which was becoming socially and politically unsustainable. The solution found involved the long-term unemployed in a wide range of activities provided by public bodies, called socially and publicly useful jobs. At the end of the 1990s, under pressure from neoliberalism, many public bodies outsourced their public services, labour market deregulation was pursued, while supply-side labour polices gained ground. This thesis examines the policy process during the paradigm shift, evaluates its impact on unemployment reduction, discusses the ways in which the policy's outcomes were achieved, and highlights the role played by institutions during this long-term process. The approach chosen to evaluate the policy of socially and useful jobs distinguishes between three intrinsically linked stages of the policy process: policy-making, implementation and take-up. Recognising the central role of institutions in providing the context in which the policy process develops, the approach chosen for this analysis is historical-institutionalism. It is applied within the broader framework of the political economy which impacted on the transformation of the Italian welfare state and the rise of workfare practices. The policy process evaluation led to some interesting findings. Firstly, many unemployed were re-inserted into the labour market due to their participation in socially and publicly useful jobs. Secondly, the activities they delivered allowed the communities to avoid disruption to important services and helped the state to save funds through the use of an inexpensive and productive workforce. Thirdly, the public administrations considered the outsourcing of services successful when they received high quality services from workers who were already known to them and were easily managed. Fourthly, the participation of the private companies in the last stage of the policy did not guarantee efficiency gains and, in several cases, the public administrations preferred to employ the socially and publicly useful workers directly.
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Soares, Sergio Amarildo Evangelista. „Necessidades juvenis, trabalho políticas públicas: um estudo do Programa Nacional de Estímulo ao primeiro emprego“. Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2006. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2117.
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Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T22:00:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
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Esse estudo visa a analisar as necessidades dos jovens, tendo em vista os objetivos da política pública denominada Programa Nacional de Estímulo ao Primeiro Emprego - PNPE, do Governo Federal. Busca assim verificar os pontos positivos, as dificuldades do Programa e de que forma ele deveria ser aprimorado. A política pública objetiva inserir o jovem no mercado de trabalho; porém, tem tido resultados abaixo do esperado, segundo informações do principal órgão implementador, o Ministério do Trabalho e do Emprego. Essa investigação visa a entender essa dificuldade pelo prisma do público-alvo da política, que é o jovem: quando a política pública tiver essa possibilidade de contemplar as necessidades dos públicos que são o seu objeto, estará propiciando espaços de participação e de democratização e, ao mesmo tempo, poderá atingir melhores resultados. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, cujos dados foram coletados no Município de São Leopoldo. Foram entrevistados jovens que participam do Programa Nacional de Estímu
This thesis discusses the needs of young people in relation to the goals of a public policy of the Brazilian federal government called First Job National Program (PNPE). It intends to check what are the program’s strengths and weaknesses and in which manner it should be improved. The PNPE aims at inserting the youth in the labor market. Its results, however, have fallen short of what had been expected from it, according to information given by its main implementation agency, the Labor and Employment Ministry. This thesis has the purpose of understanding the program’s difficulties from the point of view of its target group, viz. the young people themselves. If this public policy is able to address the needs of its target group, it will provide spaces of participation and democratization. At the same time, it will be able to achieve better results. This thesis is a qualitative research and its data was collected in the municipality of São Leopoldo, state of Rio Grande do Sul. It includes interviews made with y
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Sundar, Aparna. „The state and labour : party regimes and state-labour relationships in three Indian states“. Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69604.
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The role of the political party in power in mediating the relationship between the state and labour was examined. The Indian states of Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal--each governed by a political party representing a different ideology and class coalition--were compared in terms of conditions for workers. Other factors likely to affect the position of workers in the state, such as its industrial profile, and the strength of its labour movement prior to the period under study, were also considered.It was found that, although the nature of the party regime did significantly influence the state-labour relationship, workers were not necessarily better off under the most sympathetic and interventionist party. The nature of industry in the state was central in determining conditions for workers. Thus, the party in power influenced conditions for workers as much through policies not aimed specifically at workers, as through intervention in industrial relations.
36
Al-Saud, Naef bin Ahmed. „Saudi national security policy“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613642.
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Caliendo, Marco. „Microeconometric evaluation of labour market policies“. Berlin : Springer, 2006. https://login.proxy.bib.uottawa.ca/login?url=http://www.myilibrary.com?id=60873.
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Sauter, Raphael. „EU energy policy : agenda dynamics and policy change“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2529/.
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This thesis analyses EU energy policy from a comparative agenda-setting perspective providing new theoretical and empirical insights into EU energy policy-making. Although two of the founding treaties of the European Communities covered the coal and nuclear sectors, the European Union has struggled ever since to establish itself in the field of energy policy. In particular, it failed to include an explicit Community competence on energy in Community primary law in subsequent treaty revisions – with the exception of the new Title XX on Energy introduced with the Lisbon Treaty. Nonetheless the European Union has established itself as an important player in European energy policy, as reflected in EU directives on energy market liberalisation, energy efficiency standards and targets for renewable energy sources. At the same time, policymakers at various levels, business, NGOs and experts agree that more EU energy policy is needed to face current and future transnational policy challenges, notably, climate change and energy security. This has led to numerous studies with policy recommendations on EU level action in the field of energy policy. By contrast, very few studies have analysed the drivers and barriers of EU energy policy-making and factors that can explain policy change and stability. Yet a better understanding of EU energy policy-making is a necessary precondition for the development of appropriate policy recommendations. This thesis provides an analysis of EU energy policy-making by identifying factors that can explain change and stability from an agenda-setting perspective. Drawing upon EU studies and agenda-setting literature the analysis distinguishes between two different agenda-setting routes, high and low politics, along the key stages of an issue career: initiation, specification, expansion and entrance. It accounts for the following key variables in EU agenda-setting: contextual factors, policy entrepreneurs, issue definition, and institutional venues. These are applied to two contrasting case studies of EU energy policy: nuclear energy and renewable energy. The study shows how and why Community initiatives failed in an institutionally ‘strong' EU energy policy arena under Euratom, but succeeded in the field of renewable energy under the EC Treaty.
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Lai, Yiu-man, und 黎耀民. „An analysis of labour, capital and government with reference to the labour importation policy“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964527.
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Speckesser, Stefan. „Essays on evaluation of active labour market policy“. [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB11293257.
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Dockery, Michael. „The Evaluation of Australian Labour Market Assistance Policy“. Curtin University of Technology, School of Economics and Finance, 2002. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=13384.
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This thesis is comprised of a series of published papers relating to the evaluation of active assistance measures for the unemployed in Australia. It offers both applied evaluations of active assistance measures as well as critical assessment of the evaluation approaches that have dominated the literature and policy formation in Australia. "Active" assistance for the unemployed is distinguished from "passive" assistance, such as income support.The motivation behind the work lies in the fact that a very large amount of public expenditure is directed to active assistance for the unemployed. Over $2 billion dollars was spent on labour market programs at the height of the Working Nation package in each of 1995-96 and 1996-97, and $1.5 billion was allocated to "labour market assistance to jobseekers and industry" in the most recent (2001-02) Commonwealth budget. Despite this considerable past and ongoing expenditure, the evaluation effort in Australia has been far short of international best practice. As a consequence, there is no convincing empirical evidence as to how effectively these public resources are being used, or of the relative merits of various options in the design of active interventions for the unemployed.Ultimately, the goal of the research is to improve supply-side policies designed to address unemployment. As stated, it aims to do this through original empirical evaluations of programs and through critical assessment of existing evaluations and institutional arrangements.
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Ng, Soo Nam. „Labour skill specificity and manpower policy in Singapore /“. Title page, contents and introduction only, 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09EC/09ecn576.pdf.
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Doherty, Robert Anthony. „New Labour : governmentality, social exclusion and education policy“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2667/.
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This thesis critically explores the broad relationship between New Labour’s adoption of social exclusion as a policy concept and the outworking of this commitment within instances of policy directed at compulsory education. It presents and deploys Foucault’s idea of governmentality as a perspective from which to undertake critical policy analysis. It considers approaches to policy analysis and posits a layered model that looks to explicate levels and forms of power within the policy system; including a concern to integrate the place and function of policy texts. An account of the main dimensions of New Labour’s Third Way politics is developed, together with a broad account of New Labour’s attempts to govern compulsory education. Critical Discourse Analysis is applied to interpret and explain two texts posited as capturing a particular historical moment in New Labour’s adoption and commitment to a recognisable conceptualisation of social exclusion. A governmentality perspective is employed to analyse policy around social exclusion within the Third Way politics of New Labour following 1997. This analysis has a particular focus on how this social exclusion dimension was accommodated within the broader schematic of Third Way governmentality and how it interacted with and emerged within policy around compulsory education in the early years of New Labour. The analysis concludes that the social exclusion dimension of New Labour’s policy ambitions was present, but sublimated within the conflicted policy climate of compulsory education arising from New Labour’s distinctive governmentality.
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Chan, Ha-kwan Nikkiter, und 陳夏鈞. „Labour policy in Hong Kong in the 90'“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3196610X.
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Goodwin, Mark. „Education governance, politics and policy under New Labour“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1771/.
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This thesis investigates the political management of state schooling under New Labour from 1997-2010. The thesis considers and rejects two mainstream approaches to the analysis of New Labour‟s education strategy which characterise the New Labour education project as either a process of marketisation or as a symptom of a shift to a new governance through networks of diffused power. Instead, the thesis argues that the best general characterisation of New Labour‟s education strategy is as a centralising project which has increased the power and discretion of the core of the core executive over the education sector at the expense of alternative centres of power. The thesis proposes that the trajectory of education policy under New Labour is congruent with a broader strategy for the modification of the British state which sought to enhance administrative efficiency and governing competence. Changes to education strategies can then be explained as the result of changing social and economic contexts filtered through the governing projects of strategic political actors. The thesis argues that New Labour‟s education strategy was largely successful in terms of securing governing competence and altering power relations and behaviour in the sector despite continuing controversy over the programmatic and political performance of its education policies.
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Ruhs, Martin. „The economics and ethics of labour immigration policy“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.619964.
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Alburaas, Theyab. „British Labour Government Policy in Iraq, 1945-1950“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc271770/.
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Britain during the Labour government's administration took a major step toward developing Iraq primarily due to the decision of Ernest Bevin, the Foreign Minister, to start a new British policy toward the Iraqi regimes that would increase the British influence in the area. This led to Bevin's strategy of depending on guiding the Iraqi regime to make economic and political reforms that would lead to social justice.
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Chan, Ha-kwan Nikkiter. „Labour policy in Hong Kong in the 90'“. Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2000. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B22050772.
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Dockery, Alfred Michael. „The Evaluation of Australian Labour Market Assistance Policy“. Thesis, Curtin University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/872.
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This thesis is comprised of a series of published papers relating to the evaluation of active assistance measures for the unemployed in Australia. It offers both applied evaluations of active assistance measures as well as critical assessment of the evaluation approaches that have dominated the literature and policy formation in Australia. "Active" assistance for the unemployed is distinguished from "passive" assistance, such as income support.The motivation behind the work lies in the fact that a very large amount of public expenditure is directed to active assistance for the unemployed. Over $2 billion dollars was spent on labour market programs at the height of the Working Nation package in each of 1995-96 and 1996-97, and $1.5 billion was allocated to "labour market assistance to jobseekers and industry" in the most recent (2001-02) Commonwealth budget. Despite this considerable past and ongoing expenditure, the evaluation effort in Australia has been far short of international best practice. As a consequence, there is no convincing empirical evidence as to how effectively these public resources are being used, or of the relative merits of various options in the design of active interventions for the unemployed.Ultimately, the goal of the research is to improve supply-side policies designed to address unemployment. As stated, it aims to do this through original empirical evaluations of programs and through critical assessment of existing evaluations and institutional arrangements.
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Dockery, Alfred Michael. „The evaluation of Australian labour market assistance policy /“. Full text available, 2002. http://adt.curtin.edu.au/theses/available/adt-WCU20030116.162443.
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