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1
Yungblud, V. T., und A. I. Sennikov. „The Kurdish Movement’s Factor in US Politics at the Peak of Iran and Afghanistan Crises, 1979 – January 1981“. MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, Nr. 5 (13.11.2023): 28–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-28-57.
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At the close of 1979, the United States encountered a critical need to realign its Middle East strategy in the wake of the capture of the American Embassy in Tehran by supporters of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah R. Khomeini on November 4, and the subsequent deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan on December 25. Faced with the challenges presented by the Iranian and Afghan crises, the United States' analytical, intelligence, and military bodies navigated various resources in search of viable solutions.This study delves into the consideration of the Kurdish factor as a potential instrument in shaping the regional landscape. The National Security Council (NSC), State Department, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the US Department of Defense all scrutinized the Kurdish movement, evaluating its prospects for advancing American interests. Drawing from documents obtained from the State Department, National Security Council, and CIA, this article tracks the evolution of US policy concerning the Kurdish movement and its utility in realizing Washington's strategic objectives during the most critical phases of the Iran and Afghanistan crises.The analysis underscores the fundamental flaw in the initial evaluation of events in Afghanistan and Iran, misinterpreting them as a calculated move within a Soviet strategy to extend influence into the Persian Gulf region. This misconception was the primary cause of the Carter administration's failure in utilizing the Kurds as a counterforce against the Khomeini regime and its erroneous perceptions of the Iranian political regime's vulnerabilities. Inconsistencies in Washington's relationship with Tehran hindered the formulation of a coherent approach toward the Afghan-Iranian direction.
2
Yungblud, V. T., und A. I. Sennikov. „THE U.S. IN SEARCH OF AN ANSWER TO THE IRANIAN CHALLENGE: THE KURDISH CASE, NOVEMBER–DECEMBER 1979“. Вестник Пермского университета. История, Nr. 2 (61) (2023): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-70-83.
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As a result of the capture of the American embassy by supporters of the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah R. Khomeini, the U.S. lost the chances for a quick restoration of its positions in the Middle East. The events unfolding in Tehran demanded a serious and balanced response from the adminis-tration of John Carter. Under these conditions, the American government and its analytical structures began to look for tools to influence and put pressure on the Islamic regime. One of the potential levers of American policy could be the Kurdish issue, which was again openly put on the agenda after the Islamic revolution of 1978–1979. The potential of the Iranian Kurds in terms of countering the Khomeini regime, their controlla-bility and the conformity of their struggle with U.S. interests have become the subject of analytical work of the state services. The article examines the place and role of the Kurdish question in the search for U.S. res-ponses to the challenges of the Iranian crisis caused by the capture of the U.S. embassy in November 1979. Based on a wide range of documents from the U.S. National Archives, the John Carter Presidential Library, the State Department, the Central Intelligence Agency and the Council of National U.S. security, the author traces the course of developing a policy towards Iran and a position regarding the national movement of Ira-nian Kurds. The context of regional policy and the influence of the Afghan issue on the Iranian course of Washington are also traced. As a result of the development of decisions, the line of Secretary of State S. Vance prevailed, demanding to refrain from active aggressive actions against Iran, to ignore the Kurdish movement. The entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan also had an impact, turning the entire political situa-tion in the Middle East upside down.
3
Fatima, Noor, und Sajida Begum. „Leadership Role of Hassan Rouhani and Nuclear Deal of Iran“. Global International Relations Review I, Nr. I (30.12.2018): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2018(i-i).05.
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Hassan Rouhani had been serving as secretary to Supreme National Security Council for 16 years. Hassan Rouhani was the person who was tasked to lead the team of technically, politically and legally expert's negotiators on nuclear program of Iran to start talks with the western powers to decreased the tension between IAEA body and foreign ministry of Iran on reports published by the IAEA and adoption of the UN Security Council resolution condemning Iran. Iran's nuclear program was started in the era of the reign of Raza Shah Pahlavi before the Islamic Revolution. It was not only another country providing nuclear technology but also America. Iran's foreign policy will not be affected by the slogans, but we will safely defend our national interests. Hassan Rouhani After elected as President in 2013, promised that he would work to bring relief in economic sanctions on the country due to which the economy was destroyed and life was difficult for the Iranian people. Iran's hardliner leaders had been opposing the any deal and talks on the matter of nuclear program. On the other end reformist groups in the Iran always favored the new ideas and negotiations on nuclear program and when the balance of power turned in favor of President Rouhani when won the elections in 2013 and he gave the green signal to the negotiators.
4
Ling, Peter J. „Why Reagan was not impeached“. European Journal of American Culture 40, Nr. 3 (01.09.2021): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ejac_00053_1.
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In the aftermath of Watergate and Vietnam, Congressional investigations uncovered the largely unknown activities of the CIA and other agencies, which included arming and interfering in the domestic politics of regimes in both Central America and Iran. These programmes had also involved supporting reactionary regimes in ways that some saw as drawing the United States into conflicts, like Vietnam, without public knowledge or consent. In 1987, it was revealed that the Reagan administration had operated a clandestine policy in Nicaragua that evaded the restrictions placed upon the executive by the Boland Amendment in terms of aid given to the Nicaraguan Contras and that National Security Council (NSC) staff had lied to Congress and concealed these illegal actions. They had solicited funds from foreign allies and smuggled arms to the Contra insurgents in support of their efforts to topple the Sandinista regime. Contrary to the Arms Export Control Act and to its own publicly stated policy, the administration had also sold arms, particularly missiles, to Iran, which had been branded a sponsor of international terrorism since the Iranian revolution, and which was currently at war with its neighbour, Iraq. Such deals had formed part of ‘arms for hostages’ negotiations that were also contrary to official policy. Finally, it was disclosed that profits from the arms sales had been diverted to fund the Contras and hence to evade Congressional restrictions on funding. This article explores why these illegal actions did not result in President Reagan’s impeachment. It considers the merits of the administration’s claims that this was a ‘rogue operation’ by zealots within the NSC, and the success of its efforts to present Reagan as eager to cooperate with efforts to discover the truth of what had happened. It reviews the interactions between the Tower Commission, Congressional investigations and Office of Independent Counsel probe (Lawrence Walsh) and shows how these contributed to Reagan’s ‘escape’ from impeachment. It reviews the argument that Reagan’s underlying health problems contributed to his lax management of NSC operations and it considers the importance of televised testimony, particularly that of Oliver North, in shaping public opinion in the administration’s favour. Finally, it considers how this significant episode in 1980s politics foreshadowed major trends in US politics that can be seen as culminating in the present, acute partisan divide, Donald Trump’s double impeachment, and a manifest decline in public trust and respect for American political institutions.
5
Cohen, Ariel. „Power or Ideology“. American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, Nr. 3 (01.07.2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
6
Cohen, Ariel. „Power or Ideology“. American Journal of Islam and Society 22, Nr. 3 (01.07.2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Panova, Iryna O., und Oleksandr K. Zhevaho. „The Historical and Theoretical Aspects of the Study of the Formation of Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran“. PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 2, Nr. 52 (2022): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2022-2-32-38.
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The article is aimed at highlighting the historical and theoretical aspects of the study of the formation of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the present stage is based on a combination of historically formed interests of the State and the ideology of the Islamic revolution – the so-called «Khomeinism». Balancing a pragmatic and a revolutionary approach is enshrined in the country’s political system itself and, thanks to a significant economic, demographic and military base, allows Iran to hold a strong position in the international arena. At the same time, the initial course of confrontation with a number of regional and global actors, coupled with the development of the national nuclear program, creates obstacles for Iran’s full functioning in the international arena. The geopolitical position of the Islamic Republic is as profitable as it is quite complicated. Being at the crossroads of several world regions and approaching the world’s key energy basins provides Tehran with ample opportunities to advance its own influence and cooperation with neighboring countries. At the same time, Iran is surrounded by zones of regional instability and its rivals or competitors. To counter external threats, Tehran has developed a flexible strategy based on a wide range of pro-Iranian non-governmental organizations – the so-called «Axis of Resistance» – and an asymmetrical action instrumentarium, which include the use of both hard and soft power methods. Currently, the degree of confrontation with regional adversaries (Israel and the Gulf countries) and a global opponent (the United States) is gaining a threatening scale. However, Iran is generally characterized by a periodic change in the cycles of aggravation of tension and d?tente in relations with its opponents. At the same time, Tehran’s pragmatism has its manifestation in maintaining relations and dialogue with its opponents in order to achieve certain goals, despite the confrontational discourse of official statements. In addition to the activities strictly along the perimeter of the State (that includes the Middle East, South Caucasus, Central and South Asia), Iran, to the best of its own capabilities and the regime of international sanctions, establishes relations with many countries of the world, from members of the UN Security Council - Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China to the countries of Africa and Latin America. To promote its discourse on the international stage, Tehran uses a wide network of cultural, religious, educational and charitable organizations. This approach allows to win supporters and generate financial flows for the regional activities of the IRI around the world.
8
Thomas, Clive. „The National Council of Canadian Labour“. Relations industrielles 12, Nr. 1-2 (17.02.2014): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1022580ar.
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Summary The position of the National Council of Canadian Labour towards the Canadian Congress is that the CLC is simply the newest and the most spectacular "front" for international (American) unionism created in Canada. The author explains briefly in this article the reasons for such a statement.
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Morady Moghaddam, Mostafa, und Fatemeh Mozafari. „Orientalist representation of Iranian women in three American newspapers“. International Review of Pragmatics 15, Nr. 1 (19.01.2023): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18773109-01501005.
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Abstract This article explores three famous American newspapers as an attempt to find out how Iranian women are depicted in these three American newspapers. Three national newspapers (The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and The Washington Post) were consulted as authority to gain information about Iranian women. Two hundred and thirteen headlines about Iranian women were identified in these three newspapers published over a period of 10 years. Through qualitative corpus analysis, we noticed that Iranian women are represented with regard to five generic categories (patterns): Ethics and Dress Coding (EDC); Political Activism (PA); Political System (PS); Social Condition and Trends (SCT); and Praising Comments (PC). The patterns identified in these three newspapers regarding Iranian women indicate that material culture (physical aspect of culture) is highlighted by the American press when referring to Iranian women. The article also concludes that these three newspaper agencies manifest a pseudo-logical representation of Iranian women, which fails to acknowledge the dynamic life of Iranian women, and ignores local identities at the expense of globalization.
10
Blejwas, Stanislaus A. „The National Polish American–Jewish American Council A Short History“. Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 19, Nr. 1 (Januar 2007): 257–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/polin.2007.19.257.
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Qasim Alwan saeed, Muhammad Ali Hammoud und Muammar Khaled Abdel Hamid. „Iraq's regional strategic performance under the Iranian-Saudi agreement“. Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, pic4 (30.09.2023): 102–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/tjfps.v3ipic4.230.
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Iraq has sought to play a role in mediating the Saudi-Iranian talks for several rounds, and Iraqi Prime Minister Muhammad Shia al-Sudani received a phone call from the Secretary of the Iranian Supreme National Security Council (Ali Shamkhani), through which he expressed his “thanks to Iraq for its role in the negotiations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Iraqi efforts made to bring views closer between the two countries, which contributed to reaching a new agreement between them in Beijing.
12
Miles, Tiya. „National Council on Public History Keynote Address, 2015“. Public Historian 38, Nr. 1 (01.02.2016): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2016.38.1.8.
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As public historians, we grapple not only with the “what” of history making (subject and argument) but also with the “how” (process and relationships). We strive to develop projects that are dialogic and collaborative in nature, and to widely share the results of our work with the public. In doing so, we often chart new academic territory, making our way by trial and error and taking risks. By focusing on a Native American and African American historic site as case study, this essay explores how the aim to illuminate ways in which history matters in the present often drives us to create “history on the edge.”
13
Pavlov, V. V. „THE U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL IN CONTEMPORARY AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 4(49) (28.08.2016): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-181-189.
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Established in accordance with the provisions of the National Security Act of 1947, the U.S. National Security Council is the main advisory body to the President of the United States tasked with helping the head of state to make the right decisions on matters related to national security. NSC system has been constantly evolving for some 70 years, and the NSC staff became a separate 'ministry' of a kind, allowing presidential administrations to focus ever-increasing control over American foreign policy in the White House. That is why serious attention is devoted to the National Security Council by American researches studying foreign policy decision-making. Here, a 'three-pronged consensus' exists: functioning and efficiency of the decision-making process is primarily a result of presidential actions; the President will make the best decision after becoming aware of the whole range of possible alternatives and assessing the consequences of each policy option; the position of the National Security Advisor, who is often one of the closest officials to the President and serves as a coordinator of the decision-making process, is considered to be one of the most notable in today's U.S. presidential administrations - and the most influential of those not being a subject to approval by the legislative branch of U.S. government. Any fundamental changes in the practice of U.S. foreign policy mechanism, as well as a decline of the White House influence on foreign policy are unlikely in the short term.
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Hill, Heather C., und Jeffrey C. Shih. „Research Commentary: Examining the Quality of Statistical Mathematics Education Research“. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education 40, Nr. 3 (Mai 2009): 241–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/jresematheduc.40.3.0241.
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This “Research Commentary” addresses the quality of statistical research in mathematics education. To do so, we analyze 10 years of Journal for Research in Mathematics Education (JRME) articles based on criteria suggested by the American Educational Research Association, American Psychological Association, and National Council for Measurement in Education (AERA, APA, & NCME, 1999); the National Research Council (Shavelson & Towne, 2002); and the American Statistical Association (ASA, 2007). We find the majority of JRME articles lacking in one or more respects, and we highlight criteria for JRME authors, reviewers, and editors.
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Kameneva, Marina. „National Issue in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Historical Background“. Islamovedenie 12, Nr. 4 (30.12.2021): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2021-12-4-18-29.
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The article presents the background of studying the national issue and national relations in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the largest multinational states of the Asian con-tinent with the population of about 85 million people. The nature of the approach of the power structures representatives to solving the national problems in modern Iranian society not only plays a significant role, but also often determines the ways to overcome emerging conflict situa-tions both in the domestic political and sociocultural spheres, as well as at the level of foreign policy discourse. These problems are among the most acute and least discussed subjects in mod-ern Iran. The primary focus is placed on the works of the Russian scientists, including the spe-cialists in Iranian studies of the Soviet period. However, there are also mentioned the studies by Iranian, American, Israeli researchers, as well as works of some specialists in Iranian studies from the countries of near abroad. Moreover, there are highlighted the works on ethno-confessional problems of modern Iran, which continue to arouse the interest of researchers, de-spite the constantly decreasing number of representatives of these communities in Iranian socie-ty. The analysis of the presented works on the national issues in domestic and foreign Iranian studies allows concluding that the national/ethnic discourse does occupy an important place in Iranian studies of the past and present, and that this tradition will be continued in the future.
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Sarrafzadegan, Nizal, Roya Kelishadi, Zahra Dana Siadat, Ahmad Esmaillzadeh, Amirreza Solhpour, Shahin Shirani, Gholamali Naderi et al. „Obesity and cardiometabolic risk factors in a representative population of Iranian adolescents and adults in comparison to a Western population: the Isfahan Healthy Heart Programme“. Public Health Nutrition 13, Nr. 3 (06.08.2009): 314–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980009991029.
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AbstractObjectiveThe aim of the present study was to develop reference data for the Iranian population for anthropometric values and cardiometabolic data in comparison with those in Americans, as representative of a Western population.DesignThe present cross-sectional survey, conducted as part of the baseline survey of a community-based interventional study (the Isfahan Healthy Heart Programme), used a two-stage clustering design and was conducted in 12 600 randomly selected adults (≥19 years of age) and 2000 adolescents (aged 11–18 years) living in three cities in the central part of Iran. For comparison with a Western population, comparable data for Americans were derived from the data sets of the Second and Third National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys (NHANES II and NHANES III).ResultsIranian women had significantly higher mean BMI, waist circumference (WC), hip circumference (HC) and waist:hip ratio (WHR) than Iranian men and American women; but the mean BMI of Iranian men was lower than that of American men. The mean serum TAG level of Iranian men was significantly higher than that of Iranian women, whereas the mean serum total cholesterol (TC), LDL cholesterol (LDL-C) and HDL cholesterol (HDL-C) levels were significantly higher in Iranian women than in men. The Iranian population had lower mean TC, LDL-C and TAG levels than the Americans, but such difference was not documented for HDL-C. Iranian adolescents had significantly lower mean BMI and higher mean TAG than did American adolescents.ConclusionsOur findings provide serious evidence for health professionals and policy makers about the very high prevalence of generalized and abdominal obesity in Iran. Controlling this emerging health problem, notably in women, should become a national priority in Iran and necessitates comprehensive public health programmes.
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Lawson, Fred H. „The Iranian Crisis of 1945–1946 and the Spiral Model of International Conflict“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, Nr. 3 (August 1989): 307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032530.
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Diplomatic historians of all persuasions agree that the Iranian Crisis of 1945–1946 played a considerable part in initiating the Cold War. For revisionist writers, the confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union that took place during these months resulted from American efforts to carve out a sphere of influence in the oil-producing areas of the Middle East. By the autumn of 1945, according to this view, U.S. firms had gained controlling interests in the consortia holding exclusive rights to work the extensive petroleum deposits located in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain; more importantly, Iranian officials were making repeated overtures to American concerns in an effort to counterbalance established British interests with more dynamic ones based in the United States. When the Red Army prevented the government in Tehran from suppressing separatist movements in Azerbaijan and Kurdistan in December 1945, the Truman Administration manipulated the Security Council of the United Nations into mandating a Soviet withdrawal from northern Iran.
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Burton, Elise K. „Narrating ethnicity and diversity in Middle Eastern national genome projects“. Social Studies of Science 48, Nr. 5 (Oktober 2018): 762–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312718804888.
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Most Middle Eastern populations outside Israel have not been represented in Western-based international human genome sequencing efforts. In response, national-level projects have emerged throughout the Middle East to decode the Arab, Turkish and Iranian genomes. The discourses surrounding the ‘national genome’ that shape scientists’ representation of their work to local and international audiences evoke three intersecting analytics of nationalism: methodological, postcolonial and diasporic. Methodologically, ongoing human genome projects in Turkey and Iran follow the population logics of other national and international genome projects, for example justifying research with reference to projected health benefits to their fellow citizens. Meanwhile, assumptions about and representations of ethnicity and diversity are deeply inflected by local histories of scientific development and nationalist politics. While Iranian geneticists have transformed this paradigm to catalog national genetic diversity through a discourse of ‘Iranian ethnicities’, Turkish geneticists remain politically constrained from acknowledging ethnic diversity and struggle to distance their work from racialized narratives of Turkish national identity. Such nationally-framed narratives of genomic diversity are not confined to their original contexts, but travel abroad, as demonstrated by a US-based genome project that articulates a form of Iranian-American diasporic nationalism.
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Ikner, Alexandra, D. Barry Croom, Nicholas Fuhrman und Ashley Yopp. „Student interest in the national council for agricultural education career pathways“. Journal of Agricultural Education 64, Nr. 3 (30.09.2023): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5032/jae.v64i3.116.
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This study describes student interest in the agricultural content pathways established by the National Council for Agricultural Education. Differences exist between male and female students concerning curriculum choices in agriculture, food, and natural resources. Male students were most interested in food products and processing systems, while females averaged the highest interest in animal systems. Females were significantly more interested in animal systems. Males were more interested in power, structural, and technical systems, biotechnology, food products and processing, and agribusiness systems. When considering the students’ race and ethnic background, Native Americans or Alaska Natives reported the most interest in animal systems. Asian students reported the highest interest in natural resource systems. African American students averaged the highest interest in power, structural and technical systems. White Non-Hispanic students reported the highest interest in animal systems. White Hispanic students reported the highest average interest in natural resources. White Non-Hispanic students were significantly more interested in agribusiness systems, animal systems, food products, and processing systems than were African American students. Native American or Alaskan Native students were significantly more interested in animal systems than African American students. This study concluded that male and female students value agricultural curriculum content differently and that the differences were significant in most agricultural content pathways. Students of different races and ethnic backgrounds value agricultural content pathways differently, but most of these differences were insignificant.
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Beale, Arthur. „A National Strategy for the Conservation of Collections“. Collections: A Journal for Museum and Archives Professionals 2, Nr. 1 (März 2005): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/155019060500200103.
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This article relates the history from the nineteen seventies through the nineteen eighties of how a national plan for the care of collections was developed through the combined efforts of several national professional organizations. The pioneering work of the National Conservation Advisory Council is reviewed and its 1981 metamorphosis into the National Institute for Conservation, now Heritage Preservation, is described. How various studies and reports produced by the American Association of Museums, some in conjunction with the National and American Institutes for Conservation, helped inform a national strategy for the conservation and documentation of collections, is discussed. As the first elected chair of the board and council of the National Institute for Conservation, the author describes how the new organization contributed to the national planning process with projects like the Bay Foundation initiative to develop curriculum and train collections care specialists, Save Outdoor Sculpture (SOS!), and the Conservation Assessment Program (CAP).
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Molaei, Ebrahim, Hossein Alekajbaf und Mehdi Abasesarmadi. „The Activities of Iranian Supreme Audit Court in Confronting Money Laundering Emanating from INTOSAI's Strategies“. International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 18 (Dezember 2013): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.18.44.
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The initial results deriving from the Iranian membership in the taskforce in addressing corruption and money laundering are participation in the formulation of instructions to fight corruption by the INTOSAI followed by other countries, participation at the INTOSAI meetings and utilization of other countries' experiences in dealing with corruption, formation of a taskforce to fight money laundering in the national court of account and formulation and communication of the audit framework for the auditors of other countries to control and fight corruption and money laundering. Also, the Islamic Republic of Iran (National court of account), applying international experiences and in order to confront corruption and money laundering as well as financial crimes has embarked on promoting its technical-specialized knowledge of which one can refer to adopting a performance audit approach, reviewing the instructions, formulating the audit instructions, promoting the quality, implementing the electronic supervision, pathology of rules and regulations, supervising privatization in order to prevent the inflow of money with suspicious origin towards the economy. Furthermore, the national court of account, while prosecuting and punishing law and financial instructions violators, facilitating money laundering, presents the report on the budget bill followed with its views to the Islamic council parliament including an assessment of the impacts of the law on different related and interested groups, and attempts to provide some financial discipline. In fact supervision procedures of this organization in terms of the broad discretion in the field of financial supervision, contribute highly to the accomplishment of the financial transparency and some other networks in particular like banking, custom and tax networks. Especially, the supreme coordination council of the national supervision branches is chaired by the head of the court of account.
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Dorward, Jim, und Steve Archibald. „Linking Teacher Interests or Backgrounds to Real-World Experiences for Students“. Arithmetic Teacher 41, Nr. 6 (Februar 1994): 300–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/at.41.6.0300.
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A major theme in calls for reform in mathematics education is the recognition of the need to connect the study of mathematics to the rest of the world (American Association for the Advancement of Science 1989; National Research Council 1991; National Council of Teachers of Mathematics 1989). For some, this connection is obvious. For many, however, mathematics is perceived as a set of rules and procedures that have little to do with everyday experience.
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Bauman, Amy. „Learning As We Go: NCTE, 100 Years and Counting“. Council Chronicle 19, Nr. 3 (01.03.2010): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/cc201012246.
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Abbasov, Tariel. „The key directions of the Middle East policy of the official Washington during the presidency of Barack Obama (2009–2017)“. OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, Nr. 10-1 (01.10.2023): 190–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202309statyi34.
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During the presidency of Barack Obama (2009-2017), official Washington identified priority aspects of Middle East policy: preventing the development of nuclear energy by the Iranian leadership and achieving a final peaceful settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The response to the White House's readiness for diplomatic negotiations with the Iranian side without putting forward preliminary conditions was the unwillingness of the Iranian leaders to participate in the negotiation process on curtailing the development of the national nuclear program. As for the Palestinian-Israeli peace settlement, even here, despite a number of positive steps by the American administration, the parties failed to achieve tangible results at the negotiating table.
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Robinson, Jo Ann, und E. Nelson Swinerton. „Take Your Training to College“. Adult Learning 5, Nr. 5 (Mai 1994): 25–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104515959400500514.
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ACE/PONSI was initiated in 1974 on the recommendation of the Camegie Commission on Nontraditional Study that the American Council on Education's system of evaluating formal courses offered by the armed services be extended to civilian organizations. The criteria and procedures that the American Council on Education (ACE) has used since 1945 to evaluate military courses were adapted by ACE/PONSI. The purpose of ACE/PONSI at the national and state levels is to help people obtain academic credit for learning acquired outside the sponsorship of colleges and universities.
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Even, Paula. „Sigma Gamma Epsilon Student Research Poster Session, Geological Society of America Meeting 2014, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada“. Compass: Earth Science Journal of Sigma Gamma Epsilon 86, Nr. 4 (27.02.2015): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.62879/c41242849.
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The 2014 Sigma Gamma Epsilon Undergraduate Research (Poster Session) took place during the 2014 Geological Society of American annual meeting in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada on Tuesday, 21 October 2014. Fifty-two posters were presented at the SGE poster session. The National Council of Sigma Gamma Epsilon awarded the Austin A. Sartin Best Poster Award to Megan Flansburg a student at the College of William and Mary. Emily Lubicich, a student at the State University of New York - New Paltz, was awarded the National Council Best Poster Award.
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Leigh, Jim. „Introduction and Commentary“. Learning Disability Quarterly 9, Nr. 2 (Mai 1986): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1510364.
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The National Joint Committee on Learning Disabilities (NJCLD) was established in 1975 through the efforts of the Council for Learning Disabilities (formerly the Division for Children with Learning Disabilities) and the Disabled Reading Committee of the International Reading Association. Eight major national-level organizations are presently represented on the NJCLD, including: The American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA), the Association for Children and Adults with Learning Disabilities (ACLD), the Council for Learning Disabilities (CLD), the Division for Children with Communication Disorders (DCCD), the Division for Learning Disabilities (DLD), the International Reading Association (IRA), the National Association of School Psychologists (NASP), and The Orton Dyslexia Society (ODS).
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Klevens, Jay. „North American High Voltage Interlaboratory Comparison“. NCSLI Measure 13, Nr. 3 (2021): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.51843/measure.13.3.6.
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This is the report for an interlaboratory comparison (ILC) of high voltage measurements performed by ten laboratories in the USA and Canada from 2018-2019. The measurement ranges were 20 kV to 100 kV DC and 15-70 kV RMS at 60 Hz AC. The ILC was designed to verify strengths and reveal weaknesses in high voltage measurements in commercial, military and energy sector calibration laboratories. The ILC was performed among members of NCSL International, with the generous support of National Research Council Canada (NRC).
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Fernández, M. T., A. Agis, A. Martín, A. Cabrero und I. Gómez. „Cooperative research projects between the Spanish National Research Council and Latin-American institutions“. Scientometrics 23, Nr. 1 (Januar 1992): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02020919.
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Ghaderi Doust, Elham. „ A Comparative Study on Objectives and Components of Writing Skill in National Curriculum of Iran and America (New Jersey) at High School“. International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 70 (Juni 2016): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.70.70.
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This study aims to provide an introductory of the codification of the objectives and components of teaching writing within the National Language curriculum in upper secondary in correlation with elementary and lower secondary curriculums. The method is a qualitative analysis of the contents. The data includes the Persian Language curriculum in Iranian upper secondary schools (version 2007) and American core curriculum for Language Arts (in New Jersey, 2004) collected through library study and note taking from Iran and foreign documents. In the present research, objectives and components of teaching writing within the curriculums in countries cited are analyzed and perused based on Autonomous and Ideological approaches to literacy; suggesting that objectives and components of American curriculum for teaching writing are formularized and influenced by Ideological approach, whereas Iranian writing curriculum possess properties of Autonomous Approach(consciously or unconsciously)and characteristics concerned with Ideological approach are marginal in Iran. After discussing features of curriculums in America (New Jersey), impressed by the Ideological approach to literacy, we proceed to bring forward the advantages and drawbacks of objectives and components of Iranian curriculum for teaching writing and some suggestions to improve are mentioned
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Jensen, Julie M. „Broad Shoulders and Big Issues: Council Leaders Tell Their Stories“. English Journal 89, Nr. 3 (01.01.2000): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ej2000552.
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Offers brief excerpts from oral history interviews with eight National Council of Teachers of English leaders on a variety of topics, including: formative years; becoming interested in teaching; experiences as a beginning teacher; teaching writing; being an African American teacher; literature and humanness.
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Reznik, O. N., und D. V. Mikhel. „Global organ shortage: an analysis of national self‑sufficiency strategies“. Russian Journal of Transplantology and Artificial Organs 22, Nr. 1 (23.04.2020): 174–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15825/1995-1191-2020-1-174-183.
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From the standpoint of socio-humanitarian knowledge, the paper analyzes the problem of global organ shortage. The basic ideas of the international medical community about organ shortage and the main proposals for overcoming it are considered. Special emphasis is placed on the three most revealing national self-sufficiency strategies adopted by donor agencies – American, Spanish and Iranian strategies. The issue of influence of cultural differences and socio-economic inequality on established organ donation practices is discussed using Mexico, Turkey, Pakistan and Bangladesh as examples.
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Bauman, Amy. „Believing You Can Make a Difference: From 1911 to 2011—The Needs of Teachers and Students Keep NCTE and Its Members Moving Forward“. Council Chronicle 20, Nr. 2 (01.11.2010): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/cc201012594.
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Leila Christenbury, Donna Alvermann, and Anika Spratley expand on some of the ideas in NCTE’s Centennial book, Reading the Past, Writing the Future: A Century of American Literacy Education and the National Council of Teachers of English.
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Baghoolizadeh, Beeta. „Seeing Black America in Iran“. American Historical Review 128, Nr. 4 (01.12.2023): 1618–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhad383.
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Abstract From the 1960s onwards, many Iranians closely followed Black American protests during the Civil Rights and Black Power movements in the United States. This period proved pivotal for Iranian understandings of race, where intellectuals, revolutionaries, and those in media would use US-centric histories of enslavement, racism, and Black Americans to erase nineteenth-century histories of enslavement and racism in Iran, tacitly displacing the existence of Black Iranians across the national landscape. Black American Muslims, particularly Malcolm X, emerged as the ideal form of Blackness. After the 1979 revolution, non-Black Iranians and the Iranian government would continue this focus on US-based racism through an official narrative that repeatedly defined racism as a US-only problem, ultimately cementing the erasures around histories of enslavement and Black Iranians that began with abolition in 1929. Through an analysis of speeches, memoirs, poetry, newspaper articles, photography, and other illustrated media, this article weaves together vignettes to demonstrate how the pervasiveness of racial hierarchies fashioned around US histories came to shift an Iranian vocabulary and conceptualization of race. This article traces the changes in racial discourse during the 1960s and 1970s, the 1979 revolution, and the Iran-Iraq War from an Iranian perspective.
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Nilforooshan, M. A., und M. A. Edriss. „Comparison of Holstein bull semen sources on milk traits in Isfahan province in Iran“. Archives Animal Breeding 50, Nr. 1 (10.10.2007): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/aab-50-71-2007.
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Abstract. This research provides a comparison of productivity of daughters in Iran sired by bulls from Canada, Europe, Iran, and the United States. Data were collected by the Animal Breeding Center of Iran on pedigree and first lactation performances of 10,192 Holsteins sired by 186 imported (including: 39 European, 73 American, 74 Canadian) and 133 Iranian bulls, which had their first calving in 35 dairy herds in Isfahan province. The results showed that American and European daughters had the highest performances for milk yield. The highest mean for fat yield was related to European daughters. American sires on average had the highest genetic potential for yield traits; however, they had the lowest fat percentage among compared sire groups. Canadian sire group was intermediate relative to American, European and Iranian groups. Higher intercepts and regression coefficients of conversion equations for American sires showed that more returns will be achieved from one genetic point superiority of American sires relative to Canadian sires in the environments of Isfahan province. The Iranian sire group had the lowest predicted transmitting ability means for both milk and fat yields and a negative predicted transmitting ability mean for fat percentage. This study showed that due to low to intermediate predicted transmitting ability correlations between foreign evaluations and the evaluations made by this study, direct selection based on foreign national evaluations would not lead to optimal results for the traits concerned. So, the genetic potential/expression of imported genetic materials needs to be reevaluated by the Animal Breeding Centers of Iran.
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Valentine, H. „Remembering our Past and How it Affected Our Present and Future“. Peanut Science 46, Nr. 1A (01.07.2019): 78–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3146/0095-3679-46.1a.78.
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ABSTRACT Howard Valentine worked for Texas Instruments, Columbian Peanut, ADM, Golden Peanut Company, and from 1997 to 2018 as Director of Science and Technology for the American Peanut Council. He was the Executive Director for the Peanut Foundation from 1997 to 2016 and held several other industry positions including chair of multiple committees: Research Committee for the Southeastern Peanut Shellers Association, the Multi-crop Aflatoxin Working Group, the Research Committee and Peanut Quality Improvement Committees for the National Peanut Council. Howard became an APRES fellow in 2013, received the Coyt T. Wilson and the American Peanut Council Lifetime Achievement award in 2015, and received the Peanut Foundation Peanut Research and Education Award in 2018. Howard is married to his wife, Debra, and has two children, William and Ann. This is his speech to commemorate the 50th anniversary of APRES.
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Rodriguez, Juan Sebastián Villamil. „The Internationalization of Judicial Review in the Colombian High Courts“. Constitutional Review 5, Nr. 1 (31.05.2019): 001. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/consrev511.
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The internationalization of adjudication in the Colombian high court refers to the growing importance that the American Convention on Human Rights has gained among the judicial forums of this country, but especially to the phenomenon that occurs when national judiciaries implement and appropriate the doctrine of the control of conventionality. The Convention has claimed a high ground in the Colombian constitutional system due to the appropriation of international law by national courts decisions, and to the process of the internationalization of the law. By consistently applying the control of conventionality doctrine, courts like the State Council have reaffirmed the binding nature and the effectiveness of the decisions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights for the Colombian legal system. In contrast to a much more regressive posture assumed by the Constitutional Court in recent decisions, the State Council, drawing on the legal contents of international law, has broadened the range of legal sources for rights interpretation in Colombia. By this action, as it will be further stated in this article, the State Council has contributed to a move away from a paradigm of a legalism based solely on the state sovereignty and national constitutionalism, towards one that endorses the pluralist structure of post-national law. Against this background, this article aims to discuss how the relationship of national judiciaries with international law is best understood as reflecting the development of a pluralist legal dynamic, sometimes referred to as jurisprudential dialogue, that involves the broadening of the normative horizon and the internationalization of the sources available for national judges in their reasoning; particularly in the cases that involve human rights violations.
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Ruefle, William, und Kenneth Mike Reynolds. „Curfews and Delinquency in Major American Cities“. Crime & Delinquency 41, Nr. 3 (Juli 1995): 347–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128795041003005.
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In 1972, the Board of Trustees of the National Council on Crime and Delinquency called for the abolishment of municipal curfew ordinances. This article examines whether curfews have withered away as called for by supporters of the “noninterventionist” juvenile justice reform model, or whether they have flourished as part of the alternative “get tough” reform movement. The findings show that 59 of the 77 American cities with 1992 populations of more than 200,000 now have curfews. In one 5-year period (1990-1994) 26 of these 77 major cities adopted curfews for the first time. Key issues of curfew implementation are discussed.
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Greenes, Carole, Linda Schulman und Rika Spungin. „Stimulating Communication in Mathematics“. Arithmetic Teacher 40, Nr. 2 (Oktober 1992): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/at.40.2.0078.
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Recently, a great deal of interest has been shown in communication in mathematics. The National Council of Teachers of Mathematics, in its Curriculum and Evaluation Standards for School Mathematics (1989), states that at all grade levels, students must learn to communicate mathematically. Science for All Americans: A Project 2061 Report (American Association for the Advancement of Science 1988) describes effective teaching of mathematics as teaching that emphasizes the development of students' abilities to communicate clearly in both oral and written work. Turning Points: Preparing American Youth for the Twentyfirst Century (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development 1989, 43) encourages middle-grade teachers “to promote a spirit of inquiry and to stimulate students to think about and communicate ideas.”
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Lattis, James M., und Anthony J. Lattis. „American Astronomers in Belgium, 1919: Snapshots from the Founding of the IAU“. Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 13, S349 (Dezember 2018): 406–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174392131900053x.
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AbstractThe USA delegation to the July 1919 International Research Council meeting in Brussels included Joel Stebbins, then professor of astronomy and observatory director at the University of Illinois, as secretary of the executive committee appointed by the National Research Council. Stebbins, an avid photographer, documented the travels of their party as the American astronomers attended the meeting and later toured devastated towns, scarred countryside, and battlefields only recently abandoned. Published reports of the meeting afterward attest to the impression left on the American visitors, and the photographs by Stebbins give us a glimpse through their own eyes. Selected photographs, recently discovered in the University of Wisconsin Archives and never before publicly seen, will be presented along with some commentary on their significance for the International Astronomical Union, which took shape at that 1919 meeting.
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VOROBYEV, SERGEY. „Indirect Actions of United States in Confrontation with Russia of Past and Future in Post-Soviet Space“. Middle & Post-Soviet East, Nr. 1 (2023): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/j.2949-2408.2023.01.03.
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The article presents the author’s comments and conclusions from the program of the American military-political leadership, which has been implemented for seventy-five years, indicated in the directive 20/1 “US goals in the war against Russia” adopted by the US National Security Council on August 18, 1948.
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Marrin, Stephen, und Philip H. J. Davies. „National Assessment by the National Security Council Staff 1968–80: An American Experiment in a British Style of Analysis?“ Intelligence and National Security 24, Nr. 5 (30.09.2009): 644–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520903209407.
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Mills, Paillette E., Pam Tazioli, Loreta Holder-Brown, Marion Duncan, Pam Potocik, Lisa Rogers, Armena Taylor und Andrea Lazzari. „Response to PL 99-457, Titles I and II: Issues concerning families residing in rural and remote areas of the United States“. Rural Special Education Quarterly 9, Nr. 1 (April 1988): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/875687058800900106.
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The American Council on Rural Special Education (ACRES) is a national organization dedicated to improving services for rural individuals with disabilities. Within the national organization, a number of task forces focus energy and ability on areas of specific interest and expertise. Task force members contribute ideas and information which are then used to establish priorities and develop effective rural special education strategies and practices. The Early Childhood Task Force is a vital ACRES task force.
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Jannati, Elmira, und Stuart Allen. „Parental Perspectives on Parent–Child Conflict and Acculturation in Iranian Immigrants in California“. Family Journal 26, Nr. 1 (Januar 2018): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1066480718754770.
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Iranians have settled in a number of areas in the United States, especially Southern California and Texas, and experience substantial prejudice as a result of perceptions of their religion and national origin. This study explored the relationship between Iranian immigrant parents’ acculturation and the level of conflict they experience with their U.S.-born children. A survey was used to collect data from a sample of 100 first-generation Iranian immigrant parents living in Orange County, CA, with children aged 11–22 years. Parent-acculturation levels were expected to predict parent–child conflicts (PCCs) resulting from potential acculturation gaps between children and parents. Results demonstrated a moderate positive relationship between Iranian cultural involvement and PCC and a weak negative relationship between American cultural involvement and PCC. The effects of various demographic variables were also considered. Results show higher PCC levels among lower income families, suggesting a need for support from schools, counselors, or other institutions.
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Carnine, Doug. „Bridging the Research-to-Practice Gap“. Exceptional Children 63, Nr. 4 (Juni 1997): 513–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001440299706300406.
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The contribution of research findings to the education of Americas students, including those with disabilities, depends on the quality of and market demand for research findings. This paper presents a rationale and suggestions for increasing the quality of and market demand for research findings as a vital component of any serious effort to improve American education. Responses to the paper are from representatives of the American Federation of Teachers; Learning Disabilities Association; National Alliance of Business; National Association of State Directors of Special Education; and Staff Director, Disability Policy Subcommittee, U.S. Senate. An additional response, which also synthesizes all responses, is provided by The Council for Exceptional Children.
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Malekzadeh, Shervin. „Forlorn Arabs and Flying Americans: National Identity in the Early Childhood Curriculum of Postrevolutionary Iran, 1979–2009“. Iranian Studies 55, Nr. 3 (Juli 2022): 741–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irn.2022.30.
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AbstractDrawing upon three decades of postrevolutionary textbooks, this article traces the development of the Arab Muslim as a recurring character in the early elementary curriculum of the Islamic Republic, set against the historical context of Iranian modernization and state formation in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Sympathy for the Arab by the postrevolutionary state included a rebuke and an affirmation: Look at what has happened to the Arabs who were not able to defend their homes and their homeland, and look at what has not happened to us. Set against the Palestinian Arab figure are the accomplishments of American scientists and inventors who feature prominently in the postrevolutionary curriculum as sources of emulation for young readers. Star turns from Thomas Edison, Alexander Graham Bell, and Orville and Wilbur Wright invite a reconsideration of the role of the foreign Other in the construction of Iranian national identity, notably the expectation that the dispossessed constitute natural allies in Iran's ceaseless struggle against “the West.” Islamization of the primary school curriculum since 1979 has not come at the expense of Iranian national identity but as its expression, elucidating the ways postrevolutionary educational materials can serve as a repository for tracing the continuities and permutations in depicting the Arab or Western Other as well as different civilizational ethos of the Islamic and Persianate world across time.
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Barness, Lewis A. „NATIONAL DAY OF PRAYER“. Pediatrics 84, Nr. 4 (01.10.1989): 657. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.84.4.657.
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A national day of prayer has been recognized as a part of our country's heritage since it was declared by the Continental Congress in 1775.... Officially it is the first Thursday of every May; this year it falls on May 5. We could trust the spirit of President Abraham Lincoln who, in despair, said, "I have been driven many times upon my knees by the overwhelming conviction that I had nowhere else to go." This is the anxiety felt by 13-million American children who are "Poorest in a Land of Plenty," title given a film produced by the National Council of Churces, to be introduced on Mother's Day, May 14 (NBC, 1 pm). The NCC's statistics show that "One out of every five children in America is poor; among 20 industrialized nations the USA has the third highest infant mortality rate; among industrialized nations only the USA and South Africa fail to provide comprehensive health care for children and pregnant women.
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Kiavar, Negar, und Massoud Yaghoubi-Notash. „Attitudes to English in the Kaleidoscopic Iranian Context: Second, Foreign or International?“ International Journal of Education and Literacy Studies 7, Nr. 2 (30.04.2019): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijels.v.7n.2p.21.
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Today’s world seems to be quite overwhelmingly concerned with communication as an incontestable aspect of which is communicating with people lacking a shared linguistic background. A common language (or lingua franca) would, therefore, be needed which can cut across all local, national, and regional linguistic boundaries. This study aimed at exploring the attitudes of 400 bilingual and monolingual college students and EFL learners. It investigated English language status in the linguistically diverse context of Iran. For the purpose of the study, a standardized questionnaire containing 37 Likert-type items was distributed. Descriptive statistics were employed for data analysis revealing that learners from different linguistic backgrounds had significantly different reactions and attitudes to the issues such as: General perception to English, Status of English, text and content matter comprehensibility through English, job prospects, official status, culture learning, integrating with American or British cultures, religion and foreign language learning, English ownership, Adherence to British English, American English or English as an international language.
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Bencke, Romi Márcia. „Christian Witness in a Multi-Religious World: Brazil and its Pulsating Plurality“. Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 36, Nr. 1 (Januar 2019): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265378819831849.
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This article traces the efforts of the National Council of Churches in Brazil to endorse the document ‘Christian witness in a multi-religious world’ and to implement its recommendations in the practice of churches in Brazil. The reception of the document is placed into the historical development of the ecumenical movement in Brazil since an important conference in 1962 in Recife, Brazil, and the impact the Second Vatican Council had in the Latin American country. The focus is then on how the religious plurality in the country started to be perceived. Three examples follow showing how fundamentalist Christian groups oppose other religious expressions in the country and how the churches united in the council are challenged by the spirit of witnessing in respect to embrace pluralism.
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McCormick, Theresa M. „Espionage and the American Revolution Lesson Plan“. Social Studies Research and Practice 2, Nr. 1 (01.03.2007): 88–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-01-2007-b0008.
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In this lesson, students discover how the role of espionage was crucial in securing a victory against the British in the American Revolution. Based on the National Council for the Social Studies Notable Trade Book, George Washington, Spymaster—How the Americans Outspied the British and Won the Revolution by Thomas B. Allen, this lesson introduces students to various spy techniques and strategies used by the colonists under the leadership of General George Washington. Thomas B. Allen presents an intriguing and accurate account of double agents, covert operations, codes, and ciphers of the colonists’ efforts to spy on the British army during the American Revolution War. Using the Internet as a resource, students conduct historical research through the critical examination of a variety of primary sources.