Zeitschriftenartikel: „National equality“

1

Liu, Goodwin. „Education, Equality, and National Citizenship“. Yale Law Journal 116, Nr. 2 (01.11.2006): 330. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20455723.

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2

Klinefelter, Donald S. „Justice, Equality, and National Health Care“. Social Philosophy Today 11 (1995): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday1995115.

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3

Dye, Thomas R., und Harmon Zeigler. „Socialism and Equality in Cross-National Perspective“. PS: Political Science and Politics 21, Nr. 1 (1988): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419961.

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4

Boxil, Bernard R. „Global Equality of Opportunity and National Integrity“. Social Philosophy and Policy 5, Nr. 1 (1987): 143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001291.

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Philosophers have long distinguished various interpretations of the principle of equal opportunity and argued over their implications and justifications. But they have almost always tacitly assumed that the context was a national one. They have not, in particular, considered whether some interpretation of the principle could apply and be justified globally, that is, to all people without regard to their nationality or citizenship. Yet, such an investigation is clearly demanded. The leading moral theories seem to support a case for at least some interpretation of the equal opportunity principle, and it is not obvious that they can support it only domestically.Consider, first, those moral theories which place great value on negative liberty, for example, libertarianism. Libertarianism supports a standard interpretation of the equal opportunity principle – “formal” equality of opportunity; formal equality of opportunity requires that legal restrictions j on the taking of opportunities be lifted, and such restrictions diminish negative liberty. But libertarianism would also seem to support a global. version of formal equality of opportunity, for example, that laws be rescinded which require that candidates for jobs in a country be citizens of that country, or which restrict emigration or immigration. Such laws also diminish negative liberty.Or consider those moral theories which place great value on efficiency, for example, utilitarianism. Utilitarianism probably supports formal equality of opportunity because legal restrictions on the taking of opportunity not only diminish negative liberty, but also often prevent talent and skill from going where it can best be used and thus reduce efficiency.

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5

Dye, Thomas R., und Harmon Zeigler. „Socialism and Equality in Cross-National Perspective“. PS: Political Science & Politics 21, Nr. 01 (Dezember 1988): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500019429.

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6

Aschman, Gray. „Commission for Gender Equality National Gender Summit“. Agenda 28, Nr. 2 (03.04.2014): 98–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2014.932089.

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7

Glasper, Professor Edward Alan. „Equality and the children's National Service Framework“. British Journal of Nursing 13, Nr. 19 (Oktober 2004): 1122. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjon.2004.13.19.16314.

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8

N.O., Paliy. „Partnership Biarritz: national context and international recognition“. Almanac of law: The role of legal doctrine in ensuring of human rights 11, Nr. 11 (August 2020): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2020-11-36.

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This article highlights the issues of equal women’s access to professions. The purpose of the study is to analyse Biarritz Partnership platform as an international gender equality initiative. Biarritz Partnership gives an opportunity to learn about positive international experience that can be a subject for imitation and use in national systems, including in Ukraine. At present, Ukraine has chosen a course to consolidate gender equality legislation, in particular, equal opportunities for women in profession. The confirmation of this is the initiation of Ukraine's accession to Biarritz Partnership. In the course of the study, it was analysed recommendations, mainly for the countries G7 regarding implementation of the progressive laws to ensure gender equality. Specifically, it was analysed such areas of combating discrimination against women, as: ending gender-based violence, ensuring inclusive, equitable, and quality education and health, promote the economic empowerment of women, and ensuring full gender equality in policies and in public life. The article focuses on the gender equality platform, which provides to countries the strategic opportunity to take a significant step toward equality through the adoption of laws and their implementation. In particular, the article analyses the Recommendation of the Gender Equality Advisory Council for advancing gender equality and the empowerment of girls and women and Call to Action. Recommendation of the Gender Equality Advisory Council contains illustrations of the laws of certain country, adoption of whose show positive developments in the area of women's rights. The platform of gender equality is created for discussion that allows leaders of G7 members and other countries to focus on gender equality, and in particular, on women's access to the profession. Biarritz Partnership draws countries' attention to urgent issues and encourages countries to dialogue to close gaps in gender legislation. The article focuses on the importance of studying, discussing and researching the international experience of countries where there is a positive practice of implementation legislation concerning women's access to the profession. This is the key to a quality settlement of the issue of protection of women's rights in Ukraine. The practical significance of this article is to explore the issue of women's free choice of profession. Such knowledge will help to remove barriers to women's access to economic opportunities. Scientific developments in this field can be used to ensure gender equality, to amend in the existing legislative of Ukraine in order to protect human rights to women's free choice of profession and place of work. Keywords: Biarritz partnership, gender equality, women's access to the profession, free choice of professions, protection of human rights

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9

Anderson, Ian. „Close the Gap: National Indigenous Health Equality Council“. Medical Journal of Australia 190, Nr. 10 (Mai 2009): 546. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.2009.tb02558.x.

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10

Moellendorf, Darrel. „Equality of Opportunity Globalized?“ Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence 19, Nr. 02 (Juli 2006): 301–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900004124.

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The principle of global equality of opportunity is an important part of the commitment to global egalitarianism. In this paper I discuss how a principle of global equality of opportunity follows from a commitment to equal respect for the autonomy of all persons, and defend the principle against some of the criticism that it has received. The particular criticisms that I address contend that a moral view based upon dignity and respect cannot take properties of persons-such as their citizenship-as morally arbitrary, that any justification of what counts as equal opportunity sets must be based upon national cultural understandings, that a positive account of equality of opportunity cannot adequately handle the fact of value pluralism across the globe, and that the principle of equality of opportunity is incompatible with national self-determination. In the course of defending the principle of equality of opportunity from these criticisms, I make revisions to my previously published defense of the principle.

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Maguire-Rajpaul, Vinesh, Helen Jermak, Sheila Kanani, Jacco Th van Loon und Stacey Habergham-Mawson. „Equality, diversity and inclusion perspectives“. Astronomy & Geophysics 60, Nr. 5 (01.10.2019): 5.40–5.42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/astrogeo/atz182.

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12

Kádár, Tamás. „Equality bodies“. International Journal of Discrimination and the Law 18, Nr. 2-3 (Juni 2018): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1358229118799231.

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The Treaty of Amsterdam and the subsequent adoption in 2000 of the so-called Race Directive was a genuine paradigm shift in European equal treatment legislation and practice. One of the major developments resulting from this Treaty change and new Directive was the introduction of a requirement for all European Union (EU) Member States to set up bodies for the promotion of equal treatment, first on the ground of race and ethnic origin, later extended to the ground of gender. This article analyses the emergence of these bodies – equality bodies – in EU Member States and candidate countries and the role they play in promoting equality and the implementation and monitoring of EU equal treatment legislation. It argues that equality bodies have a significant potential to contribute to more equal societies and they have proved to be effective agents of change. They do so, among others, by contributing to relevant case law in front of the Court of Justice of the EU leading to the further development and clarification of EU and national equal treatment legislation. The article also looks at the challenges experienced by equality bodies in different European countries as factors that influence and might limit their potential and contribution. To conclude, the article examines the necessary conditions for equality bodies to effectively contribute to the implementation of EU legislation and the achievement of substantive equality and it assesses whether current standards for equality bodies can guarantee these conditions.

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13

Alieva, Kamola Alieva. „Trends In Ensuring Gender Equality: The Practice And Legal Reforms Of Advanced Foreign Countries“. American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 03, Nr. 03 (30.03.2021): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume03issue03-03.

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In the article, the author analyzed the global ranking of gender equality, the legal framework and the national experience of advanced foreign countries. The author notes that the leading positions of these countries in the world in terms of gender equality are associated not only with the national legal and institutional framework, but also with public life, consciousness and worldview of people. Based on this, the author notes the importance of developing proposals for the implementation of the experience of these countries by analyzing constitutions, special laws and strategies to ensure gender equality in Uzbekistan.

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Schwartz, Alex. „Symbolic Equality: Law and National Symbols in Northern Ireland“. International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 19, Nr. 4 (2012): 339–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-01904001.

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The way in which the law regulates the display of national symbols has important consequences for minority national groups. If the majority is allowed to monopolise the official display of national symbols, members of the minority may be further alienated and discouraged from participating in public life. In contrast, a more even-handed approach to national symbols has the potential to foster an inclusive and pluri-national public culture. This article evaluates the regulation of national symbols in Northern Ireland. It contrasts the relative success of legislation regulating the display of symbols in the workplace with the latest equality litigation under Northern Ireland’s Good Friday Agreement of 1998 (‘the Agreement’). With respect to the latter, it is argued that the case-law suffers from a general failure to apreciate the implications of the Agreement for the display of national symbols. The article goes on to explain how equality with respect to the display of national symbols – or ‘symbolic equality’ – should be understood as an extension of the Agreement’s commitment to the more general principle of ‘parity of esteem’.

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15

McKinney, Laura A., und Gregory M. Fulkerson. „Gender Equality and Climate Justice: A Cross-National Analysis“. Social Justice Research 28, Nr. 3 (03.06.2015): 293–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11211-015-0241-y.

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16

Zajda, Joseph. „Higher education and equality of opportunities: Cross-national perspectives“. International Review of Education 59, Nr. 2 (01.03.2013): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11159-013-9349-1.

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17

Wemlinger, Elizabeth, und Meika R. Berlan. „Does Gender Equality Influence Volunteerism? A Cross-National Analysis of Women’s Volunteering Habits and Gender Equality“. VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 27, Nr. 2 (19.05.2015): 853–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-015-9595-x.

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18

Kraus, Michael W., Julian M. Rucker und Jennifer A. Richeson. „Americans misperceive racial economic equality“. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114, Nr. 39 (18.09.2017): 10324–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1707719114.

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The present research documents the widespread misperception of race-based economic equality in the United States. Across four studies (n = 1,377) sampling White and Black Americans from the top and bottom of the national income distribution, participants overestimated progress toward Black–White economic equality, largely driven by estimates of greater current equality than actually exists according to national statistics. Overestimates of current levels of racial economic equality, on average, outstripped reality by roughly 25% and were predicted by greater belief in a just world and social network racial diversity (among Black participants). Whereas high-income White respondents tended to overestimate racial economic equality in the past, Black respondents, on average, underestimated the degree of past racial economic equality. Two follow-up experiments further revealed that making societal racial discrimination salient increased the accuracy of Whites’ estimates of Black–White economic equality, whereas encouraging Whites to anchor their estimates on their own circumstances increased their tendency to overestimate current racial economic equality. Overall, these findings suggest a profound misperception of and unfounded optimism regarding societal race-based economic equality—a misperception that is likely to have any number of important policy implications.

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19

Hjelm, Titus. „National piety: Religious equality, freedom of religion and national identity in Finnish political discourse“. Religion 44, Nr. 1 (13.11.2013): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0048721x.2013.857366.

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20

Bencivenga, Rita, und Eileen Drew. „Promoting gender equality and structural change in academia through gender equality plans: Harmonising EU and national initiatives“. GENDER – Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft 13, Nr. 1-2021 (15.03.2021): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/gender.v13i1.03.

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Gender equality has been actively promoted in EU academic institutions by the European Commission’s Science with and for Society (SwafS) programme through the implementation of gender equality plans (GEP). GEP formulation and implementation was strongly influenced by involvement in EU projects in Irish as well as Italian higher education institutions. The paper draws upon experience of the EU project SAGE (H2020), in which Irish and Italian universities actively cooperated, the Athena SWAN Charter in Ireland, Positive Action Plans (PAP) in Italy, and semi structured interviews with gender experts in Irish and Italian higher education institutions to explore the degree to which participation in EU and national initiatives can promote similar outcomes by the adoption of positive actions. The paper concludes that a harmonised strategy, focusing on common priorities and respecting cultural, political and social diversity, could promote the internationalization of the higher education sector and accelerate the process towards gender equality in academia.

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Johnsen, Dawn, und Marcy J. Wilder. „Webster and Women's Equality“. American Journal of Law & Medicine 15, Nr. 2-3 (1989): 178–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0098858800012144.

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The National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL) and the Women's Legal Defense Fund (WLDF) co-authored an amicus curiae brief submitted to the United States Supreme Court in Webster v. Reproductive Health Services. The brief was authored on behalf of seventyseven organizations committed to women's equality. The brief argued that continued constitutional protection of a woman's fundamental right to choose abortion is guaranteed by the liberty-based right to privacy. Further, we argued that this right is essential to women's ability to achieve sexual equality. In order to participate in society as equals, women must be afforded the opportunity to make decisions concerning childbearing. Women's unique reproductive capabilities have long served as a principal justification for their unequal and disadvantageous treatment by the state. Restrictive abortion laws continue “our Nation['s] … long and unfortunate history of sex discrimination” by depriving women of the freedom to control the course of their lives.

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Amirkhanyan, Hayk, Michał Wiktor Krawczyk und Maciej Wilamowski. „Gender inequality and national gender gaps in overconfidence“. PLOS ONE 16, Nr. 4 (15.04.2021): e0249459. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0249459.

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Using a large dataset of marathon runners, we estimate country- and gender-specific proxies for overconfidence. Subsequently, we correlate them with a number of indices, including various measures of gender equality. We find that in less gender-equal countries both males and females tend to be more self-confident than in more equal countries. While a substantial gender gap in overconfidence is observed, it only correlates with some sub-indices of gender equality. We conclude that there is likely a weak relationship between OC gender gap and gender inequality.

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Baker, David P., und Deborah Perkins Jones. „Creating Gender Equality: Cross-national Gender Stratification and Mathematical Performance“. Sociology of Education 66, Nr. 2 (April 1993): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2112795.

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24

Ayeni, Matthew Adedeji. „Justice, Equality and Peace: The Necessary Tripod for National Development“. Greener Journal of Social Sciences 3, Nr. 1 (20.01.2013): 033–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15580/gjss.2013.1.112012274.

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25

Naidoo, Jennie, Paul Iganski und David Mason. „Ethnicity, Equality of Opportunity, and the British National Health Service“. Contemporary Sociology 32, Nr. 3 (Mai 2003): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089155.

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Southwell, Priscilla L., und Courtney P. Smith. „Equality of recruitment: Gender parity in French National Assembly elections“. Social Science Journal 44, Nr. 1 (01.03.2007): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2006.12.007.

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27

Hou, Minghui. „Educational Equality and International Students“. Journal of International Students 9, Nr. 4 (15.11.2019): 1191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v0i0.618.

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Educational Equality and International Students, recently published by Tannock (2018), explores and highlights how to conceptualize and promote principles of educational equality for both international and domestic students in the United Kingdom. Tannock’s book includes empirical research consisting of 60 interviews with higher education staff and students, as well as the use of higher education institutional documents and secondary statistics collected from universities and national higher education organizations around the UK. Tannock addresses the contradictions between the missions of higher education institutions (universalistic principles of human rights in equal education) and their practices regarding international students as “cash cows” that keep the university afloat (p. 110).

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Chan, Shuk Ying. „On the international investment regime: A critique from equality“. Politics, Philosophy & Economics 20, Nr. 2 (06.04.2021): 202–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x211005652.

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The international investment regime has come under increasing scrutiny, with several developing countries withdrawing from bilateral investment treaties in recent years. A central worry raised by critics is that investment treaties undermine national self-determination. Proposed reforms to the regime have focused on rebalancing the distribution of power between states and investors to restore ‘enlarged regulatory space’ for the former. Contra this critique from national self-determination, in this paper I argue that infringements on national self- determination cannot alone explain why the investment regime is morally problematic. Instead, on this egalitarian view, the regime is objectionable because it empowers a class of agents, whose interests are reliably opposed to egalitarian economic policy, to constrain national self-determination. In effect, the investment regime undermines states’ capacity to address inequality within and between states and is unjust for that reason. The moral and practical upshot is that reforms to the regime ought to empower disadvantaged groups to exert disproportionate leverage over the terms and practice of international investment, and to appeal to global institutions to do so. In other words, our moral assessment of a given global institution or practice should not depend on whether it constrains national self-determination, but on who it empowers to do so.

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Kaufman, Gayle, und Hiromi Taniguchi. „Gender equality and work–family conflict from a cross-national perspective“. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 60, Nr. 6 (Dezember 2019): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715219893750.

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This study examines the relationship between gender ideology at the individual level, gender equality at the country level, and women and men’s experiences of work interference with family (WIF) and family interference with work (FIW). We use data from the 2012 International Social Survey Programme as well as the 2011 to 2015 Human Development Reports. Our sample consists of 24,547 respondents from 37 countries. Based on multilevel mixed-effects logistic models, we find that women are more likely than men to experience WIF and FIW. At the individual level, traditional gender ideology positively predicts WIF and FIW. Women and men who reside in more gender-unequal countries have a higher likelihood of FIW while men in these contexts also are more likely to experience WIF. Societal gender inequality is more consequential for those who hold less traditional gender ideology. In conclusion, gender egalitarianism at the individual level and gender equality at the country level are both associated with less WIF and FIW. Policies that seek to address work–family balance should incorporate measures to promote gender equality.

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Tadros, Mariz, und Ayesha Khan. „Challenging Binaries to Promote Women's Equality“. Feminist Dissent, Nr. 3 (27.11.2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n3.2018.298.

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In this issue we are calling for a new interpretive framework that recognises the multiple genealogies that have contributed to binary constructs of the Western/secular versus the authentic/religious; takes into account the different power positionalities of those engaging in global and national struggles temporally and spatially; challenges the static binarism of religious versus secular that obfuscates the plurality of framings and identities around which women and men mobilise for social justice and does not shy away from the question of accountability for equality outcomes.

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Azizova, Nodira Mannapovna, und Lobarkhon Kadirjanovna Azizova. „Gender Policy And Role Of Women Farmers And Dehkans In Horticulture Sector: National Peculiarities Of Uzbekistan“. American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 03, Nr. 03 (23.03.2021): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume03issue03-15.

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This paper presents results of the process focused on achieving of the gender equality and development of the agriculture sector. Implementation of the both programs presents the parabola symmetry axes where the strenthening the capacity of the women farmers and dehkans and increasing of their family’s wellbeing are going hand in hand in Uzbekistan. The Government of Uzbekistan has been prioritized improvement of legislative and institutional base for further ensuring equality for women in all spheres of life including agriculture sector. This paper shed lights on important gender aspects of rural development and concludes that the potential of rural women’s economic status and involvement has not yet been reached.

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PASCALL, GILLIAN, und JANE LEWIS. „Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe“. Journal of Social Policy 33, Nr. 3 (Juli 2004): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940400772x.

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This article addresses some implications for gender equality and gender policy at European and national levels of transformations in family, economy and polity, which challenge gender regimes across Europe. Women's labour market participation in the west and the collapse of communism in the east have undermined the systems and assumptions of western male breadwinner and dual worker models of central and eastern Europe. Political reworking of the work/welfare relationship into active welfare has individualised responsibility. Individualisation is a key trend west – and in some respects east – and challenges the structures that supported care in state and family. The links that joined men to women, cash to care, incomes to carers have all been fractured. The article will argue that care work and unpaid care workers are both casualties of these developments. Social, political and economic changes have not been matched by the development of new gender models at the national level. And while EU gender policy has been admired as the most innovative aspect of its social policy, gender equality is far from achieved: women's incomes across Europe are well below men's; policies for supporting unpaid care work have developed modestly compared with labour market activation policies. Enlargement brings new challenges as it draws together gender regimes with contrasting histories and trajectories. The article will map social policies for gender equality across the key elements of gender regimes – paid work, care work, income, time and voice – and discuss the nature of a model of gender equality that would bring gender equality across these. It analyses ideas about a dual earner–dual carer model, in the Dutch combination scenario and ‘universal caregiver’ models, at household and civil society levels. These offer a starting point for a model in which paid and unpaid work are equally valued and equally shared between men and women, but we argue that a citizenship model, in which paid and unpaid work obligations are underpinned by social rights, is more likely to achieve gender equality.

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Powell, Martin. „The Strategy of Equality Revisited“. Journal of Social Policy 24, Nr. 2 (April 1995): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400024855.

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ABSTRACTIn 1982 Julian Le Grand in his text,The Strategy of Equalitydelivered the message that ‘almost all public expenditure on the social services in Britain benefits the better off to a greater extent than the poor’. This has been developed into the conventional wisdom, that the welfare state has failed to achieve equality. However, this pessimistic verdict may be challenged on a number of grounds. First, it is debatable to what extent the welfare state was intended to achieve the types of equality defined by Le Grand. Second, it is possible to arrive at a less pessimistic conclusion both by re-examining Le Grand's original evidence and by examining subsequent evidence on the extent of equality achieved by the welfare state. This article examines the pessimistic thesis on both conceptual and empirical grounds, with a specific focus on the National Health Service. It is concluded that reports of the failure of the welfare state may be premature.

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Elona, Hoxha. „Gender Equality, Albanian National Mechanism Within the Framework of EU Legislation“. Academicus International Scientific Journal 19 (März 2019): 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2019.19.11.

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Nhâm Thìn, Lã. „Gender equality in national tradion from folk poety, proverb of Vietnamese“. Journal of Science, Social Science 60, Nr. 3 (2015): 3–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2015-0001.

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Halitsyna, N. V. „MECHANISM FOR ENSURING GENDER EQUALITY IN THE NATIONAL POLICE OF UKRAINE“. Juridical scientific and electronic journal, Nr. 5 (2020): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2524-0374/2020-5/25.

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Medalia, Carla, und Virginia W. Chang. „Gender equality, development, and cross-national sex gaps in life expectancy“. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 52, Nr. 5 (Oktober 2011): 371–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715211426177.

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Crawford, Mary, und Barbara Pini. „Gender Equality in National Politics: The Views of Australian Male Politicians“. Australian Journal of Political Science 45, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2010): 605–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2010.517177.

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Bick, Etta. „Equality, orthodoxy and politics: the conflict over national service in Israel“. Israel Affairs 19, Nr. 3 (Juli 2013): 505–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2013.799862.

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40

de Witte, Bruno. „National Equality Institutions and the Domestication of EU Non-Discrimination Law“. Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 18, Nr. 1-2 (März 2011): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x1101800108.

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41

Omeje, Ngozi P. „National Accountability to Gender Equality and Equity : Challenges for Public Administration“. NG-Journal of Social Development 5, Nr. 2 (2016): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0031176.

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42

Edwards, Julia. „Mainstreaming equality in Wales: the case of the National Assembly building“. Policy & Politics 32, Nr. 1 (01.01.2004): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557304772860030.

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de Miguel-Luken, Verónica. „Cross-National Comparison on Family Satisfaction: Super-Specialization Versus Super-Equality“. Social Indicators Research 145, Nr. 1 (04.03.2019): 303–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-019-02089-w.

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Mankiewicz, Pawel D., Jordan Reid, Eleanor Anne Hughes und Angelica Attard. „Management of demographic equality of access to family intervention for psychosis in specialist community mental healthcare teams“. British Journal of Healthcare Management 27, Nr. 8 (02.08.2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjhc.2020.0136.

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Background/Aims UK mental health services must provide evidence-based psychological treatments, including family intervention, to every service user diagnosed with psychosis. Although healthcare managers are required to ensure equitable delivery of prescribed core treatments, in practice equality of access remains debatable. This study investigates equality of access to family intervention for psychosis. Subsequent treatment uptake and engagement are also examined. The role of healthcare records in equality management is considered. Methods Retrospective analysis of electronic medical records of 244 service users across four specialist early intervention teams in London in 2018 was undertaken using binary logistic regression and multiple linear regression. Bonferroni adjustment was applied to control for type 1 errors. Results Participants were found to have equal access to the nationally endorsed treatment across all demographic variables. Likewise, treatment uptake and engagement were equally distributed. Conclusions An overall compliance with national policies was shown, demonstrating that equal provision of core treatment for psychosis is achievable. As discrepancies in record keeping were shown to impede the data extraction process, suggestions were made for the management of electronic medical records in mental healthcare services.

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McCRUDDEN, CHRISTOPHER. „The Effectiveness of European Equality Law: National Mechanisms for Enforcing Gender Equality Law in the Light of European Requirements“. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 13, Nr. 3 (1993): 320–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojls/13.3.320.

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Goonesekere, Savitri. „From social welfare to human rights for girls – a path to achieving gender equality“. International Journal of Law in Context 10, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2014): 478–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552314000238.

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AbstractDespite international and national human rights norms and standards, gender equality remains a goal in most countries. The recent discourse on substantive equality as a strategy for addressing the gender discrimination, disadvantage and deep-rooted social biases has reinforced the importance of working towards indivisible human rights for girls and women under CRC and CEDAW. This paper uses international and comparative national experiences on law and policy to argue that the failure to adopt an indivisibility of rights approach in relation to girl children has made it more difficult to achieve a norm of substantive equality for women. It is argued that the adoption of an intergenerational and rights-based, rather than a social welfare approach, is a necessary step to achieving substantive equality for women.

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Anderson, Edward. „Equality as a Global Goal“. Ethics & International Affairs 30, Nr. 2 (2016): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679416000071.

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The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were established following the UN Millennium Declaration, which was approved by the UN General Assembly in September 2000. Described by some as the “world's biggest promise,” they set out a series of time-bound targets to be achieved by the international community by 2015, including a halving of extreme poverty, a two-third reduction in child mortality, a three-quarter reduction in maternal mortality, and universal primary education. The MDGs were, however, often criticized for having a “blind spot” with regard to inequality and social injustice. Worse, they may even have contributed to entrenched inequalities through perverse incentives. As some have argued, in order to achieve progress toward the MDG targets at the national level, governments focused their attention on the “easy to reach” populations and ignored more marginalized, vulnerable groups. The aim of this essay is to examine the extent to which this widespread criticism has been successfully addressed in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), approved by the UN General Assembly in September 2015.

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Bechhofer, Frank, und David McCrone. „Choosing National Identity“. Sociological Research Online 15, Nr. 3 (August 2010): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2191.

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This paper examines national identity in England and Scotland, arguing that it is necessary to understand how people construe it instead of simply assuming that it is constructed from above by the state. It adds to qualitative data on this issue by discussing recent survey data, from the British and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys 2006, in which for the first time people are asked about their reasons for making a specific choice of national identity. In so doing it fleshes out the responses given to a well known survey question (the so-called ‘Moreno’ question) providing a greater understanding of what a large sample of people are saying when they make these territorial identity choices. The English and the Scots handle ‘national’ and ‘state’ identities differently, but the paper shows there is considerable similarity as regards reasons for choosing national identity. Both English and Scottish ‘nationals’, those placing greater weight on their ‘national’ as opposed to their ‘state’ identities, choose to do so mainly for cultural and institutional reasons. They are not making a ‘political’ statement about the break-up of Britain. At the British end of the scale, there are patterns in the English data which throw into doubt easy assertions about ‘being British’. Simply assuming, as some politicians and commentators do, that ‘British’ has singular meanings is unfounded. The future of the United Kingdom as presently constituted may lie in the hands of those who describe themselves as equally national (English or Scottish) and British. Devolution influences which national identity people choose in all three sets of national identity categories but these effects are sociologically most interesting in this group. Devolution seems to have encouraged them to stress the equality of the two nations in the British state, recognising that they are equal partners, that one can be equally proud of a national and a British identity, and that it is not necessary to choose one over the other.

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Geißel, Brigitte, Anna Krämling und Lars Paulus. „It Depends…Different Direct Democratic Instruments and Equality in Europe from 1990 to 2015“. Politics and Governance 7, Nr. 2 (27.06.2019): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i2.1881.

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Despite the popularity of direct democracy in recent decades, research on the actual output effects of popular decision-making is rare. This is especially true with regard to equality, where there are at least three major research gaps: 1) a lack of cross-national analyses; 2) insufficient investigation of the differential effects of different direct democratic instruments on equality; and 3) a failure to distinguish between different aspects of equality, i.e., socioeconomic, legal and political equality. This article takes a first step to tackle these shortcomings by looking at all national referenda in European democracies between 1990 and 2015, differentiating between mandatory, bottom-up and top-down referenda. We find that a large majority of successful direct democratic bills—regardless of which instrument is employed—are not related to equality issues. Of the remaining ones, there are generally more successful pro-equality bills than contra-equality ones, but the differences are rather marginal. Mandatory referenda tend to produce pro-equality outputs, but no clear patterns emerge for bottom-up and top-down referenda. Our results offer interesting, preliminary insights to the current debate on direct democracy, pointing to the conclusion that popular decision-making via any type of direct democratic instrument is neither curse nor blessing with regard to equality. Instead, it is necessary to look at other factors such as context conditions or possible indirect effects in order to get a clearer picture of the impacts of direct democracy on equality.

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Brännström, Leila. „The Terms of Ethnoracial Equality“. Social & Legal Studies 27, Nr. 5 (04.08.2017): 616–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663917722827.

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This article initially accounts for the discussions concerning the notions ‘ethnic origin’ and ‘race’ that have taken place in the Swedish legislative context and places these within a wider European context. Next follows a mapping of the ways in which Swedish courts, in cases of alleged ethnic discrimination, read the notion of ‘ethnic affiliation’ – defined as ‘national or ethnic origin, skin colour, or other similar circumstance’ – and decide whether a statement or an act is related to it. The purpose, to borrow Michel Foucault’s words, is to ‘make visible precisely what is visible’. By bringing together, arranging and connecting what the courts have said about ‘ethnic affiliation’, the conclusions they have reached and the circumstances that they have ignored, three observations are made: (a) ethnic affiliation is treated as an authentic and stable personal individual attribute, (b) ethnic affiliation is seen as a question about body types and bloodlines solely and (c) discriminatory acts are connected to ‘ethnic affiliation’ only if related to visual appearance or accompanied by ‘incriminating words’. The article discusses and analyzes the significance and implications of these observations in engagement with theorists such as Barnor Hesse and David Theo Goldberg.

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