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Withey, D. R. „Opportunities for gender equality in design and technology“. Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341053.
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Böhlen, Marc-André, und Thierry Hirschi. „Chocolate, Cheese and Gender Equality? : How Switzerland’s national culture influences the implementation of gender equality policies in companies“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-74875.
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Gender equality is one of the most topical issues of all. Many researchers around the world are addressing the issue of equal opportunities in the labour market and are looking for ways to ensure this in all sectors of the economy. This paper addresses this issue and aims to gain a deep understanding of the influence of a national culture on the implementation of gender equality policies within companies. With the help of a qualitative research method, the various factors of culture were examined and their relationship to the gender-specific understanding of a society analysed. The findings show the effects on companies operating in Switzerland and combine the experience of case companies with the literature already available. In order to test and further explore this combination, the authors of the thesis opted for an abductive research approach to repeatedly expand understanding with new literature and develop a more relevant comprehension of the influence of culture. The entire literature research finally created a framework that shows the links between the various theories and provides a clear overview of the background. With the help of selected case companies, important insights could be gained and with this empirical data, a detailed analysis for a better understanding of the influence of cultures on the implementation of gender equality policies could be achieved. These findings, combined with the existing theory and theoretical synthesis, provide a clear analysis and finally provide the reader with an insight into the implications, recommendations and limitations as well as suggestions for further research. Culture has a major influence on the implementation of gender equality policies. This paper shows how the various companies in Switzerland approach this influence and how Swedish companies with business operations in Switzerland in particular are pushing ahead with the implementation of policies for equality between women and men. This can give companies in Switzerland an indication of how they have to deal with cultural conditions within a country and how they can make optimum use of these for their human resource management.
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Akhter, Rifat. „Global economy, gender equality, and domestic violence : a cross-national study /“. Available to subscribers only, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1196415621&sid=27&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Costley, Carol. „Women, music & culture : equality issues in music education at Key Stage Three“. Thesis, University of Surrey, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260254.
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van, Duijn Diandra. „The Importance of Gender Equality in Climate Action : An investigation into how UN member states view the relation between gender equality and climate action“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432709.
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Scientists warn that the current rate of climate change will raise average global temperature by 4°C compared to 1990, although warming of +2°C will already have dire effects throughout the world. Therefore, the UN acknowledges SDG 13 (Climate Action) as one of the most important goals for the coming decade in order to fight climate change. Another focus of the UN is SDG 5 (Gender Equality), which is also an overarching goal but still lagging behind. Working on one of the goals can have a positive effect on other goals. Therefore a synergy can be created when investigating how climate change affects gender equality and how gender equality affects climate action. The link between gender equality and climate action was already established by the UN at the Beijing Platform of Action in 1995. However, there has been little research into how government representatives understand how the goals are interconnected. These representatives are important in the drafting of new policy and keeping the UN accountable for incorporating gender into its policies. Hence, this thesis investigates how the relationship between gender equality and climate action is viewed by government representatives, as well as in national climate documents. A content analysis was performed on National Determined Contributions (NDCs) and climate change Gender Action Plans (ccGAPs). The results illustrate that the location and expertise of the interviewees impacted their opinions greatly. The interviewees based at permanent missions at the UN headquarter in New York were of the opinion that their government thought the link existed but acknowledged more should be done to convince other countries as the link was not taken for a fact. The interviewees working with the UNFCCC negotiations, however, said all member states agreed on the importance of including gender equality in climate action. Another finding is that only one-third of the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) contained gender perspectives. Of these, one-third mentioned women as victims of climate change and two-thirds saw women as actors of change in climate action. Establishing a firm agreement on the link between gender equality and climate action within UN bodies is important to expanding the impact of climate policies on both gender quality and climate action.
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Monethi, Dineo Cecilia. „Transformation in the South African National Defence Force : with specific reference to gender equality“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80295.
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Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Transformation is an inevitable consequence of human resource practices and includes the political imperatives, behavioural transformation and the turnaround change. Gender equality is a critical component of the United Nations Resolution on Human Rights (Resolution 1325). Women are subjected to a variety of barriers that determine their organisational experiences, and therefore the achievement of gender equity requires the elimination of patriarchal practices, stereotypes and attitudes that perpetuate their marginalisation. Striving for gender equity within the armed forces should not reduce women to being passive victims of the transformation agenda as they operate both during conflict and peace-time. The representation and empowerment of women into decision-making structures and the protection of their rights can be spearheaded through the gender mainstreaming strategies. In the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) transformation placed greater emphasis on racial representivity to the neglect of gender equity. This situation has effectively contributed to the gender dialogue which aimed to assess the implementation of gender equity objectives. Furthermore, it is the guiding principle on the participation of women in the military to enhance gender representation and the attainment of self-actualisation and excelling in their areas of responsibilities. The purpose of the study was to explore the extent to which the SANDF supports gender transformation imperatives to ensure gender equity and it further investigated gender integration within the SANDF as a supportive theoretical analysis. The conceptual framework of gender transformation and gender mainstreaming in the military, and in particular within the SANDF, in the context of Employment Equity was conducted. To make an objective and informed assessment, the attitudes and perceptions of middle management and lower management of both the SANDF were measured. Data were collected from respondents through three sessions of facilitated focus group interviews and a semi-structured self-administered questionnaire. The sample was drawn from the Pretoria region. The findings of the study indicated that the DOD top leadership is supportive of gender transformation by the effective promulgation of transformation policies and the improvement in the representation of women in decision-making structures. The military environment is trying to create a conducive environment for women by providing resources, the essential training for women to maximise their potential, and furthermore by allowing their inclusion in all areas including deployment areas.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Transformasie is ‘n onvermydelike gevolg van personeelbestuurspraktyk en sluit in die politieke imperatiewe, gedragstransformasie en omkeerverandering. Geslagsgelykgeregtigheid is ‘n kritieke komponent van die Verenigde Volke se Resolusie aangaande Menseregte (Resolusie 1325). Vroue word onderwerp aan ‘n verskeidenheid hindernisse wat hul organisasie ervarings bepaal en daarom vereis die bereiking van geslagsgelykgeregtigheid die uitwissing van patriargale praktyke, stereotipes en houdings wat marginalisering bevorder. Die strewe na geslagsgelykgeregtigheid binne Weermagte behoort vroue nie te degradeer tot passiewe slagoffers van die transformasie agenda nie aangesien hulle aangewend word tydens beide konflik- en vredestye. Die verteenwoordiging en bemagtiging van vroue in besluitmakende strukture en die beskerming van hulle regte kan gerig word deur geslagshoofstroming strategieë. In die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) plaas transformasie groter klem op rasse verteenwoordiging as op die nalating van geslagsgelykgeregtigheid. Die situasie het effektief bygedra tot die geslagsdialoog wat beoog om die implementering van geslagsgelykgeregtigheid doelwitte te evalueer. Dit is ook verder die leidinggewende beginsel rakende die deelname van vroue in die militêr om geslagsverteenwoordiging te bevorder, die bereiking van selfaktualisering en uitblinking in hulle verantwoordelikeidsomgewings. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal tot welke mate die SANW geslagstransformasie imperatiewe ondersteun ten einde geslagsgelykgeregtigheid te verseker en het ook ondersoek ingestel na geslagsintegrasie binne die SANW as ‘n ondersteunende teoretiese anal ise. Die konseptuele raamwerk is geskep rakende geslagstransformasie en geslagshoofstroming in die militêr, en in besonder aangaande die SANW binne die konteks van Werkverskaffingsgelykheid. Ten einde ‘n objektiewe en ingeligte evaluering uit te voer, is die houdings en persepsies van Departement van Verdediging (DvV) militêre en siviele middelbestuurders en lae vlak bestuurders gemeet. Data is versamel van respondente tydens drie geleenthede van gefasiliteerde fokusgroep onderhoude en ‘n semi -geadministreerde vraelys. Die steekproef is geneem vanuit die Pretoria omgewing. Die bevindinge van die studie dui daarop dat die (DvV) se top-leierskap ondersteunend is aangaande geslagstransformasie deur die effektiewe uitvaardiging van transformasie beleide en die verbetering van verteenwordiging van vroue in besluitmakende strukture. Die militêre omgewing poog om ‘n omgewing te skep wat toeganklik is vir vroue deur die voorsiening van middele wat noodsaaklik is vir opleiding van vroue ten einde hul potensiaal te optimaliseer en hulle verder toegang te verleen tot alle gebiede insluitend gevegsgebiede.
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Shariff, Samina. „The Role of Gender Equality and Economic Development in Explaining Female Smoking Rates“. Digital Archive @ GSU, 2007. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/iph_theses/4.
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Globally female smoking rates are considerably lower than male smoking rates. However, there is great concern regarding female smoking due to the potential for future increases and the associated harm to health. To gain a better understanding regarding female smoking, this study examines the role of gender equality and economic development in explaining the variability in female smoking rates and female-to-male smoking differentials by examining data from 193 World Health Organization member states. Data on the dependent variables, female smoking prevalence rates and female-to-male smoking prevalence ratio, were obtained from the Tobacco Atlas. Data on independent variables i.e., measures of gender equality and gross national income per capita, proxy measure for economic development, were obtained from the 2005 Human Development Report, Central Intelligence Agency, and the World Bank. A composite gender equality index was constructed from the individual measures of gender equality. Multiple regression analysis showed composite gender equality index and gross national income per capita to be significant positive predictors of relative and absolute female smoking rates, with income being a stronger predicator. Individual measures of gender equality failed to show significance with either dependent variable. The results attest to the need for disentangling smoking from the notion of advancement in gender equality and economic development.
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Stolt, Denise. „Does the Level of Gender Equality in National Parliament have an Impact on Economic Growth?“ Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-25031.
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It is clear that economic growth is achieved by a number of means depending on theoretical affiliation and also that growth rate varies across countries. The thesis investigates the relationship between economic growth and the proportion of representation by women in national parliament across countries. Women are discriminated at every level in the society based on gender and the thesis analyses the effects on production and growth, based on the fact that half of the population are not given equal opportunities to participate in economic activities. The study is performed through two cross-country regression analyses, divided by low- and high-income countries with secondary data. The variables included are: the proportion of seats represented by women, initial GDP/capita, FDI, level of education, population growth, and terms of trade and level of democracy. The variables are chosen in accordance to growth theories. The findings cannot isolate if a high proportion of female parliamentarians increase growth, but the result indicates that a more gender equal economy operate at a higher production level. Increased proportion of female representation in local parliament should according to theory, increase inclusive incentives and policies for women in the labour force and enrolment in higher education, thus increasing the average level of human capital. Previous studies support the result; gender equality is viewed as “smart economics”.
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Hamilton, Shirley Brown. „African American women roles in the Baptist church equality within the National Baptist Convention, U.S.A /“. Winston-Salem, NC : Wake Forest University, 2009. http://dspace.zsr.wfu.edu/jspui/handle/10339/42603.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Wake Forest University. Dept. of Liberal Studies, 2009.Title from electronic thesis title page. Thesis advisor: Linda McKinnish Bridges. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-75).
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Palmedo, P. Christopher. „Equality, Trust and Universalism in Europe, Canada and the United States: Implications for Health Care Policy“. PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1929.
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A number of theoretical explanations seek to describe the factors that have led to the position of the United States as the last industrialized Western nation without a universal health care program. Theories focus on institutional arrangement, historic precedent, and the influence of the private sector and market forces. This study explores another factor: the role of underlying social values. The research examines differences in values among ten European countries, the United States and Canada, and analyzes the associations between the values that have been seen to contribute the individualism-collectivism dynamic in the United States. The hypothesis that equality and generalized trust are positively associated with universalism is only partially true. Equality is positively associated (B = .301, p < .001), while generalized trust is negatively associated with universalism (B = -.052, p < .001). Not only do Americans show lower levels of support for income equality and universalism than Europeans, but the effect of being American holds even after controlling for socio-demographic and religious variables (B = .044, p < .01). When the model tests the association of equality and trust on universalism in each region, it explains approximately 17 percent of the variance of universalism for the United States, and approximately 13 percent in Europe and Canada.
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Norman, Cornelia. „Gender (in)equality and electoral violence : A cross-national study in sub-Saharan Africa, 1990-2008“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374456.
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This paper examines to what extent gender equality correlates with electoral violence, through a quantitative study of 220 elections that have taken place in sub-Saharan African countries between 1990 and 2008. As such, it has a two-folded purpose. First, to contribute empirically to research about the causes of electoral violence by introducing a new variable. Second, to put to test previous research that argues in favour of a correlation between gender equality and peace. Accordingly, this paper hypothesises that higher levels of gender equality correlate with lower levels of electoral violence. In support of previous research, an initial bivariate regression demonstrates a strong negative relationship between the two variables of interest. The association is only slightly weakened in the sequencing multivariate regression, when controlling for democracy, ethnic fractionalisation, majoritarian electoral systems, GDP per capita, whether an incumbent is running for office, ongoing civil war, and whether the election is the first to take place after a war. The main finding of this thesis is that there is a robust negative correlation between gender equality and electoral violence, which is affected by other variables but not dependent on them.
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Lewandowski, Jens. „Does National Identity have an impact on Gender Equality? A Feminist-Constructivist analysis of Estonia´s identity formation process and its impact on Gender (In-)Equality today“. Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23245.
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The shift of mainstream International Relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union as well as societal changes challenged the way we see the world. This research is concerned with the, for the researcher most pressing issue of our social coexistence, (In-)equality. To further narrow down, the author engages with identity formation and the issue of gender in Estonia. After assessing the International Relations relevance of Feminist IR and pointing out Constructivist similarities ontological and epistemological assumptions are presented, where the author shares the Feminist claims of seeing states as the analytical unit in the international system but as a representational conglomeration of a population. Estonia´s transformation process, from a oppressed socialist society to economic liberalization will show a deeper connection to the population´s national identity. The methodological endeavour takes two indexes the Gender Equality Index and the World Value Survey and cross-analyses opinion with reality and finds correlation in the Socialist past influencing the opinion in Gender Equality. The comparative study with Slovenia shows ineffectiveness of Gender quotas and a general slow progress in terms of Gender Equality. Concluding, that the past and the constructed identity against the former Soviet ideology and the constructed national identity has an influence on Gender Equality.
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Fermano, Juliet. „A Replication of An Intercultural Approach in The National Tests of English : A Text- and Document Analyses of The National Tests in English Year 2000, 2005 and 2010“. Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-19281.
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The intercultural approach carries the same values as the democratic concept, which is the fundamental platform of the curriculum, Läroplanen. Keywords such as empathy, openness, democracy, education, critical thinking, human rights, identity, equality and understanding are some of the values that the democratic and the intercultural approach carry. The question is how these values are replicated in the education and the materials that are used in school? This is what this research is going to be focusing on. To answer this question, the research is going to analyze three national tests in English in grade nine. These three tests are the primary source of this study and they are from the years2000, 2005 and 2010. The main focus of this research is to see how the intercultural approach is replicated in the three tests. The range of the national tests is to see if there has been a development in the intercultural approach in the last decade. The conclusion of this research shows that there is a Western norm that permeates throughout the production of the national tests, which contradicts the goals of an intercultural and democratic education. Even though there is an effort to try to correspond the values of the curriculum, there is still a lack of knowledge from the producer’s counterpart. The producers of the National tests have to be aware of the powerful position they posses when making the tests. They have the power to share their ideas about another culture. The stories should promote values that are independent from prejudiced assumptions. Some may argue that the bias that is shared in the national test is hard to see, since we share the same frame of reference as the producers. This makes it harder to reveal prejudiced assumptions about another culture since there are no binary opposites or contrasts to make bias noticeable. But this fact could be avoided if you have the curriculum as your point of departure when producing the tests. The intercultural approach is to acknowledge cultural differences, without generalizing people and cultures. The intercultural approach is based on promoting knowledge about cultural differences, to avoid alienation that develops into prejudice assumptions about different cultural phenomena. The intercultural approach should contribute to establishing and encourage respect for each person´s integrity and belief. The result of this research shows that the National Agency of Education has not managed to fulfil these values, even after more than 3 decades of experience.
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Lalou, Theodora. „Gender inequalities in Greece : A critical discourse analysis onthe 2016-2020 National Plan for Gender Equality in Greece“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Umeå centrum för genusstudier (UCGS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-173001.
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This research uses a modified version of Carol Bacchi’s (2016) “What’s theProblem Represented to Be?” approach to conduct a critical discourse analysison the 2016-2020 National Plan for Gender Equality for Greece published bythe Greek General Secretariat for Gender Equality under the auspices of theGreek Ministry of the Interior (MoI, 2018). The aim of this research study is toshow how gender equality is represented by the Greek General Secretariat forGender Equality and which are the implications and allegations throughdifferent problem representations.
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Todorovic, Tijana. „Between Equality and Discrimination : A policy analysis of the EU Framework for national Roma integration strategies up to 2020“. Thesis, Enskilda Högskolan Stockholm, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ths:diva-282.
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The EU Framework for National Roma Integration Strategies up to 2020, is a policy that seeks to integrate Roma in the fields of education, employment, healthcare and housing, and to combat and prevent discrimination and promote equality. The problem formulation that motivates this study is the phenomenon of discrimination that Roma population experience on the soil of European Union, funded on the principles of equality and non-discrimination. The aim of this paper is to carry out a policy analysis of the EU Framework with the goal to reveal in what ways the policy aims to combat discrimination and promote equality for Roma, the largest minority in the EU. Theoretical framework relies on the principle of equality and its influence on discrimination in the context of human rights. This research carries out a qualitative case study of Roma, in combination with policy analysis as method. Results found, after conducted analysis, shows that the EU Framework doesn’t generate a rich concept of equality that can prevent, and combat discrimination based on racial and ethnic origin of Roma. The EU Framework doesn’t concretize various forms of discrimination towards Roma, nor address the phenomenon of anti-gypsyism as a main barrier to Roma inclusion.EU-ramverk för nationella strategier för romsk inkludering fram till 2020 är en policy som åsyftar till att integrera Romer inom områden för utbildning, sysselsättning, hälso- och sjukvård samt bostäder. Ramverket söker att bekämpa diskriminering och främja jämställdhet. Problemformuleringen som denna studie vilar på är diskrimineringen som romer utsätts för i EU. Syftet med denna studie är att genomföra en policy analys av EU:s ramverk med målet att avslöja på vilka sätt policyn syftar till att bekämpa diskriminering av Romer och främja jämställdhet. Teorin bygger på principen om jämlikhet, vilket hjälper till att undersöka de konkreta sätten som diskriminering kan bekämpas på med rätten till jämlik behandling i mänskliga rättigheters kontext. Denna studie är en kvalitativ fallstudie av Romer i kombination med policy analys av EU:s ramverk. Resultatet visar att EU:s ramverk inte genererar en omfattande jämställdhetsprincip som är tillräcklig för att förebygga och bekämpa diskriminering av Romer. EU:s ramverk konkretiserar inte olika former av diskriminering som romer upplever i sina dagliga liv. Policyn behandlar inte heller fenomenet anti-ziganism som ett huvudhinder för inkluderingen av romer.
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Ruedin, Didier. „Symbolic and ideological representation in national parliaments : a cross-national comparison of the representation of women, ethnic groups and issue positions in national parliaments /“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ouls.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:94320eba-9ccd-4bfa-90c8-230462fe2eb8.
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Shah, Parin. „Economic Subterfuge and the NBA Lockout“. Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2641.
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Thesis advisor: Richard, S.J. McGowanAt the very core of the National Basketball Association’s labor negotiations between the owners and the players during the 2011 lockout was the league’s argument that its economic structure was broken. Owners contended that the NBA’s soft salary cap system, and the resulting payroll disparity, has put small-market franchises at a talent disadvantage and produced a league of haves and have-nots. To remedy this purported competitive balance problem, the owners demanded severe policy measures to decrease the pay dispersion among teams. However, the players union cautioned that these hardline provisions were merely an attempt to transfer wealth from players to owners. This charge warranted further analysis. Existing literature on this topic is either outdated or insufficient in scope. As such, using regression analysis, this thesis evaluated the league’s argument and determined to what extent the league’s soft salary cap system has contributed to its competitive imbalance.The empirical analysis of this thesis produced several meaningful conclusions. While the NBA has relative imbalance, it does not affect consumer demand for the regular season product. Moreover, while pay dispersion exists, additional salary expenditures only marginally add to a team’s winning percentage. There is no significant relationship between payroll disparity and competitive balance. Finally, with the escalating importance of media rights contracts and the historical appreciation of franchise valuation, the league overstated the financial distress of most of its small-market owners. Overall, the NBA and its owners used deceptive rhetoric and misleading economic policies to decrease player salaries, not to increase competitive balance, in a collusive effort to maximize profits and reassert its diminishing monopsony power in an increasingly star-driven league
Thesis (BS) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Carroll School of Management
Discipline: Carroll School of Management Honors Program
Discipline: Economics
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Abbott, Jessica. „Cross-National Fear of Crime Among Women: An Examination of Structural and Individual-Level Causes“. OpenSIUC, 2011. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/442.
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Past research has confirmed that structural attributes of nations, as well as individual characteristics of people contribute to levels of fear of crime, across both nations and individuals. Specifically, in regard to the effects structural characteristics have on fear, gender equality has been shown to affect rates of rape, which in turn, affect women's fear of crime. Regarding individual-level determinants, age, income, education, whether one dwells in an urban or rural area, and prior victimization have been shown to have effects on fear. This dissertation set out to answer several research questions related to prior findings: 1) How does gender equality affect women's fear of crime across nations?; 2) Does gender equality have a direct effect on women's fear, or is this effect mediated by national rape rates?; 3) How do structural characteristics other than gender equality affect women's fear of crime?; and last, 4) How do individual characteristics affect women's fear of crime? Using data from various sources, including the International Criminal Victimization Survey, the World Values Survey, the United Nations, and the World Bank (total N=20 nations and 17,384 individuals), I assessed the aforementioned research questions using multilevel modeling. Overall, findings indicate that individual-level characteristics did a better job than structural context in predicting women's fear of crime across various nations. Possible explanations for these findings are discussed in the final chapter.
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Neuman, Nicklas. „Stories of masculinity, gender equality, and culinary progress : On foodwork, cooking, and men in Sweden“. Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kostvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-301494.
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The general aim of this thesis is to use foodwork and cooking in Sweden as a way to better understand theoretical questions about men and masculinities. Paper I discusses how an increased public interest in elaborate cooking and gastronomy in Sweden, a country with a cultural idealization of gender equality, could explain why men in Sweden assume responsibilities for domestic cooking without feeling emasculated. Papers II, III and IV draw on interviews with 31 men from 22 to 88 years of age and with different levels of interest in food. Paper II shows how domestic foodwork and cooking are associated with ideas of Swedish progress in terms of gender equality and culinary skills. Paper III demonstrates further that domestic cooking is not only a responsibility which men assume, but also a way of being sociable with friends, partners and children. Thus, both papers II and III challenge the idea that men only cook at home if they enjoy it. The data rather indicate that domestic foodwork responsibilities are a cultural expectation of men in Sweden, ingrained in desirable masculine practices. Paper IV explores men’s responses to media representations of food. The interviewed men responded to these representations with indifference, pragmatism, irony, and at times even hostility. In general, the responses are based on gender and age-differentiated taste distinctions and notions of masculine and culinary excess. Paper V uses a mix of texts (81 online texts and two magazines) and observations from the food fairs GastroNord (2014 and 2016), Mitt kök-mässan (2014) and the chef competition Bocuse d’Or Europe (2014) complemented with pictures and videos. I argue that a Swedish culinary community that promotes Swedish culinary excellence is constructed by drawing on preestablished national (self-)images. This culinary community is constructed as open and tolerant, with ethical concerns for the environment and for nonhuman animals. Its culinary icons are represented by chefs in whites and the leading restaurants. In sum, this dissertation provides empirical and theoretical contributions to both food studies and gender studies that critically scrutinize men and masculinities. Food-issues are permeated by gender, both in people’s everyday life and in the gastronomic elite.
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Benedi, Lahuerta Sara. „The effectiveness of the EU race equality directive at national level : a comparative study of British and Spanish legislation and policies“. Thesis, University of Leicester, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/32437.
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The EU Race Equality Directive (RED) was adopted in 2000 to foster the development of a basic legal framework to address racism and, more generally, to put into effect the principle of equal treatment at national level. However, there are some concerns that the effects of the RED have not been as far-reaching as expected. Through a comparative study between Britain and Spain, this thesis analyses whether the RED has triggered effective legislation and policies in these jurisdictions, and which factors and actors may be relevant to improve the effectiveness of racial equality legislation and policies. Initially, the thesis acknowledges that the RED’s potential to trigger effective regulatory strategies at national level is constrained by its underlying enforcement model, based mainly on individual litigation. Building upon the theory of the Social Working of Law, the concept of effectiveness is defined as the combination of ‘ex-ante effectiveness’, which contributes to preventing discrimination, and ‘ex-post effectiveness’, which minimises the negative effects that discrimination has on victims, once it has occured. This distinction is used to frame the comparative analysis, which is conducted in three building blocks. Firstly, it is argued that formal adjudication has intrinsic limitations because victims bear the burden to initiate legal proceedings but, at the same time, the system deters them from doing so. Secondly, it is submitted that a diverse network of advice-providers (ie equality bodies, trade unions and NGOs) and an appropriate use of Alternative Dispute Resolution mechanisms can contribute to improving ex-post effectiveness. Finally, this thesis also recognises the importance that employers’ policies can have in preventing discrimination, such as those derived from positive duties, collective bargaining and voluntary initiatives. However, the thesis also concedes that the effectiveness of employers’ policies largely depends on the regulatory framework, social awareness about racial discrimination and workforce participation.
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McColl, Heidi. „Men in Power: The Significance of the Representation of Women in terms of Gender Equality in the National Legislatures of Sweden and Canada“. Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2726.
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The representation of women in numbers in national legislatures is an issue of great importance to Feminist researchers around the world. While the representation of women is an accomplishment in its own right, what remains to be said is whether or not the representation of women in national parliaments affects the level of gender equality present to a great extent. In this paper, gender equality is measured in terms of general working conditions in parliament, such as the distribution of women among standing parliamentary committees, and the attitudes of parliamentarians towards the issue of gender equality. In this multi-strategy research design a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used in the form of questionnaires, interviews and statistical analyses in order to establish the significance of the representation of women in the national legislatures of Sweden and Canada. The national legislatures in Sweden, the Riksdag, and Canada, the House of Commons, were compared as the Riksdag represents a progressive case in terms of the presence of women with 45 percent women, while the House of Commons represents a less progressive case with only 21 percent women. The Politics of Presence theory represents the theoretical framework for this study and is tested in order to determine whether the presence of women truly matters.
In this study it is found that the presence of women in national legislatures does not signify gender equality as conditions of gender inequality are found in the attitudes and working conditions in the Canadian House of Commons and in the working conditions of the Swedish Riksdag. It is concluded that the representation of women does not matter with regards to gender equality as situations of gender inequality exist in both national legislatures investigated.
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Harding, Seeromanie. „Mortality and morbidity patterns in ethnic minorities in England and Wales evidence from the Office for National Statistics Longitudinal Study /“. Thesis, Connect to e-thesis record to view abstract. Move to record for print version, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/94/.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2007.Ph.D. thesis submitted by published work to the MRC Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow, 2007. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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Zhang, Hui, und Clara Bergman. „Gender Equality in the Labor Force : How is the proportion of seats held by women in the national parliament related to the female education level?“ Thesis, Jönköping University, IHH, Nationalekonomi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-53106.
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This study aims to examine the relationship between the ratio of seats held by women in parliament and the years of female education. The study is a cross-national study across 91 countries that uses the average value of data from 2014 to 2018. The findings show no significant relationship between the two variables, and based on the theoretical background, different areas are explored to clarify what caused this result. It is believed that patriarchy, cultural attitudes towards women, income level of individuals, and differing majors in higher education between men and women are why we see this correlation. The study also tests if labor force participation of women and female parliament seats are correlated, and it is found that there is a positive relationship between the two. The interest in this topic comes from looking closer at if women have the same opportunities in politics and generally in the labor force. It is essential since diversity in organizations and the labor market can have significant economic benefits. The results from previous studies into female seats in parliament and education have varied, so this study adds national income to see if that affects the variables.
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Villeneuve, Laurent. „Impact d’un réseau national sur la prise en charge des tumeurs rares du péritoine“. Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE1205/document.
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Les cancers primitifs du péritoine ont une incidence qui varie de 1 à 2 cas/an/1 000 000 d'habitants selon les types. Leur diagnostic et leur prise en charge sont complexes et exigent des spécificités de moyens et de compétences. Dans le cadre du plan cancer, le réseau national de prise en charge des tumeurs rares du péritoine (RENAPE) s'est structuré autour de centres experts et de missions transversales pour garantir à chaque patient, l'accès à l'expertise médicale et diagnostique. Après une revue de la littérature sur l'épidémiologie de ces cancers et leurs caractéristiques de prise en charge, l'objectif de ce travail est d'évaluer l'impact de l'organisation du réseau RENAPE, et de ses actions mises en œuvre, pour améliorer le parcours de soins des patients et favoriser l'évolution des pratiques dans la prise en charge de ces cancers. Une première étude, menée sur une cohorte de mésothéliomes péritonéaux, démontre l'apport de l'organisation RENAPE sur la diminution des délais de prise en charge thérapeutique. Une seconde étude rapporte les actions mises en œuvre par le réseau pour standardiser et homogénéiser les procédures chirurgicales et approches thérapeutiques. Une troisième étude présente les caractéristiques épidémiologiques de la population issue de l'observatoire mis en place au sein du réseau. Enfin, une quatrième étude analyse la distribution spatiale des patients pris en charge au sein du réseau et évalue l'impact de facteurs socio-économiques sur l'incidence des mésothéliomes péritonéaux. En s'appuyant sur une dynamique de réseau, l'organisation RENAPE a permis de structurer une filière de référence qui intègre une approche multidisciplinaireRare peritoneal malignancies (RPM) are extremely rare with annual incidence of 1 to 2 case/1,000,000 of the population per year depending types. Diagnostic and therapeutic management are complex and need specialized clinical skills associated to specific technical platforms. As part of the French cancer plan the national network for the treatment of rare peritoneal malignancies (RENAPE) has been organized including expert centres and cross-disciplinary healthcare issues to allow the patients to access to clinical expertise. After literature review of epidemiological data, the aim of this work is to evaluate the impact of the RENAPE healthcare organization on the clinical pathways of patients and to support the development of clinical practices in the management of RPM. A first study demonstrated the benefit of the RENAPE network to reduce the therapeutic management delays in cohort of peritoneal mesothelioma (PM). Then a second work reports the RENAPE initiative to standardize and homogenize the surgical procedures and therapeutic approach. A next study describes the epidemiological characteristic of the population from the RENAPE registry. Finally a fourth study analyzes the geographical distribution of RENAPE cohort and to evaluate the impact of the socioeconomic factors on the PM incidence. Based on the network approach, the RENAPE organization succeeded to structure a healthcare system with multidisciplinary integrated approach
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Conroy, Amy. „E-racing the Genetic Family Tree: A Critical Race Analysis of the Impact of Familial DNA Searching on Canada's Aboriginal Peoples“. Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34285.
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Canada established its National DNA Data Bank (NDDB) in 2000. Since that time, the NDDB has assisted in the solving of numerous criminal investigations. The NDDB has two indexes: the convicted offender index, which holds the identifiable DNA of persons convicted of designated crimes, and the anonymous crime scene index, which holds anonymous DNA collected from crime scenes. A match to a crime scene profile provides criminal investigators with extremely valuable evidence linking a suspect to a crime scene and the NDDB has been used to identify perpetrators in thousands of crimes in Canada.
By limiting the identifiable DNA in the NDDB to convicted offenders, Canada has aimed to balance the crime-solving benefits of the data bank with competing rights issues, particularly the individual right to privacy. Some have encouraged expansions to the NDDB scheme in order to increase the number of crimes that can be resolved through the use of DNA evidence. One possible expansion is to introduce familial searching, a technique in DNA analysis that enables suspect identification based on the existence of a partial match between an identifiable DNA profile and an anonymous profile retrieved from the scene of a crime. Where closely matching profiles indicate that a close genetic relationship likely exists between the identifiable offender and an anonymous perpetrator, police will have a useful lead for follow-up and may be able to locate a suspect by testing the DNA of the identified offender’s close relatives.
The use of familial searching is controversial. As a crime-solving tool, it has helped solve crimes in other jurisdictions in which it is currently used. At the same time, it introduces legal and ethical questions that have not been fully explored in Canada. One of the crucial questions is whether and to what extent familial searching may discriminate against Canada’s Aboriginal peoples, who suffer the effects of systemic bias in the criminal justice system generally and who are likely to be overrepresented in the NDDB. Applied in an inherently unequal system, familial searching would disproportionately impact Aboriginal peoples and perpetuate or possibly worsen this existing inequality.
To help inform Canada’s decision about the use of familial searching as part of NDDB operations, this dissertation examines the issue from a Critical Race Theory perspective. It outlines the various ways in which familial searching would disproportionately impact Aboriginal peoples. The dissertation further examines international approaches to familial searching and evaluates the extent to which these policies protect against racial inequality concerns relating to the use of familial searching in each jurisdiction considered. It argues that Canada should prohibit familial searching of NDDB data in order to avoid a situation in which the technique would perpetuate or worsen systemic bias against Aboriginal peoples in the Canadian criminal justice system.
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Guillaume, Jean Wendy. „Contribution à l’étude de la gémellité historique entre le droit colonial intermédiaire et le droit national : (1793-1843)“. Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100097.
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Deux ans après la grande révolte des esclaves en août 1791 à Saint-Domingue, une période transitoire ou intermédiaire de l’histoire coloniale s’ouvrit à partir des proclamations d’août 1793 et se termina en novembre 1803. De cette période, naquit un ordre juridico-politique nouveau, à partir duquel s’élabora un « nouveau modèle » social colonial, qui deviendra plus tard, mutadis mutandis, le « modèle social haïtien ». À l’analyse, l’étude de ce droit colonial intermédiaire se révèle extrêmement intéressante pour le droit, l’histoire, la sociologie et l’anthropologie, tant la ressemblance entre le droit colonial nouveau et le droit national matriciel (1804-1843), entre le modèle social colonial intermédiaire et celui national est absolument frappante. À titre d’exemple, la question de la citoyenneté qui apparaissait comme un surdéterminant d’importance dans les diverses luttes sociales et politiques était refusée, voire niée aux ci-devant esclaves, diversement qualifiés de nouveaux libres, de cultivateurs ou agriculteurs, tant dans la période intermédiaire que dans celle nationale.Les premiers dirigeants du nouvel État reproduisirent à la perfection les dispositions des actes réglementaires ou législatifs datant de la période intermédiaire dans le but avoué de restaurer la culture et la splendeur de l’ancienne colonie (mais non pas de faire monter en intelligence, en puissance, en dignité et en bien-être les couches sociales haïtiennes inférieures). Ainsi, durant la première moitié du XIXe siècle, les cultivateurs/agriculteurs haïtiens, mais aussi les simples soldats, assistèrent tragiquement – non sans résistance - au dévoiement des idéaux de la révolution haïtienne d’indépendance par les élites politico-économiques (jadis qualifiés d’anciens libres propriétaires), ceux-là mêmes qui se proposaient d’être les gardiens de la plus authentique et émouvante des révolutions de la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Une situation qui ne manqua pas de poser des problèmes politiques profonds et soulever des revendications légitimes de la part des cultivateurs haïtiens, qui, hier encore, se trouvaient exclus du théâtre du droit, du monde de la politique et de l'économie, bref de la société coloniale post-esclavagisteTwo years after the great revolt of the slaves in august 1791 in Santo Domingo, a transitional or intermediate period of colonial history opened from the proclamations of august 1793 and ended in november 1803. This period led to the birth and the rise of a new juridico-political order, which resulted in a new colonial social "model", which later became, mutatis mutandis, the "Haitian social model". The analysis of this intermediate colonial law proves to be extremely interesting for law, history, sociology and anthropology, as well as the similarity between the new colonial law and national matricial law (1804-1843), between the intermediate colonial social model and the national one is absolutely striking. For example, the question of citizenship, which appeared to be an extremely important determinant in the various social and political struggles, was denied, even denied, to the former slaves, variously referred to as new liberals, farmers or growers, in the intermediate period as well as in the national one. The first leaders of the new state reproduced perfectly the provisions of the regulatory or legislative acts dating from the intermediate period with the avowed aim of restoring the culture and splendor of the former colony (but not of raising intelligence, power, in dignity and in well-being the lower Haitian social strata). Thus, during the first half of the nineteenth century, Haitian farmers and growers, as well as ordinary soldiers, tragically witnessed - not without resistance - the devastation of the ideals of the Haitian revolution of independence by the politico-economic elites the former free owners), the very ones who proposed to be the guardians of the most authentic and moving revolutions of the end of the eighteenth century. A situation which did not fail to pose deep political problems and raise legitimate demands from Haitian farmers, who were, until recently, excluded from the theater of law, the world of politics and the economy, in short the post-slavery colonial society
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Van, Der Schyff Sihaam. „Challenges facing female executives in the banking sector in South Africa in the post-apartheid period“. University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6387.
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Magister Commercii - MCom (Business and Finance)The dawn of democracy in South Africa (SA) in 1994 i.e. post-apartheid era came with inherent societal gender deficiencies and in all Sectors of the SA economy women experienced challenges. Specifically in the Banking Sector women were under represented in leadership and executive positions. The legal framework changed to correct the inequalities of the past resulting in various charters encouraging the private and public sector to transform.
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Frappier, Mathilde. „L’exigence du traitement national en droit international économique“. Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020073.
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Le traitement national renvoie à l’octroi au profit d’un étranger d’un traitement égal à celui du national. Il s’agit d’une norme d’égalité de traitement. En tant que tel, il est formulé de manière abstraite et s’adapte aux situations de fait visées et aux valeurs poursuivies par son auteur. Cette étude porte spécifiquement sur l’énonciation conventionnelle, sous la forme du traitement non moins favorable, le champ d’application et la mise en œuvre du traitement national au sein du droit international économique. D’une part, elle s’intéresse à ce que le droit international économique apporte à la compréhension de l’égalité de traitement entre nationaux et étrangers, dès lors qu’il s’agit d’un droit dont l’inspiration économique libérale est bien établie et qui est juridictionnalisé. D’autre part, elle conduit à identifier ce que le traitement national dit du droit international économique, de sa culture normative et juridictionnelle. Cette étude fait apparaitre l’emprise considérable de la norme du traitement national sur le droit interne des parties contractantes. Elle montre que le traitement national prescrit une égalité de type matériel et non formel. Elle permet aussi de souligner le rôle déterminant des juridictions internationales économiques et de relativiser l’autonomie du droit international économique au sein du droit international publicNational treatment implies that a foreigner is treated equally to the national. As an equal treatment or non discrimination norm, the national treatment is expressed abstractly and is adaptable to both the factual situations it applies to and the values pursued by its author. This study intends specifically to discern national treatment in international economic law through its treaty enunciations, to define its scope and to fathom the way it is implemented by WTO and investment judges. On the one hand, this research focuses on what international economic law brings to the understanding of equal treatment between nationals and foreigners inasmuch it is a field of law inspired by liberal economic theories and in which disputes are adjudicated by international tribunals. On the other hand, this study aims at identifying what the national treatment says about international economic law, especially of its normative and adjudicative culture. This research shows the significant hold that national treatment has on the domestic law of the contracting parties. It also demonstrates that national treatment prescribes material and not simply formal equality. Finally, this study shows the predominant role played by international economic adjudications, and put in perspective the autonomy of international economic law within international law
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N'Diaye, Yawa Noelle. „That which cannot be shaken shall remain an assessment of environmental response and strategic and issue orientations among civil rights organizations (1980-2005) /“. Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2007. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=5357.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2007.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 205 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-179).
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Leinsköld, David. „Nationell likvärdighet eller kommunal självstyrelse? : Staten, kommunerna och de kommunala tjänstemännens dubbla lojalitet“. Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-177231.
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The relationship between the state and municipalities has for the recent decades become increasingly complex, strained and infected. The education policy has for several decades been surrounded by different governing logics and conflicts where the conflict between the state’s pursuit of national equality and the local self-determination is prominent. This study examines how this conflict affects the municipal official’s approaches to the state’s control of the municipal compulsory school through aimed government grants. The study consists of aqualitative interview study of six municipalities with 23 respondents. In each municipality, I have conducted interviews with municipal officials, principals and municipal politicians. The findings show that the aimed government grants should be seen in the field of tension between state and municipality and between politics and professions. Conflicts arise between the municipalities’ different conditions as well as their local needs and the state’s pursuit of national equality between schools. The municipal officials are assigned significant power regarding how the state and municipal governance is to be put into practice and are therefore given a coordinating central position where they must balance between state requirements, local requirements and school’s requirements. The findings indicate that they seem to prioritize the state’s target of national equality in favor of the local target of self-determination. The relationship between the state and the municipalities gets exposed through the role conflicts of the municipal officials, which both compete and cooperate. The conclusion is that the municipal officials should be regarded as the state’s extended arm, or as “state municipal officials”. They possess a double loyalty to the state and local government and must, with this double loyalty, be the guardians of the local and national democracy at the same time. There is a risk that the municipal officials' double democracy loyalty demonstrates that the local democracy is weakening as the municipal officials must balance between their two guardian roles since role conflicts can arise in their daily work.This, in combination with the fact that they have gained increased power at the expense of local politicians and should thereby be regarded as political actors, sets high standards on the municipal officials, especially in an education department where the state governance is highly present.
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Esteves, Carla Maria Coelho dos Santos Saco. „A igualdade de oportunidades de género na administração pública: estudo de caso da integração de género feminino na Guarda Nacional Republicana“. Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/6164.
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Tese de Mestrado em Gestão e Políticas PúblicasEsta investigação teve como objetivo estudar a igualdade de género na administração pública, centralizando-nos, sobretudo, no caso particular da Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR), visto ter sido, até há alguns anos atrás, totalmente restrito a elementos militares masculinos e, atualmente, ainda se poder considerar como um meio laboral de grande hegemonia masculina. Neste sentido, realizou-se um estudo de caso seguindo uma abordagem qualitativa, incidindo sobre a integração de elementos femininos na Guarda Nacional Republicana, realizado no Comando Geral da GNR. O objetivo consistiu em analisar a perceção dos militares de ambos os géneros sobre a entrada das mulheres na GNR abordando as mudanças organizacionais percecionadas daí decorrentes.
This research aimed to study gender equality in public administration, focusing, mainly, in the particular case of the National Republican Guard (GNR), since it was, until a few years ago, totally restricted to male military and now still be regarded as a working environment of masculine hegemony. In this sense, there was a case study followed a qualitative approach, focusing on the integration of feminine elements in the National Republican Guard, held at the General Command of the GNR. The objective was to analyze the perception of the military of both genders on the entry of women in GNR addressing perceived organizational changes arising therefrom.
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Edmundson, Joshua R. „THE ONE EXHIBITION THE ROOTS OF THE LGBT EQUALITY MOVEMENT ONE MAGAZINE & THE FIRST GAY SUPREME COURT CASE IN U.S. HISTORY 1943-1958“. CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/399.
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The ONE Exhibition explores an era in American history marked by intense government sponsored anti-gay persecution and the genesis of the LGBT equality movement. The study begins during World War II, continues through the McCarthy era and the founding of the nation’s first gay magazine, and ends in 1958 with the first gay Supreme Court case in U.S. history.
Central to the story is ONE The Homosexual Magazine, and its founders, as they embarked on a quest for LGBT equality by establishing the first ongoing nationwide forum for gay people in the U.S., and challenged the government’s right to engage in and encourage hateful and discriminatory practices against the LGBT community. Then, when the magazine was banned by the Post Office, the editors and staff took the federal government to court. As such, ONE, Incorporated v. Olesen became the first Supreme Court case in U.S. history that featured the taboo subject of homosexuality, and secured the 1st Amendment right to freedom of speech for the gay press. Thus, ONE magazine and its founders were an integral part of a small group of activists who established the foundations of the modern LGBT equality movement.
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Barnabé, Quentin. „La territorialisation de la norme“. Thesis, Rennes 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018REN1G019.
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La territorialisation de la norme constitue un phénomène de particularisation du droit fréquemment observé dans le paysage juridique et dont les conséquences sont nombreuses pour l’État. La norme peut être territorialisée au stade de sa création selon plusieurs degrés : la norme indifférente au territoire, la norme commune adaptée et la norme inédite adaptée. La prise en compte du territoire peut également avoir lieu lors de la mise en œuvre de la norme à travers l’adoption des actes d’exécution et d’application. Que la territorialisation soit réalisée à l’un ou l’autre stade, la norme territorialisée reste contrainte par l’organisation hiérarchique de l’ordre juridique et le juge en sanctionne toute méconnaissance. Son régime ne se distingue donc pas de celui applicable aux autres règles de droit sauf à travers sa relation avec le principe d’égalité. Toute norme territorialisée doit en effet être justifiée par des critères objectifs et rationnels. Cette soumission de la norme territorialisée à l’ordre juridique permet en principe de garantir l’unité de l’État. Ce dernier, par l’intermédiaire des juges administratif et constitutionnel, reste maître du système normatif malgré sa particularisation. L’amplification du phénomène de territorialisation de la norme remet toutefois en cause ce raisonnement. Le principe de subsidiarité commande une décentralisation équilibrée du pouvoir normatif à des entités locales plus représentatives des collectivités humaines qu’elles abritent. Les statuts particuliers constituent une solution idoine. Tout en préservant l’unité de l’État, ces statuts organisent une décentralisation adaptée du pouvoir normatif à des collectivités territoriales régionales et à de nouvelles collectivités territoriales construites sur des bassin de vie, un échelon local issu de la fusion des communes et de la disparition du département. Avec cette solution, la territorialisation du droit est finalement assuméeTerritorialisation of norms is a phenomenon aiming at particularize rules. It is frequently observed within the legal system. It also has multiple implications at the State level. Norms can be territorialised at different levels, at the moment of their creation, such as: the ‘‘indifferenced norm’’, implemented without adaptation according to the territory; the adapted common norm; and the new adapted norm. The implementation of territorial characteristics can also be made at the time of the execution of the norm through application and execution acts. Whether that territorialisation occurs at one stage or another, the norm remains in any case subject to the hierarchical organization of the legal order whereby the judge can sanction any infringements of the rule. The regime of the territorialised norm is therefore not differentiate from any other rule of law, subject to the respect of the principle of equality before the law. All territorialised norms must indeed be justified by objective and rational criteria.The accordance of the territorialised norm to the legal order aims at ensuring the unity of rules of law throughout the State. Despite its particularities and deviations, the normative system is controlled by Administrative and Constitutional Judges. However the amplification of the territorialisation phenomenon questions this affects. The principle of subsidiarity implies an increased decentralization effect of normative power on local entities that are more representative of local communities. As such, particular status forms a suitable solution. While preserving the unity of State, the status enables an adapted decentralization of normative power to regional authorities and to local authorities built on catchments areas, a new local level resulting from the merger of ‘‘communes’’ and the disappearance of the ‘‘departments’’
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Barth, William. „On cultural rights : the equality of nations and the minority legal tradition“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433397.
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Breznau, Nate. „Social welfare and economic equality an analysis of policy preferences in five nations /“. abstract and full text PDF (UNR users only), 2008. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.innopac.library.unr.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1460751.
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Ketonen, Ida E. „Gender Equality as an Idea and Practice - A Case Study of an Office at the United Nations Headquarters“. Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för tema, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-150357.
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Achieving gender equality and empowering all women and girls, is one of the United Nations (UN) core objectives. However, the UN has been struggling with achieving gender balance in its own organisation, despite numerous attempts. Men have been in numerical dominance at the UN since inception, especially on senior positions. This case study takes place just months after the System-wide strategy for gender parity was launched by Secretary-General Guterres. It captures the initial reactions through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with five women working in one UN body at the UN Headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland. Through these stories and experiences, this thesis aims to analyse the UN as a gendered organisation, focusing on organisational structure and culture. I argue that gendered processes of the organisational structure and culture preserve the male-dominance by having including effects on men and excluding effects on women. In this thesis I use gendered processes (Acker 1992), combined with post-structural policy analysis (Bacchi 2009) and complex systems theory (Ramalingam 2013), as analytical tools to show how equality is constructed and understood as an idea and in practice.
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Lingayah, Sanjiv. „Between the lines : contours of nation, multiculture and race equality in policy discourse in the New Labour period“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/932/.
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This thesis examines how New Labour policymakers and Black and Minority Ethnic (BME)-led race equality organisations articulated and connected themes of nation, multiculture and ‘race’ equality in policy discourse and discussions over the New Labour period. My study extends previous accounts of New Labour and multicultural discourses by incorporating the significant, but not always influential, role of BME civil society actors in such policy discussions. My research draws on documents and archival material from and interviews with policymakers and race equality actors. I analyse this data using a qualitative thematic approach to discern changing policy discourses and claims about the state of the multicultural nation and the place of race equality within it. In the study I suggest that, after a promising start, New Labour policymakers came to understand the relationship between nation, multiculture and race equality as a troubled and troubling one. At the same time, the three BME-led race equality organisations that I focus on in my research struggled to counter government discourses of parallel lives, community cohesion and Britishness that were detrimental to efforts to combat race inequality. Policy and policy discursive interventions of BME-led race equality organisations were thrown off course not only by New Labour but also by ‘new ethnicities’, and the idea of complex and diverse BMEness’. BME-led organisations have struggled to engage with this latter destabilisation, let alone develop a politics capable of overcoming such issues. I therefore end my thesis by suggesting that, if BME-led race equality organisations are to shape policy debates on race equality, there is much hard labour and re-thinking about BMEness and re-organising for them still to do.
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Lebdioui, Amina. „Le régime juridique de l’accès aux réserves d’hydrocarbures, enjeux de la coopération entre Etats producteurs et investisseurs étrangers“. Thesis, Paris 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA020082.
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Lorsque l’Etat décide de l’exploration ou de l’exploitation de ses réserves d’hydrocarbures, il n’est soumis à aucune règle internationale quant aux modalités de mise en œuvre de cette décision. Cette absence d’obligations n’a pas empêché les Etats développer, au niveau national, des règles réduisant leur liberté quant à la sélection des opérateurs. Aux négociations secrètes qui ont longtemps prévalu dans le secteur pétrolier, se sont alors substituées des procédures de mise en concurrence ouvertes s’appuyant sur des critères objectifs. Ayant pour but d’attirer l’investissement étranger et de faciliter la conclusion des contrats, elles se sont progressivement généralisées et standardisées, tant dans leur formalisme que dans leurs conditions. On constate alors un processus d’uniformisation globale des conditions d’accès aux réserves, auquel les institutions financières internationales ont directement ou indirectement pris part. L’un des aspects cruciaux des procédures d’attribution des droits a trait au rôle de l’entreprise pétrolière nationale. Celle-ci dispose souvent d’un traitement préférentiel. Dans de nombreux Etats, elle a en outre été traditionnellement chargée de l’octroi des contrats, combinant ainsi des fonctions qui lui ont permis de devenir un acteur incontournable du secteur. La standardisation de ses attributions a également fait l’objet d’un processus de convergence internationale, qui modifie le rapport entre l’Etat et l’investisseur étrangerWhen the State decides to undertake the exploration or exploitation of its hydrocarbons reserves, it is not subject to any international obligation concerning the implementations of such decision. This lack of obligations has not prevented states from developing rules at the national level to reduce their freedom in the selection of operators. The secret negotiations that have long prevailed in the petroleum sector have been replaced by more transparent and open competition procedures, backed by objective criteria. With the objective of attracting foreign investment and facilitating the process of conclusion of contracts, those procedures have been progressively generalized and standardized, both in their formalism and in their terms. We consequently observe a global standardization process of the terms of access to reserves, in which international financial institutions have been directly or indirectly involved.One of the essential aspects of the procedure of rights allocation relates to the role of the national oil company. It enjoys preferential treatment, which has implications on the modalities of participation of foreign firms. Furthermore, in several states, the national oil company has been responsible for granting petroleum contracts, thereby combining functions that render it a key actor in the sector. The standardization of its attributions has also undergone a process of international convergence, which alters the relation between the State and the foreign investor
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Diallo, MIN. „The Illusion of the Rainbow Nation: The Unconstitutionality of Racial Classification?“ University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7640.
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Magister Legum - LLMIn societies emerging from segregation or division based on the biological factors of race and/ or colour, the centrality (or lack thereof) of race and colour within those legal systems plays a critical role in the progression and transformation of such societies. South Africa is one such society where race was the dividing criterion which saw the population ‘be[ing] turned into races through social practices [during] apartheid….’1 The post-amble to South Africa’s Interim Constitution2 states that the document was to form a: [H]istoric bridge between the past of a deeply divided society…and a future founded on the recognition of human rights, democracy and peaceful co-existence and development opportunities for all South Africans, irrespective of colour [and] race…. Le Roux asserts that the late Didcott J in Azapo v The President of the Republic ofSouth Africa3 believed that the metaphor of this bridge ‘implied an absolute break between the old and the new’, a transformation that was meant to be achieved by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).4 Established by section 2 of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act5 (PNURA) the TRC was mandated with ‘promot[ing] national unity and reconciliation…which transcends the conflicts and divisions of the past ….’6 This, as it was envisioned, would facilitate the transition that the Republic was making [from parliamentary sovereignty] into ‘democratic constitutionalism’.7 However, the failing of the TRC in achieving this has not only been seen in scholarly articles to that effect, but also within the argument that the ‘new’ constitutional dispensation is nothing more than the continuation of the previous regime masked only with a different face.8 The retention of racial classification gives prima facie credence to this belief. Adopted into the legal system through the Populations Registration Act of 1950 (PRA), racial classification would thenceforth play a decisive role in the lived experiences of ordinary South Africans.9 The PRA would ‘establish race as a domain of knowledge independent of any particular training or expertise, based on the ordinary experience of racial difference, which ranked whiteness as its apex.’10 This lack of knowledge associated with racially classifying people has resulted in what has been coined the ‘common sense’ approach.11 This approach deems it common sense that one can automatically classify what race another belongs to without having any pre-existing knowledge on how to classify or what the blood lineage of the person being classified was. Initially the categories comprised of ‘White’, ‘Native’ and ‘Coloured’ (with Indians being deemed a subset of the latter)12 however, with the passage of time the categories now reflect as ‘White’, ‘Black’ (or ‘African’), and ‘Coloured’, with ‘Indian’ now being a separate category.13 There has also been the inclusion of the category of ‘Other’14 with ‘Asian’ making intermittent appearances. With the advent of the new constitutional dispensation which focused on achieving national unity and the reconstruction of society,15
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Imamoto, Shizuka. „Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /“. Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
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Okonkwo, Anthony. „The Evolution of Gender Relations in Igbo Nation and the Discourse of Cultural Imperialism“. Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23671.
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This paper conducts a comparative case study of how gender discourse in Igbo society has evolved from pre-colonial, colonial to post-colonial periods, more so, how this evolution contributes to the debate on cultural imperialism. It claims that an historical understanding of gender relations in Igbo society could provides an understanding of national cultural imperialism from a political perspective. With the assumptions of cultural imperialism, it reviews how the effect of colonialism contributes to the evolution of gender discourse in Igbo society. According to some earlier researches, gender equality in Igbo society has been on a constant slide from what was obtainable in the pre-colonial era. This trend as it is analyzed, collaborates the assumptions of national cultural imperialism; thereby disentangling the congested concept of cultural imperialism.
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Scott-Coe, Justin M. „Covenant Nation: The Politics of Grace in Early American Literature“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/45.
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The argument of this dissertation is that a critical reading of the concept of "covenant" in early American writings is instrumental to understanding the paradoxes in the American political concepts of freedom and equality. Following Slavoj Zizek's theoretical approach to theology, I trace the covenant concept in early American literature from the theological expressions and disputes in Puritan Massachusetts through Jonathan Edwards's Freedom of Will and the essays of Ralph Waldo Emerson, showing how the covenant theology of colonial New England dispersed into more "secular" forms of what may be called an American political theology. The first chapter provides an overview of recent attempts to integrate theology and theory, specifically comparing Jacques Derrida and Zizek to better understand the latter's theology of materialism which relies on as well as informs the Reformed Protestant covenantal dichotomy of grace and works. The second chapter establishes the complicated architecture of the covenant concept within seventeenth-century New England Reformed Protestantism, and uses church membership transcripts along with Ann Hutchinson court trial documents to demonstrate how this inherently unstable theology created unintended slippage between God's grace and mankind's works, resulting in a theological formulation remarkably open to Zizek's analysis of political ideology. The third chapter demonstrates how Jonathan Edwards, through his ingenious counter-argument in Freedom of Will, provides a theoretical foundation for an uneasy but necessary alignment of the covenants of works and grace, releasing the subjunctive potential of grace to operate through history as a predeterminer of meaning and, potentially, freedom. In the last chapter, I argue that Emerson finally converts the covenant from a politically conceptualized theological framework for radical grace into a personal institutionalization of grace itself. Stanley Cavell's exploration of Emerson's "constitution" in light of the covenant motif demonstrates the political (im)possibilities inherent in America's self-conceptions of personal liberty and civic equality. In the end, complexities inherent in the concept of the covenant, especially its creative failure to control the radical nature of "grace," are determinative factors in our contradictory American egalitarian ideals.
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Carreira, Denise. „Igualdade e diferenças nas políticas educacionais: a agenda das diversidades nos governos Lula e Dilma“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-20042016-101028/.
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Esta pesquisa aborda as chamadas políticas de diversidade na educação e sua contribuição para o reconhecimento e a promoção dos direitos humanos e a superação do racismo, do sexismo, da homofobia e das demais desigualdades e discriminações que marcam profundamente a sociedade e a educação brasileiras. Com base nas vozes de gestores/as públicos/as e ativistas da sociedade civil, na análise documental e da execução orçamentária e na experiência política da pesquisadora, é apresentado um balanço sobre os dez anos de existência da Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização e Diversidade (Secad), órgão do Ministério da Educação criado no primeiro governo do Presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Em especial, buscou-se identificar as provocações e os tensionamentos gerados pelas agendas das diversidades para o atual desenho, funcionamento e institucionalidade das políticas educacionais e sua influência nas concepções de qualidade educacional em disputa nas políticas federais. Essas disputas estiveram presentes nas Conferências Nacionais de Educação e no processo conflitivo de tramitação do novo Plano Nacional de Educação (Lei Federal n. 13.005/2014), analisados neste trabalho. Respaldado por convenções e pelas resoluções internacionais das Conferências da ONU e por normativas nacionais, o debate sobre diferenças ganhou espaço na agenda das políticas educacionais brasileiras. Essa discussão foi impulsionada por movimentos sociais negros, indígenas, LGBTs, feministas, de trabalhadores do campo, de pessoas com deficiências, de quilombolas, ambientalistas e por agendas de fronteira na efetividade do direito humano à educação, como a educação de jovens e adultos, a educação em territórios de alta vulnerabilidade social e a educação de pessoas privadas de liberdade, entre outras. Apresenta-se, neste trabalho, uma contribuição teórica ao debate sobre a relação entre qualidade educacional, diferenças e igualdades, com base nas teorias críticas de justiça social. Discutem-se as possibilidades de a noção da diversidade constituir uma resposta interseccional às múltiplas discriminações e desigualdades que atingem os sujeitos concretos no cotidiano da vida e, especificamente, nas instituições educacionais. Ao final da tese, embasadas na definição do contexto de estratégia política de Stephen Ball e nas contribuições para o aperfeiçoamento das políticas 14 previstas na metodologia de análise das políticas públicas, são apresentadas reflexões comprometidas com a ampliação da capacidade das políticas educacionais no sentido de dar respostas a essas agendas, em uma perspectiva de promoção da justiça na educação no marco dos direitos humanos.This research addresses the so-called policies of diversity in education and their contribution to the recognition and promotion of human rights and the overcoming of racism, sexism, homophobia and other inequalities and discrimination that profoundly shape society and education in Brazil. Based on the voices of public sector managers and civil society activists, analysis of documents, budget execution, and the political experience of the researcher, this research presents a balance on the ten years of the Secretariat for Continuing Education, Literacy and Diversity (Secad), the Ministry of Education body established in the first government of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. In particular, this thesis sought to identify the tensions generated by the agendas of diversities for the current design, operation and legal framework of the education policies and their influence on educational quality conceptions under dispute in federal policies. Disputes present in the National Conferences on Education and in the conflicting process during the discussion preceding the approval of the new National Education Plan (Federal Law n. 13,005/2014) are also analysed. Backed by international conventions and resolutions of United Nations conferences and national regulations, the debate over differences gained ground in the agenda of the Brazilian educational policies. This discussion was stimulated by social movements of black people, indigenous communities, LGBT, feminists, persons with disabilities, quilombolas, environmentalists and marginalized issues concerning the effectiveness of the human right to education, such as youth and adult education, the education in territories with high level of social vulnerability, and education of people deprived of their freedom, among other groups. It also presents a theoretical contribution to the debate on the relationship between educational quality, differences and equalities, based on the critical theories of social justice. Furthermore, the work discusses how the notion of diversity could be an inter-sectional response to multiple discrimination and inequalities that affect the concrete subjects in everyday life and, specifically, in educational institutions. At the end of the thesis, supported in the definition of the context of political strategy by Stephen Ball and contributions to improving the policies 16 contained in the analysis methodology on public policies, it shows reflections committed to expanding the capacity of educational policies to respond to these agendas, under a perspective of promoting justice in education within the human rights framework.
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Van, der Walt Maria Magdalena. „The concept "beneficial use" in South African water law reform / by Maria Magdalena van der Walt“. Thesis, North-West University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/5537.
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The concept "beneficial use" plays a pivotal role in South African water law reform. It forms the foundation of the mechanism to make water use rights available for the reform of the allocation of water use entitlements. The mechanism involves that water use rights that were unexercised in the two years before the promulgation of the National Water Act 36 of 1998 are not defined as existing lawful water uses. Where the concept "beneficial use" is utilised to cancel unexercised water use rights, it can cause potential hardship. Some people whose rights have been cancelled believe that they should be able to rely on the property clause in section 25 of the Constitution of 1996 to either have the legislation declared unconstitutional or to demand compensation. Section 25 of the Constitution of 1996 prohibits the arbitrary deprivation of property and states that property may only be expropriated for a public purpose or in the public interest, subject to compensation. Section 25(4) states, however, that the public interest includes the nation's commitment to land reform and to reforms to bring about equitable access to all South Africa's natural resources. It is clear from this that reforms to bring about access to water are allowed by the property clause. One of the main questions discussed in this thesis was whether section 32 of the National Water Act 36 of 1998 that made more water available for distribution for reform purposes by cancelling unexercised water user rights, leads to an arbitrary deprivation or an expropriation of property. It should be noted that section 32 of the National Water Act did not constitute an arbitrary deprivation of property, as sufficient reason exists for water law reform. A possible constitutional challenge based on the lack of due process of law because of the retrospective operation of the section may possibly be averted because of the existence of section 33 of the National Water Act. Section 33 of the Act mitigates hardship by allowing unexercised water uses to be declared existing lawful water uses in certain circumstances where a good reason for the non–exercise of the water use right existed. Even in cases where section 33 does not prevent section 32 from being regarded as an arbitrary deprivation of property because there still was not a proper procedure, the government will probably be able to show that the limitation in section 32 is, in terms of section 36(1) of the Constitution of 1996, reasonable and justifiable in an open and democratic society.
Despite the fact that section 25(1) prohibits arbitrary deprivations, it does not prohibit the government from regulating competing rights to use water even though some people may be negatively affected by the regulation. Because the Minister merely acts as public trustee of the nation's water resources on behalf of the national government in terms section 3(1) of the National Water Act, it cannot be claimed that the government acquired the cancelled water use rights. A claim that compensation should be paid for an expropriation of property will therefore not succeed. Compensation is only payable in terms of section 22(6) and section 22(7) of the National Water Act 36 of 1998 for a loss of existing water entitlements, such as existing lawful water uses or existing licences. A court should thus consider interpreting section 25 by providing for compensation where an individual was unfairly burdened and was therefore denied the protection of the equality clause in section 9 of the Constitution when his unexercised water use rights were cancelled by section 32.
The concept "beneficial use" currently restricts the content of the water use entitlement existing in terms of section 4 of the National Water Act 36 of 1998. The loss of the entitlement when inter alia a licence for an existing lawful water use is refused, is not protected by the payment of compensation when water is used in an unfair or disproportionate manner, because such utilisation would not be regarded to be beneficial use. It became apparent that in terms of the current water law dispensation in South Africa, the possibility of compensation for an amendment of a water use licence and the refusal of a licence for an existing lawful water use implies that a water use entitlement is a right in property. The fact that section 22(7) of the National Water Act states that the amount of the compensation must be determined in accordance with section 25(3) of the Constitution implies that the legislature also recognises that a water use entitlement is constitutional property. Section 22(7) of the National Water Act underlines the basic premises of the National Water Act by subjecting the amount of the compensation that is payable to the same limitations that restrict the entitlement to use the water. The stipulations of section 22(7) draw the attention to the fact that the exercise of both existing lawful water uses and water use licences as rights in property is subject to basic principles of the National Water Act such as the Reserve and the concepts "public trusteeship" and "beneficial use" of the water resources.
The fact that compensation is only payable when there has been severe prejudice to the economic viability of an undertaking implies that water use entitlements have to be exercised at the time of the application for the compensation to be payable. The concept "beneficial use" – in the sense that a water use must not be wasteful or polluting and in the sense that only water use entitlements that are being exercised are protected – thus restricts the water use entitlement as a property right. During the research, American and Australian water law reform and their interpretation of their property clauses were compared to water law reform in South Africa and the South African property clause.
Furthermore, Australian policy to encourage more beneficial water use by the trade in water entitlements or allocations, was also discussed. South Africans will likely in future be encouraged to trade in water use entitlements or allocations. The objective with allowing the trade in water use entitlements or allocations is to encourage people to rather use water for uses with a high value instead of uses with a lower value. In this way the concept "beneficial use" may be broadened to include water allocation or entitlement trading. However, it was argued that a disproportionate impact on third parties would mean that water allocation or entitlement trading would in some cases not be regarded as beneficial use anymore.Thesis (LL.D.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.
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Vicente, Débora do Carmo. „O impacto das nações unidas no direito internacional das mulheres e seu reflexo no Brasil“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/165104.
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A dissertação tem como objetivo analisar o impacto da Organização das Nações Unidas – ONU no Direito Internacional das Mulheres e suas consequências no Brasil. Para a execução deste propósito, utilizou-se do método teórico-pragmático para a verificação do efeito e influência da ONU sobre a temática escolhida. A técnica de pesquisa empregada foi a investigação bibliográfica e documental, por meio de consulta doutrinária, jurisprudencial e legal. Nesse sentido, elucida-se a noção de desigualdade e vulnerabilidade feminina, descrevendo a situação das mulheres na sociedade internacional, e o consequente desenvolvimento do tema no âmbito da ONU, destacando-se a criação da Comissão sobre a Situação das Mulheres – CSW, e, recentemente, da ONU Mulheres, entidade especificamente instituída para fomentar a igualdade de gênero e o empoderamento das mulheres. Em seguida, aborda-se o quadro normativo global e as conferências mundiais organizadas pela ONU acerca dos direitos das mulheres, com a definição de um importante marco jurídico-político: a Declaração de Pequim e sua Plataforma de Ação. Dessas compreensões, realiza-se uma análise do contexto brasileiro, refletindo sobre o impacto da ONU e os desafios impostos ao Brasil. Nas conclusões obtidas, verificou-se um progresso lento e irregular na condição das mulheres, apesar da expansão dos compromissos normativos internacionais favorecidos pela ONU. Constatou-se como maior contribuição da Organização, além do diagnóstico traçado sobre a situação feminina, o respaldo e a concessão de um espaço propício para o fortalecimento do ativismo feminista transnacional, que contribuiu para o quadro jurídico internacional formado. No Brasil, em que pese ainda não se ter alcançado a almejada transformação da realidade social, podem ser apontados como consectários da atuação da ONU os avanços legislativos obtidos, a exemplo, da previsão legal de cotas de gênero para candidatura, eliminação de disposições discriminatórias nas Leis Civil e Penal, além da Lei Maria da Penha e a mais recente Lei do Feminicídio.The aim of this thesis is to analyze the impact of United Nations – UN on International Women’s Law and it’s consequences in Brazil. For this purpose, we have choosen the theoretical and pragmatic method to verify the effects and influence of UN on the selected theme. As a technique of research, we used bibliographical and documentary exploration, with doctrinal, jurisprudential and legal consultation. In this regard, the first chapter elucidates the notion of women’s inequality and vulnerability, describing the women’s situation in international society and its development within the UN, including the creation of the Commission on The Status of Women – CSW, and recently the UN Women, an entitity specifically established for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women. The second chapter adresses the global normative framework, the UN World Conferences on women’s rights, and the definition of an important juridical-political milestone: Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. From these understandings, the third chapter analyses the Brazilian context, reflecting on the impact of UN work and it’s challenges in Brazil. In conclusion, it was found slow and uneven progress in the status of women, despite the expanded international normative commitments to women’s and girls’ human rights favored by UN. The Organization’s greatest contribution was its diagnosis on the situation of women, as well as it’s support and granting of a friendly space for the strenghtening of transnational feminist activism, which contributed to the international legal framework. In Brazil, alhthough we haven’t achieved yet the desired transformation on social reality, legislative advances like electoral gender quotas, elimination of discriminatory provisions in the Civil and Criminal law, besides Maria da Penha Law and the most recent Law on Feminicide can be pointed out as UN impact and influence in Brazil.
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Kolo, Favoreu Edith. „La nation à l'épreuve de la diversité ethnoculturelle : étude comparative France / Etats-Unis“. Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1033/document.
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Quelle nation se cache derrière les nations française et américaine ? Aux prises avec la diversité ethnoculturelle de leurs populations, ces deux entités nationales semblent à la fois fortifiées et fragilisées par cette hétérogénéité intrinsèque. Dans ce cadre, la place du droit, source et objet de gestion, se pose avec acuité, ambitionnant l'articulation entre le développement de la nation en tant qu'unité de référence et le respect de la diversité en tant que reconnaissance des identités différenciées. La France et les Etats-Unis, Etats-nations républicains, sont souvent présentés comme deux archétypes ayant engendré des modèles sociaux, politiques et juridiques antagoniques ou en tout cas différents. Toutefois, on peut considérer que loin d'être opposables, les deux pays ont développé une approche juridique similaire de la diversité ethnoculturelle dans le cadre national. L'histoire de la construction nationale dans les deux cadres de référence montre le développement empirique de ces nations avec et par la diversité. Ainsi, en France comme aux Etats-Unis, l'appréhension des différenciations des origines et des statuts des personnes a induit une prise en considération normative, consacrant un ancrage de la diversité dans le système juridique. L'articulation des principes républicains fondateurs des deux nations couplé à la diversité, a généré un système complexe oscillant entre différentialisme et aveuglement aux différences. Néanmoins, l'analyse des référentiels français et américain questionne la nécessité d'une reconnaissance juridique accrue de la diversité ethnoculturelle en tant que condition de l'unité nationaleOn observing France and the USA, a question arises: what kind of nation lies behind each? For both, inherent heterogeneousness leads to ethnic and cultural issues which are sources of strength but also of weakness. Here, the law both as a source and a tool appears to accurately link together the nations' development and the respect of diversity. Therefore, when analyzing the French and American models it is necessary to acknowledge within the extents and constraints of the law the ethnocultural diversity as a condition of national unity. France and the USA, who are both nations and republics, are often presented as examples of two specific nations that have created two opposite or at least different models of societies, politics and legal systems. Nevertheless, they do not appear as different when considering their legal models since they have created similar approaches to ethnocultural diversity within a national system. The French and American legal models referring to ethnic and cultural diversity lead us to consider the development of these two nations with and through diversity. The difference of origins and status has led to setting a standard of diversity in the law system. Even if diversity is not a stated constitutional principle, it had become an implicit canon. As one result, the founding republican principles of these two nations have been integrated over the last decade into a complex legal system vacillating between considering and refusing differences. In this sense, we can argue that taking into account diversity helps the improvement of a nation's unity by redefining the social contract
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Lindwall, Ek Louise. „Agenda 2030 i Chile: Från ord till handling : En fallstudie om den chilenska regeringens ambition att implementera FN:s globala hållbarhetsmål nummer 5 - Uppnå jämställdhet och alla kvinnors och flickors egenmakt“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79843.
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In 2015 the United Nations adopted an action plan named Agenda 2030. The plan contains 17 global sustainable development goals and 169 sub-goals; all of which are aimed towards creating a sustainable future within the spheres of the three cornerstones of sustainability; social, environmental, and economical by the year of 2030. The aim of this paper is to examine the prerequisites for the Chilean government in implementing the UN's goal number five: reach gender equality. What are their ambitions? What are the biggest challenges? Which strategy does the government have to manage the challenges of the implementation process? The analysis has been conducted through a qualitative field study based on various documents, and is complemented by experts' interviews. The method used is theory consuming and relies on Lennart Lundquist's implementation theory 'Understand, can and will' (1992). Lundquist believes that the will is the most important factor for implementing a policy. The Chilean government shows both an understanding of what is needed and the resources that are needed. The question is, do they possess the will it takes to overcome the obstacles they face?
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Moussavou, Diane Prisca. „Un collectif de professeur.e.s confronté.e.s à deux parts de l’Idéal du moi : le travail collaboratif d’un collectif de professeur.e.s confronté.e.s aux exigences de deux versants de l’Idéal du moi au cours de leur activité créatrice d’un projet de collège coopératif et polytechnique de l’Éducation nationale“. Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100151.
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Pour cette thèse, notre matériel clinique est principalement constitué des retranscriptions de séances de travail — que nous avons enregistrées — auxquelles nous avons participé deux ans durant avec l’accord d’un collectif d’enseignants élaborant un projet de collège alternatif au sein de l’Éducation nationale. Nous avons aussi pu écouter et recueillir des témoignages de quelques membres d’une autre équipe de professeurs travaillant dans un microlycée, selon des modalités coopératives de fonctionnement, depuis une dizaine d’années pour les plus anciens. Notre objectif étant de nous intéresser à des pratiques coopératives, au désir du faire équipe avec d’autres, aux valeurs qui les sous-tendent, ainsi qu’aux idéaux comme aux fantasmes qui sont actifs à l’insu des sujets. Lors du travail d’écoute de certaines verbalisations, se révélait un fantasme inconscient d’égalité parfaite, chez nombre de membres, ce qui nous a conduites vers l’idée d’un désir particulier soutenu par ce fantasme : le désir-totalité. Or, lorsque ce fantasme et ce désir ne sont pas aperçus, reconnus, élaborés, puis dépassés, ils font entrave, dans la pratique, au plaisir d’être et de coopérer avec les autres. Pour les surmonter, une distanciation avec soi-même est nécessaire, c’est-à-dire, un décentrement d’avec ses propres objets de pensée. Ceci s’est produit pour tous les membres qui sont restés et les nouveaux venus aux fils du tempsFor this thesis, our clinical material consists mainly of audio-transcripts of working sessions - that we recorded - in which we participated for two years with the agreement of a collective of teachers developing an alternative junior high school project within the National Education. We have also been able to listen to and collect testimonials from some members of another team of teachers working in a micro-high school, according to co-operative modalities of functioning, since ten years for older ones. Our goal was to focus on cooperative practices, the desire to team up with others, the values that underlie them, ideals and fantasies that are active without the knowledge of the subjects. During the work of listening to certain verbalizations, an unconscious fantasy of perfect equality was revealed in many members, which led us to the idea of a particular desire supported by this fantasy: desire-totality. Now, when this fantasy and desire are not perceived, recognized, elaborated and then exceeded, they hinder, in practice, the pleasure of being and of cooperating with others. To overcome them, a distancing with oneself is necessary that is to say, a decentering from one's own objects of thought. Over the times, this has happened to all members who have stayed as well as to newcomers
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Danna, Charlotte. „Le principe de solidarité écologique“. Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2070.
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Adopté par l’article 2 de la loi n°2016-1087 de reconquête de la biodiversité, de la nature et des paysages du 8 aout 2016, le principe de solidarité écologique appelle « à prendre en compte, dans toute prise de décision publique ayant une incidence notable sur l’environnement des territoires concernés, les interactions des écosystèmes, des êtres vivants et des milieux naturels ou aménagés ». Ce principe général du droit de l’environnement inscrit à l’article L110-1 du code de l’environnement est destiné à conserver les interactions écosystémiques et les processus écologiques ainsi qu’à améliorer la gestion environnementale des territoires. La dualité de son objet en fait un principe d’une grande richesse, qui devrait concerner de nombreuses décisions. Divers fondements supranationaux, au sein de la jurisprudence et dans les textes internationaux et européens peuvent ainsi lui être attribués. Dans un contexte d’interdépendance écologique, l’évolution de la dimension internationale et européenne du principe reste essentielle pour juger de ses effets au regard de la conservation de la biodiversité. Au niveau du droit interne, son ancrage au cœur de l’équilibre de l’environnement lui apporte un rayonnement particulier. Il conforte le droit à un environnement équilibré et prolonge les principes constitutionnels de prévention et de développement durable. Face à la crise d’extinction mondiale de la biodiversité menaçant notre survie, le principe de solidarité écologique se présente comme cette ultime chance de la conserver. Deux grands ensembles de dispositifs permettent de mesurer la dynamique du principe de solidarité écologique : la trame verte et bleue et la gestion intégrée de la mer et du littoral. Ils constituent une base pour concevoir la solidarité écologique et représentent ainsi le commencement d’un droit nouveau. Le principe de solidarité écologique appelle à les renforcer et, de manière plus générale, à faire évoluer l’ensemble des décisions concernées par le principeAdopted by article 2 from act nr 2016-1087 concerning the reconquest of biodiversity, nature and landscape of August 8th 2016, the principle of ecological solidarity calls “for taking into consideration the interactions of ecosystems, living creatures and natural or developed environments in all public decisions having a notable impact on the environment of the territories concerned”.This general principle of environmental law inscribed in article L110 1 of the environmental code is designed to preserve the interactions of ecosystems and ecological processes as well as to improve the environmental management of the territories. The duality of its objective renders it a highly valuable principle which should be applied to numerous decisions. Various supranational foundations, within jurisprudence and in international and European laws, can thus be assigned to it. In the context of ecological interdependence the evolution of the international and European dimension of the principle remains essential in order to see the benefits concerning the safeguarding of biodiversity. It is greatly enhanced, as regards internal law, by the fact that it is at the very center of the environment's equilibrium. It justifies the right to a balanced environment and extends the constitutional principles of prevention and sustainable development. Confronted with the crisis of world-wide biodiversity extinction that threatens our survival, the principle of ecological solidarity emerges as the last chance to preserve it. Two major groups of systems allow us to measure the dynamics of the principle of ecological solidarity: the green and the blue line belt network and the Ocean and coastline Governance Framework. They constitute a basis on which to develop ecological solidarity and represent the beginnings of new legislation. The principle of ecological solidarity requires them to be reinforced and more generally to advance all decisions concerned by the principle
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Karlsson, Karin. „Universella rättigheter och partikulära behov : En studie om internationellt jämställdhetsarbete utifrån FN: s Kvinnokonvention“. Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-12309.
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The aim for this thesis is to study the international gender equality work from a perspective of the concept of universalism and particularism, with the United Nation’s Declaration of Human Rights, and especially -“The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women”, in focus. The shadowreports of Namibia and Sweden are used as examples of how countries with different historical, political and social contexts are working with gender equality.A theroetical framework is constitued by theories as postmodernism, postcolonialism and feminism with basis from social constructionism. The thesis is methodological influenced by Critical Discourse Analysis. Notions from former studies were also used as tools in the analysis. Some of the main notions, which within the concept of universalism and particularism, appeared as difficulties in the implementing of the CEDAW, were religion, law, democracy and superior position for men towards women.