Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Names, geographical – england – leicestershire“

A cursory glance at a map of Rutland shows a surprising lack of place-names containing Scandinavian themes. When Rutland's place-names are studied in historical detail, this dearth becomes truly startling, especially when we consider the geographical position of the county, lying as it does between the Danish boroughs of Leicester, Lincoln, Nottingham and Stamford and surrounded by heavy Norse settlement in Leicestershire and Lincolnshire and a not inconsiderable spread in Northamptonshire to its south.

Evidence is provided by place names and personal names of Nordic origin for Danish settlement in England and Scotland in the Viking period and later. The names show that Danish settlement was densest in Yorkshire, Lincolnshire and Leicestershire but can also be traced outside the Danelaw. In the North, Danish settlers or their descendants moved across the Pennines to the Carlisle Plain, and from there along the coast of Cumberland and on across the sea to the Isle of Man, and perhaps back again to southern Lancashire and Cheshire before the middle of the tenth century. There,was also a spread of Danes around south-western England in the early eleventh century, reflecting the activities of Cnut the Great and his followers. After the Norman Conquest, Nordic influence spread into Dumfriesshire and the Central Lowlands of Scotland. It was in the more isolated, northern communities that Nordic linguistic influence continued to thrive.

Words are testimonies to the kinds of historical interactions that took place between the speakers of English and many other languages spoken far beyond Britain’s continental neighbours. This article considers the process of lexical conversion from proper names (more specifically, place-names) to common names, as well as the use of descriptive adjectives or nouns denoting the geographical area from which commodities were exported present in the Durham Account Rolls (DAR). All these lexical items give important insights into the trade relations (direct or otherwise) between regions within and beyond Europe, including the Low Countries, France, the former Ottoman Empire, and the Baltic countries. The aim of this article is to offer a lexical analysis and a historical overview of the main commodities that were imported into the monastic community under the auspices of Durham Cathedral, by discussing the implications in the choice of vernacular lexical items over Medieval Latin equivalents in the multilingual environment that characterises the DAR in the broader context of late medieval England.

AbstractBobkingite, ideally is a new mineral from the New Cliffe Hill Quarry, Stantonunder-Bardon, Leicestershire, England. It occurs as very thin (⩽5 µm) transparent plates up to 0.2 mm across, perched on a compact fibrous crust of malachite and crystalline azurite attached to massive cuprite. Crystals are tabular on {001} with dominant {001} and minor {100} and {110}. Bobkingite is a soft pale blue colour with a pale-blue streak, vitreous lustre and no observable fluorescence under ultraviolet light. It has perfect {001} and fair {100} cleavages, no observable parting, conchoidal fracture, and is brittle. Its Mohs' hardness is 3 and the calculated density is 3.254 g/cm3. Bobkingite is biaxial negative with α = 1.724(2), β = 1.745(2), γ = 1.750(2), 2Vγmeas = 33(6)°, 2Vcalc = 52°, pleochroism distinct, X = very pale blue, Z = pale greenish blue, X^a = 22° (in β obtuse), Y = c, Z = b. Bobkingite is monoclinic, space group C2/m, unit-cell parameters (refined from powder data): a = 10.301(8), b = 6.758(3), c = 8.835(7)Å, β = 111.53(6)°, V = 572.1(7)Å3, Z = 2. The seven strongest lines in the X-ray powder-diffraction pattern are [d (Å), I, (hkl)]: 8.199, 100, (001); 5.502, 100, (110); 5.029, 40, (2̄01); 2.883, 80, (310); 2.693, 40, (1̄13); 2.263, 40, (113), (4̄03); 2.188, 50, (2̄23). Chemical analysis by electron microprobe and crystal-structure solution and refinement gave CuO 70.46, Cl 12.71, H2O 19.19, O≡Cl –2.87, sum 99.49 wt.%, where the amount of H2O was determined by crystal-structure analysis. The resulting empirical formula on the basis of 12 anions (including 8 (OH) and 2H2O) is Cu4.99Cl2.02O10H12. The crystal structure was solved by direct methods and refined to an R index of 2.6% for 638 observed reflections measured with X-rays on a single crystal. Three distinct (Cuϕ6) (ϕ = unspecified anion) octahedra share edges to form a framework that is related to the structures of paratacamite and the Cu2(OH)3Cl polymorphs, atacamite and clinoatacamite. The mineral is named for Robert King, formerly of the Department of Geology, Leicester University, prominent mineral collector and founding member of the Russell Society. The mineral and its name have been approved by the Commission on New Minerals and Mineral Names of the International Mineralogical Association.

SUMMARYWoodchip pads can be a sustainable alternative to the overwintering of stock on grassland or in conventional housing and can offer benefits in improved animal performance, improved health and environmentally sustainable options for the management of animal excreta (dung, urine and the resulting effluent). Novel flow measuring equipment was developed to monitor effluent drainage from two woodchip pads sited on commercial farms in the UK, one in Powys (Wales, UK) and the other in Leicestershire (England, UK). Observations were made over 8 months in 2009/10. The aim was to assess both hydrological characteristics and nutrient fluxes. Flow monitoring, based on the use of tipping bucket or the principles of an overshot water wheel, was required to be capable of diverting a sample into a storage tank for sub-sampling and subsequent analysis. Estimates of pad outputs through evaporation and sub-surface drainage accounted for 0·98–1·01 of total inputs from precipitation and animal excreta, with evaporation and pad drainage representing 0·47–0·63 and 0·34–0·51 of total inputs, respectively. The resulting scientific information is of value in the synthesis of guidelines for design, construction and management of woodchip pads. Detailed analysis of flow and precipitation data, coupled with column absorption studies to evaluate moisture retention in the woodchip matrix, were used to consider the development of modelling approaches, with the potential to predict drainage outputs across a range of geographical, weather and pad management situations.

The article describes the ethnic and individual impact factors on the formation of conceptually linguistic picture of the world which works as a connecting primary phenomenon of every separate nationality, a marker of a national language, traditions, culture and literature. The subject of the research includes English idioms with an onomastic component, which ethnic identity is genetically determined by different strands: geographic and climate environment (natural landscape, pidsonnia (climate), natural disasters, flora, fauna), historical and social factors (economic activity (farming), occupation, relationship with the neighbours, social and political forms), mentally unique features of a national character. Phraseological units have become the ground for developing a phraseological picture of the world of the English ethnicity as an owner of an original outlook. The structure and semantics of these idioms comprise both the names connected with the England lands, and those that go far beyond its boundaries; it depends on the spreading area of a separate variant of the English language and its world significance. The key phraseological units of the English language contain toponyms (place names, proper names of geographical objects), anthroponyms (proper names of people). Thus, this study presents the other idiom groups as well. Toponyms of mythological, biblical and historical origin are the most spread among them. Sometimes English phraseological units comprise ethnonyms-componets to indicate the names of the nationalities, which representatives have contancted with an English cultural community one way or another. A specific typeof idioms is presented by the phraseological units of literary origin of the works of outstanding creative individuals. Shakespearisms make the largest group. Most of the studied idioms reflect ethnic and psychological peculiarities of a community, its national and cultural specififcs, demonstrate the sample of high artistic aesthetics.

The article considers the verbal ways of realization of the concept of EUROPE in Hryhorii Skovoroda’s language model of the world. Various lexical samples of the examined concept were discovered in the works of the outstanding Ukrainian philosopher: e.g. Europe, European, European; numerous names of European countries, cities, their inhabitants; names to denote other geographical phenomena of Europe. Most of these lexical units are found in the author’s philosophical dialogues. During the discussion, their participants show the awareness of realities of Europe at that time, peculiarities of its state system, local customs; history, geography, natural sciences. These fragments of knowledge constitute Hryhorii Skovoroda’s conceptual view of the world and more broadly – educated Ukrainians of the XVIII century. Such marked words instantiate the structural components of the concept of EUROPE: its notional, imaginary, valuative, symbolic, national-cultural and ideal components. Often these lexical units form integral part of comparisons – such as the large group of nouns in the locative case: e.g. in Europe, in England, in Hungary, in Norway, in France, in Rome, in Venice, in Paris, in Florence. Using mentioned words, on the one hand, Ukrainians demonstrate their knowledge about Europe, and on the other hand, compare life “here” and “there” (the paradigm is still relevant nowadays).

This paper presents an analysis of the manuscript map ‘Novvelle France’ now located at the Ministry of Defence, Taunton, England. It is one of the few maps of New France that depicts the growth of geographical knowledge between the publication of Champlain’s last map (1632) and those of Nicolas Sanson (1650-57), and it is the earliest surviving map on which an attempt was made to give the locations of native groups. As such, the map is an important historical document that can be used to approximate the human geography of native Canada prior to the dispersal of these groups by 1650. The evidence suggests that the map was drafted late in 1641 using Champlain’s 1632 map, a ‘Huron map’ acquired or compiled by the Jesuit Father Paul Ragueneau in 1639 or 1640, and information supplied by two Frenchmen who had been in the Mohawk country from 1640 to 1641 as captives of the Iroquois. The native locations and names on the map were incorporated on Nicolas Sanson’s maps of 1656 and 1657. Although the author of the map ‘Novvelle France’ is not known, circumstantial evidence points to the surveyor Jean Bourdon who was active in New France from 1634 on.

The dried plant specimens painstakingly acquired by the London apothecary James Petiver ( ca 1663–1718) from around the world constitute a substantial, but underappreciated, component of the vast herbarium of Sir Hans Sloane, now housed at London's Natural History Museum. Petiver was an observant field biologist whose own collecting was focused in south-east England. However, he also obtained specimens from an astoundingly wide geographical area via numerous collectors, more than 160 of whose names are known. While many were wild-collected, gardens in Great Britain and abroad also played a role in facilitating the study of the many new and strange exotics that were arriving in Europe. A new estimate of the number of specimens present in Petiver's herbarium suggests a figure of ca 21 000 gatherings. In this article, the appearance of the bound volumes, and the arrangement of the specimens within them, is assessed and contrasted with those volumes assembled by Leonard Plukenet and Hans Sloane. Petiver's published species descriptions and illustrations are shown to be frequently associated with extant specimens, letters and other manuscripts, making the whole a rich archive for the study of early modern collecting of natural curiosities at a time of increasing ‘scientific’ purpose.

Purpose – Sale-and-leaseback has become an increasingly common approach during the last two decades in the investment of high street banks (banking-halls) in the UK. One measure commonly used in making property investment decisions is the all risks yield (ARY) which is associated with the level of rental income. Investors and their advisors need to know which factors are likely to result in the highest ARY when assembling investment portfolios of such properties. The purpose of this paper is to identify those yield influences. Design/methodology/approach – A qualitative multiple-case study was adopted. A literature review generated a hypothesis which was tested by a qualitative study, based upon semi-structured interviews and a questionnaire, to establish the influencing factors. Expert interviews were held with the heads of those three major auction-houses dealing with auctions of all retail bank premises in the Great Britain market, whilst the questionnaire survey involved investment professionals from within the auction-houses. Findings – The study confirmed that the four factors influencing yields and investors’ decision-making when purchasing retail banking premises were tenant banking company (brand names), regional location (north and south super-regions), lot size (hammer price), and tenure (freehold or leasehold). Research limitations/implications – This investigation focuses on Great Britain’s geographical and political area which includes England, Scotland and Wales, but excludes Northern Ireland. This research focuses on banking-halls as a sub-class of retail property investment. The findings form a baseline upon which further research can be conducted on other sub-types of retail property such as high street shops and retail parks. The results will also underpin the development of a quantitative yield predictive model based on regression analysis. Practical implications – To maximize the returns on property investments, investors and their professional advisors can use those factors having the greatest influence on yields to make informed investment decisions for the building of property portfolios. Originality/value – As a sub-sector, bank premises do not necessarily correlate to the generic retail sector. This research consolidates the broad systematic drivers of retail yields into specific factors influencing the ARY of banking-halls. The findings provide better understanding of an active but sparsely analysed sub-market of banking hall investments, and by so-doing help investors to maximize their investment returns.

Evidence for routes in use in the early medieval period from documents and excavations is fragmentary, and from maps is nil, but place-names help to fill the gap. Known early roads, travellers and possible origins of place-names are considered before detailed examination of the place-names that consistently occur by routeways. Ways of measuring proximity of named settlements to routeways, including the chi-squared test and dispersion graphs, are described. The place-names are considered in detail. The road terms strǣt and weg yielded useful information; pæth and stīg did not. Gewæd and gelād indicated difficult crossings; ford was too ubiquitous to be useful. Facilities available were indicated by mere-tūn and byden-welle (water supply); strǣt-tūn and calde-cot but not Coldharbour (lodgings); mōr-tūn and mersc-tūn (fodder); dræg-tun and dræg-cot (aid to travellers in difficulty); grǣfe-tūn (pay-load). Ōra and ofer, round-shouldered ridges, were used as 'signposts' at significant points on roads and waterways to indicate, inter alia, harbour entrances, cross roads and mineral deposits. Cumb-tūn, denu-tūn, ceaster and wīc-hām were easily recognised and helped travellers to identify their whereabouts. Seaways and rivers in use were highlighted by the use of port, hȳth, ēa-tūn and lād A series of these indicative names occurring along a route, usually Roman, suggests that the route was in use. Certain saltways, Gough (c. 1360) and Ogilby (1675) routes and a few others were also highlighted. Findings are summarised on the end-paper map. As a check on the results, coin-find distributions for the early eighth century and late tenth/ early eleventh century were mapped against route-ways. Routes in use from placename and coin evidence were broadly similar. Evidence from pottery scatters was difficult to assemble, and gave poorer results. The evolution of the naming system is discussed. The consistent way that widely occurring landforms and habitation types were named throughout England enables the mapping of an early medieval routeway network using place-name evidence. The appendices list and map each corpus.

This study has collected and analysed a database of place-names containing potential ethnonymic elements. Competing models of ethnicity are investigated and applied to names about which there is reasonable confidence. A number of motivations for employment of ethnonyms in place-names emerge. Ongoing interaction between ethnicities is marked by reference to domain or borderland, and occasional interaction by reference to resource or transit. More superficial interaction is expressed in names of commemorative, antiquarian or figurative motivation. The implications of the names for our understanding of the history of individual ethnicities are considered. Distribution of Walh-names has been extended north into Scotland; but reference may be to Romance-speaking feudal incomers, not the British. Briton-names are confirmed in Cumberland and are found on and beyond the fringes of the polity of Strathclyde. Dumbarton, however, is an antiquarian coining. Distribution of Cumbrian-names suggests that the south side of the Solway Firth was not securely under Cumbrian influence; but also that the ethnicity, expanding in the tenth century, was found from the Ayrshire coast to East Lothian, with the Saxon culture under pressure in the Southern Uplands. An ethnonym borrowed from British in the name Cumberland and the Lothian outlier of Cummercolstoun had either entered northern English dialect or was being employed by the Cumbrians themselves to coin these names in Old English. If the latter, such self-referential pronouncement in a language contact situation was from a position of status, in contrast to the ethnicism of the Gaels. Growing Gaelic self-awareness is manifested in early-modern domain demarcation and self-referential naming of routes across the cultural boundary. But by the nineteenth century cultural change came from within, with the impact felt most acutely in west-mainland and Hebridean Argyll, according to the toponymic evidence. Earlier interfaces between Gaelic and Scots are indicated on the east of the Firth of Clyde by the early fourteenth century, under the Sidlaws and in Buchan by the fifteenth, in Caithness and in Perthshire by the sixteenth. Earlier, Norse-speakers may have referred to Gaels in the hills of Kintyre. The border between Scotland and England was toponymically marked, but not until the modern era. In Carrick, Argyll and north and west of the Great Glen, Albanians were to be contrasted, not necessarily linguistically, from neighbouring Gaelic-speakers; Alba is probably to be equated with the ancient territory of Scotia. Early Scot-names, recorded from the twelfth century, similarly reflect expanding Scotian influence in Cumberland and Lothian. However, late instances refer to Gaelic-speakers. Most Eireannach-names refer to wedder goats rather than the ethnonym, but residual Gaelic-speakers in east Dumfriesshire are indicated by Erisch­-names at the end of the fifteenth century or later. Others west into Galloway suggest an earlier Irish immigration, probably as a consequence of normanisation and of engagement in Irish Sea politics. Other immigrants include French estate administrators, Flemish wool producers and English feudal subjects. The latter have long been discussed, but the relationship of the north-eastern Ingliston-names to mottes is rejected, and that of the south-western Ingleston-names is rather to former motte-hills with degraded fortifications. Most Dane-names are also antiquarian, attracted less by folk memory than by modern folklore. The Goill could also be summoned out of the past to explain defensive remains in particular. Antiquarianism in the eighteenth century onwards similarly ascribed many remains to the Picts and the Cruithnians, though in Shetland a long-standing supernatural association with the Picts may have been maintained. Ethnicities were invoked to personify past cultures, but ethnonyms also commemorate actual events, typified by Sasannach-names. These tend to recall dramatic, generally fatal, incidents, usually involving soldiers or sailors. Any figures of secular authority or hostile activity from outwith the community came to be considered Goill, but also agents of ecclesiastical authority or economic activity and passing travellers by land or sea. The label Goill, ostensibly providing 178 of the 652 probable ethnonymic database entries, is in most names no indication of ethnicity, culture or language. It had a medieval geographical reference, however, to Hebrideans, and did develop renewed, early-modern specificity in response to a vague concept of Scottish society outwith the Gaelic cultural domain. The study concludes by considering the forms of interaction between ethnicities and looking at the names as a set. It proposes classification of those recalled in the names as overlord, interloper or native.

The writing of county history in England experienced its first boom from the 1570s to the 1650s, during which time a series of outstanding county histories were written, including William Lambarde’s Perambulation of Kent, William Burton’s Description of Leicestershire and William Dugdale’s Antiquities of Warwickshire. All these works are manifestations of the phenomenon of ‘county history writing by the gentry’. County histories are primarily about local place names and famous persons, but also give accounts related to rivers, mountains, land, architecture, real estate, family clans, regional customs and histories. This essay illustrates the sociocultural phenomenon of ‘county history writing by the gentry’ in the view of the formation of the nation state, and aims to demonstrate the significance and value of the writing of county histories by gentlemen, from the perspective of the ‘community of county gentry’.

Abstract Norfolk provides a strong contrast to Lancashire in geographical, tenurial, and economic terms, and the position of the Lancastrian affinity in the county is predictably very different. Unlike Lancashire, Norfolk was a prosperous and comparatively open society, remaining one of the richest counties in England throughout the later middle ages. A fragmented manorial structure and a long tradition of freehold tenure gave the East Anglian peasantry an exceptional independence whilst, at a higher tenurial level, many magnates held land in the county but none held enough to establish an unquestioned landed pre-eminence.2 In consequence, the comparative freedom of the peasantry was matched by the independence of the gentry, who had the choice of many lords to serve and the wealth to maintain their independence if they wished. In 1366 the sheriff of Norfolk returned the names of 32 gentlemen in the county with an annual income over.