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1
Enterprises, Walt Disney, Hrsg. When Moms Attack! (Lizzie McGuire #1). New York: Disney Press, 2002.
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2
C, Smith David. Campaign to nowhere: The results of General Longstreet's move into upper East Tennessee. Strawberry Plains, Tenn: Strawberry Plains Press, 1999.
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3
Cleveland, Moses A. The Civil War diary of Moses A. Cleveland, 7th Battery Mass. Light Artillery: Operations in Louisiana and the campaign against the Port of Mobile, Alabama 1864-1865. Nacogdoches, Tex: Ericson Books, 2011.
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4
Biagini, Carlo, Hrsg. L'Ospedale degli Infermi di Faenza. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-8453-591-7.
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In view of its inevitable implications at an individual and collective level, in all historic periods hospital building has represented the most advanced level of elaboration of architectural models aimed at the optimal synthesis of form, function and technique. Consequently, the typological and morphological reading of the Ospedale degli Infermi of Faenza, in the wake of a campaign of architectural surveys and archive research, represents an opportunity for verifying the relationship between technical culture and design and building practice through which it is possible to identify the typological and semantic values of the architecture. Designed and constructed by the master builders Raffaele and Giovanbattista Campidori in the middle of the eighteenth century, the various phases in the transformation of the Hospital are analysed down to our own times, positing tools and methods of investigation designed to optimise operations for the rehabilitation and conservation of the most ancient part of the building.
5
Irujo, Xabier. Charlemagne’s Defeat in the Pyrenees. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463721059.
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The Battle of Errozabal (Rencesvals) is the one of the most significant historical events of eighth century Vasconia and in all Western Europe. The present monograph examines Charlemagne’s campaign from the perspective of military history but also as part of a complex socio-political process that began after the Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in 711 and culminated with the creation of the Kingdom of Pamplona in 824. The battle had major (and largely underappreciated) consequences for the Carolingian Empire. It also enjoyed a remarkable legacy as the topic of one of the oldest European epic poems, La Chanson de Roland. The events that took place in the Pyrenean pass of Errozabal on 15 August 778 defined the development of the Carolingian world, and lie at the heart of the early medieval contribution to the later medieval period.
6
Fiume, Valentina. Codici dell’anima: itinerari tra mistica, filosofia e poesia. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-298-0.
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Codici dell’anima: itinerari tra mistica, filosofia e poesia. Con un’antologia di testi al femminile investigates the rhetoric of ‘vision’ at a theoretical, literary and linguistic level: through the analysis of a corpus of important authors of the twentieth century – Campo, Guidacci, Virgillito, Zambrano and Weil – it traces the routes of a new resemantization of some symbols from the mystical tradition. After a theoretical reflection on the most significant aspects of philosophical and poetic itineraries, the volume philologically analyzes the fundamental aspects of this new alphabet of ecstasy to arrive at the construction of a repertoire of symbols, intended as a mapping of presences and recurrences, analyzed in their aspects of continuity, redesign and innovation with respect to the medieval and modern background.
7
(Illustrator), Ed Dovey, Hrsg. Mons 1914: The BEF's Tactical Triumph (Campaign). Osprey Publishing, 1997.
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8
Lomas, David. Mons 1914 (Campaign, No. 46 X). Stackpole Books, 1997.
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9
Mutch, Robert E. Campaign Finance. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190274696.001.0001.
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The one percent has been providing an ever larger share of campaign funds since the 1980s. Well over half of the money contributed to the presidential race in 2015 came from only about 350 families. One-fourth of it came from just seventy-eight donors, all of whom made contributions of $1 million or more. Can we still say we live in a democracy if a few hundred rich families provide such disproportionate shares of campaign funds? Congress and the courts are divided on that question, with conservatives saying yes and liberals saying no. The debate is about the most fundamental of political questions: how we define democracy, and how we want our democracy to work. The debate may ultimately be about political theory, but in practice it is conducted in terms of laws, regulations, and court decisions about PACs, super PACs, 527s, 501(c)(4)s, dark money, the Federal Election Commission, and even the IRS. This book explains how those laws, regulations, and court decisions fit into the larger debate about how we want our democracy to work.
10
Parry-Giles, Shawn J. Hillary Clinton as Campaign Surrogate. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038211.003.0002.
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This chapter represents the first installment of Hillary Clinton's news biography and examines the news coverage of Clinton during the 1992 presidential campaign and her entrance onto the national stage of politics. It recounts the baseline news frames that laid the foundation for judgments of Clinton's authenticity against which future frames would converge and diverge. The chapter also describes her most formative media moments during this period, which linguistically and visually acted as stock frames that authenticated Clinton as a feminist and inauthenticated her as a woman of tradition. Her political image was thus framed as a political intruder violating the protocol of presidential campaigning; an anomalous candidate's wife rejecting the trappings of home and domesticity in favor of feminist principles; and a political lightning rod who exuded personality problems that promised to disrupt her husband's presidential bid and undermine the traditions of first lady.
11
Lawson, William H. No Small Thing. University Press of Mississippi, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496816351.001.0001.
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The Mississippi Freedom Vote of 1963 is no small thing. It is a complex historical and rhetorical phenomenon worthy of in-depth analysis. The Mississippi Freedom Vote of 1963 was an integrated citizens’ campaign to empower and promote agency for blacks within the state. With candidates Aaron Henry, a black pharmacist from Clarksdale, for governor and Reverend Edwin King, a white college chaplain from Vicksburg, for lieutenant governor, the Freedom Vote ran a platform aimed at obtaining votes, justice, jobs, and education for blacks in the Magnolia state. Though the actual campaign took place October 13 through November 4, the Freedom Vote’s impact far transcends those few weeks in the fall of 1963 and extends beyond the borders of Mississippi. Campaign manager Bob Moses was right to label the Freedom Vote “one of the most unique voting campaigns in American history.” It is precisely how the rhetorical forms employed by the Freedom Vote catalyze agency that is so appealing and unique. Educating people about citizenship and then providing an opportunity to practice this phronesis in real time created a groundswell of political activity in Mississippi. The Freedom Vote campaign employed the rhetorical tactics of image events to protest voting rights inequalities by executing a campaign that allowed participants to enact the very agency that was being criticized. The campaign turned protestors in to citizens, allowing local citizens to experience empowerment, and it allowed organizers to learn valuable lessons that they would employ time and time again.
12
Greene, A. Wilson, und Gary W. Gallagher. Campaign of Giants--The Battle for Petersburg. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638577.001.0001.
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Grinding, bloody, and ultimately decisive, the Petersburg Campaign was the Civil War's longest and among its most complex. Ulysses S. Grant and Robert E. Lee squared off for more than nine months in their struggle for Petersburg, the key to the Confederate capital at Richmond. Featuring some of the war's most notorious battles, the campaign played out against a backdrop of political drama and crucial fighting elsewhere, with massive costs for soldiers and civilians alike. After failing to bull his way into Petersburg, Grant concentrated on isolating the city from its communications with the rest of the surviving Confederacy, stretching Lee's defenses to the breaking point. When Lee's desperate breakout attempt failed in March 1865, Grant launched his final offensives that forced the Confederates to abandon the city on April 2, 1865. A week later, Lee surrendered at Appomattox Court House. Here A. Wilson Greene opens his sweeping new three-volume history of the Petersburg Campaign, taking readers from Grant's crossing of the James in mid-June 1864 to the fateful Battle of the Crater on July 30. Full of fresh insights drawn from military, political, and social history, A Campaign of Giants is destined to be the definitive account of the campaign. With new perspectives on operational and tactical choices by commanders, the experiences of common soldiers and civilians, and the significant role of the United States Colored Troops in the fighting, this book offers essential reading for all those interested in the history of the Civil War.
13
Partheymüller, Julia. Agenda-Setting Dynamics during the Campaign Period. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.003.0002.
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It is widely believed that the news media have a strong influence on defining what are the most important problems facing the country during election campaigns. Yet, recent research has pointed to several factors that may limit the mass media’s agenda-setting power. Linking news media content to rolling cross-section survey data, the chapter examines the role of three such limiting factors in the context of the 2009 and the 2013 German federal elections: (1) rapid memory decay on the part of voters, (2) advertising by the political parties, and (3) the fragmentation of the media landscape. The results show that the mass media may serve as a powerful agenda setter, but also demonstrate that the media’s influence is strictly limited by voters’ cognitive capacities and the structure of the campaign information environment.
14
Attanasio, John. Distributive Autonomy, The Constitution, and Campaign Finance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190847029.003.0009.
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In Kovacs v. Cooper, the Supreme Court permitted government to regulate the volume of sound trucks. One opinion stated that free speech does not include freedom “to drown out the natural speech of others.” Campaign speech of by interests drowns out all other campaign speech. This problem heavily distorts both the speaker’s right to speak and the listener’s right to know. The distortions disadvantage poorly financed candidates and mislead voters. What people think are the most important issues will be distorted; so will intensity of feelings on those issues. Such distortions will systematically skew electoral behavior based on false information. These distortions impair distributive autonomy of both listeners and speakers. In 2016, both presidential candidates overwhelmingly catered to wealthy donors. In this milieu, wealthy donors comprise the political “in” group; that is, the group who dominates government. Everyone else (the vast majority of voters) is a political “out.”
15
Baker, Paula. Obama 2.0. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036606.003.0010.
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This chapter takes a critical look at the internet fundraising techniques the Obama campaign perfected and argues that such techniques, combined with federal campaign contribution reporting requirements, pose an important challenge to political values that Americans have long embraced. Not only do the stunning amounts raised render obsolete the nation's four-decades-old system of public campaign financing; the fact that much of this money was raised from a large number of small donors, and that these donors can be readily identified in online campaign finance reports, challenges one of the most important innovations in the electoral process of the late nineteenth century, the secret ballot.
16
Lehane, Robert. Beating the Odds in a Big Country. CSIRO Publishing, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/9780643100756.
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The implementation of the Brucellosis and Tuberculosis Eradication Campaign has been one of the most significant animal health achievements in the history of Australia and worldwide. The unprecedented technical and operational complexity of the campaign presented an enormous challenge to cattle producers, veterinarians, research scientists, field staff and administrators over the 25 years
of the project.
Beating the Odds in a Big Country captures the dynamism of the campaign and records the very real contribution in cash and kind made by the many producers whose herds were subject to eradication programs.
17
Mirola, William A. Marching to Haymarket and the 1886 Eight-Hour Campaign. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038839.003.0005.
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This chapter discusses the 1886 eight-hour campaign. By 1884, organized labor once again was ready to make a city and nationwide eight-hour demand. At their Chicago meeting that year, the Federation of Organized Trade and Labor Unions voted to inaugurate the eight-hour day on May 1, 1886, recommending that labor unions across the country work to enact or enforce eight-hour laws by that date. Paradoxically, in the 1886 campaign, the Chicago Trades and Labor Assembly (CTLA)—which represented the majority of conservative, religiously inclined, skilled workers—had ceased to frame the eight-hour workday in explicitly religious terms. Compared to the CTA in the 1867 campaign and even through most of the 1870s, the Trades and Labor Assembly had adopted frames that argued for shorter hours on systematically economic grounds.
18
Woods, Philip. Making the Government of Burma’s Case. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190657772.003.0010.
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This chapter looks at the concerted campaign by Dorman-Smith and the Government of Burma public relations organization to counter the criticisms which journalists were publishing of the conduct of the first Burma campaign. Dorman-Smith’s defense of his role began in the lofty heights of Simla where the Burma Government had plenty of time to collect information and counter the attempts of the Army Public Relations organization to shift the blame for the defeat on to the civil government. The most unusual aspect of Dorman-Smith’s campaign of self-justification was his facilitation and financial support for one of the American journalists, Alfred Wagg, to write more favourably of the Government’s role in the retreat in his forthcoming book.
19
Stevenson, Jane. White and Gold. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198808770.003.0011.
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The question whether there were modern ways of being religious, or religious ways of being modern, was significant to a variety of writers and artists. Homosexuals were particularly drawn to Catholicism, which is strongly associated with both sacerdotalism and aesthetically rich forms of worship (though baroque and modernist tendencies do not divide straightforwardly down confessional lines). Maurice Child’s Society of Saints Peter and Paul was the principal theorist of baroque Anglicanism, Martin Travers its most distinguished practical exponent. Among Catholics, the most significant in the creation of a modern baroque aesthetic are Canon John Grey, priest and former fin-de-siècle poet, and Fr Martin D’Arcy, who persuaded Lutyens to build Campion Hall as a Jesuit house of study in Oxford and filled it with an astonishingly eclectic accumulation of art.
20
Stole, Inger L. The Increasing Role of the War Advertising Council. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037122.003.0007.
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This chapter details the Council’s activities throughout 1944. It studies how individual advertisers were coached to stay on course, sacrificing money, resources, and some of their creative independence to streamline the government’s campaigns and make the Council a success. Most of the government’s requests were for help with noncontroversial campaigns, which meant there was little chance that participating advertisers might arouse public resentment. But this was not always easy, especially when commercial concerns clashed with patriotic goals—a fact driven home by a highly controversial anti-venereal disease campaign. With this campaign, the Council found itself awkwardly in the middle of its obligations to the Office of War Information and the need to protect individual advertisers’ self-interest.
21
Gibson, Rachel K. When the Nerds Go Marching In. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195397789.001.0001.
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When the Nerds Go Marching In shows how digital technology has moved from the margins to the mainstream of campaign and election organization in contemporary democracies. Combining an extensive review of existing literature and comparative data sources with original survey evidence and web content analysis of digital campaign content across four nations—the United Kingdom, Australia, France, and the United States—the book maps the key shifts in the role and centrality of the internet in election campaigns over a twenty-year period. The chapters reveal how these countries have followed a four-phase model of digital campaign development which begins with experimentation, and is followed by a period of standardization and professionalization. Subsequent phases focus on increasingly strategic activities around the mobilization of activists and supporters, before switching to micro-targeted mobilizing of individual voters. The changes are mapped over time in each country from the perspective of both the campaigners (supply side), and that of voters (demand side), and the four nations are compared in terms of how far and fast they have moved through the developmental cycle. As well as providing the most comprehensive narrative charting the evolution of digital campaigning from its inception in the mid-1990s, the book also offers important insights into the national conditions that have been most conducive to its diffusion. Finally, based on the findings from the most recent phase of development, the book speculates on the future direction for political campaigns as they increasingly rely on digital tools and artificial intelligence for direction and decision-making during elections.
22
Young, Terence. Heading Out. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9780801454028.001.0001.
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Who are the real campers? Through-hiking backpackers traversing the Appalachian Trail? The family in an SUV making a tour of national parks and sleeping in tents at campgrounds? People committed to the RV lifestyle who move their homes from state to state as season and whim dictate? This book would claim: all of the above. Camping is one of the United States' most popular pastimes. Campers have been enjoying themselves for well over a century, during which time camping's appeal has shifted and evolved. This book takes readers into nature and explores with them the history of camping in the United States. The book shows how camping progressed from an impulse among city-dwellers to seek temporary retreat from their exhausting everyday surroundings to a form of recreation so popular that an industry grew up around it to provide an endless supply of ever-lighter and more convenient gear. It humanizes camping's history by spotlighting key figures in its development and a sampling of the campers and the variety of their excursions.
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Cummings, Scott L. Blue and Green. The MIT Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262036986.001.0001.
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This book is about the struggle over the future of work and the environment on the edge of the global economy. It traces the history of conflict in an industry that is not widely known, but sits at the epicentre for the global supply chain: short-haul trucking responsible for moving the mass of imports from enormous cargo ships to warehouses and retailers around the country. The book’s specific focus is on the largest and most important campaign at the nation’s largest and most important port complex, which straddles the border of Los Angeles and Long Beach, California. Over nearly two decades, labor and environmental groups—bound together in a pivotal “blue-green” alliance—carried forward a monumental campaign to transform working conditions for drivers and environmental conditions for communities. At bottom, the book tells a story of the unceasing resolve of courageous people seeking to make lives better for some of the most marginalized members of society: immigrant truck drivers barely scrapping by as they deliver goods to be sold by some of the richest and most powerful companies in the world; residents of neighbourhoods whose poverty consigns them to inhale the noxious residue of global trade. How law serves as a tool in their struggle is the book’s central question.
24
Friedlander, Jennifer. “Something I Can’t Quite Articulate”. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190676124.003.0008.
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This chapter extends explorations of representations of the human body into an examination of two prominent discursive sites concerning contemporary practices of breastfeeding, the US government’s 2004 National Breastfeeding Awareness Campaign and La Leche League International. It suggests, against expectation, that Hannah Rosin’s controversial piece in The Atlantic, “The Case Against Breastfeeding,” (2009) might turn out to provide one of the most compelling public accounts of how breastfeeding can be appreciated for its engagement with the Real. Here, rather than in an overt engagement with reality and deception, we encounter the way in which the Real haunts accounts of the body that aim to firmly ground themselves within the Symbolic realm (the national campaign) and the Imaginary realm (La Leche).
25
Wurster, Charles F. DDT Wars. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190219413.001.0001.
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DDT Wars is the untold inside story of the decade-long scientific, legal and strategic campaign that culminated in the national ban of the insecticide DDT in 1972. The widespread misinformation, disinformation and mythology of the DDT issue are corrected in this book. DDT contamination had become worldwide, concentrating up food chains and causing birds to lay thin-shelled eggs that broke in the nests. Populations of many species of predatory and fish-eating birds collapsed, including the American Bald Eagle, Osprey, Peregrine Falcon and Brown Pelican. Their numbers recovered spectacularly in the decades following the ban. During the campaign DDT and five other insecticides were found to cause cancer in laboratory tests, which led to bans of these six pesticides by international treaty in 2001. This campaign produced lasting changes in American pesticide policies. The legal precedents broke down the court "standing" barrier, forming the basis for the development of environmental law as we know it today. This case history represents one of the greatest environmental victories of recent decades. DDT is still "controversial" because it has been deceptively interjected into the "climate wars." This campaign was led by the Environmental Defense Fund (EDF), founded in 1967 by ten citizens, most of them scientists, volunteers without special political connections or financial resources. Their strategy was to take environmental problems to court. There were many setbacks along the way in this exciting and entertaining story. The group was often kicked out of court, but a few determined citizens made a large difference for environmental protection and public health. Author Charles Wurster was one of the leaders of the campaign. The first six years of EDF history are described as it struggled to survive. Now EDF is one of the world's great environmental advocacy organizations defending our climate, ecosystems, oceans and public health.
26
Moul, Victoria. Neo-Latin Poetry, 1500–1700. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935338.013.16.
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This chapter discusses Latin poetry of the period 1500–1700, with a particular focus on the British Latin verse of this period, as well as authors from elsewhere who had an international reputation. Since the Latin literature of the Renaissance is conventionally considered to begin in Italy in the mid-fourteenth century with Petrarch, and the Italian Latin literature of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was strongly influential on the rest of Europe throughout the early modern period, this chapter also gives some account of key figures from that earlier period. The chapter discusses the various contexts for Latin verse composition in the period, the most significant forms and genres (including lyric, elegy, epigram, and epyllion), key British Latin authors (including Campion, Herbert, Milton, and Cowley), the relationship to English literature, modes of publication and the directions of future research.
27
Hardy, Jeffrey S. Undoing the Reforms. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501702792.003.0005.
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This chapter discusses the campaign against the post-Stalin reform of Soviet criminal justice. Stalin's rule left behind a powerful tough-on-crime psychology among Soviet society and Soviet officialdom that proved resistant to change. The efforts of Khrushchev and his top allies in the 1950s to move the country away from the punitive justice of the Stalin era ultimately “failed to resonate” with the Soviet public. As a result Khrushchev and his peers in the late 1950s turned instead to optimism for the future as a ruling technique, a trope that was inseparably coupled with intolerance for those unwilling to move forward toward communism. In the end, therefore, even Khrushchev and most top justice officials turned against the “soft line” of justice and became caught up in a renewed campaign against various enemies of socialism.
28
Llano, Samuel. The Rise of Flamenquismo in Madrid, 1888–1898. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199392469.003.0002.
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This chapter analyzes the impact on the population of the expansion of nightlife in Madrid from the 1880s on. More particularly, it studies public fears raised by alcoholism and flamenco that led to this music being identified with social disorder and immorality. The Fuencarral Street murder (1888), in which a flamenco aficionado was involved, shocked the public and triggered a campaign against flamenco and the culture associated with it, known as flamenquismo. Behind this campaign, however, was fear and hatred of rural immigrants from Andalusia, who transformed Madrid’s culture and elicited the opposition of the population most affected by the rise of hunger and deprivation in Madrid. At the turn of the twentieth century, this situation led to flamenquismo being used as a catchword to designate any social problems affecting Spain in the wake of the 1898 desastre.
29
Paxman, Andrew. With Maximino. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190455743.003.0008.
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Jenkins found his most fearsome and effective ally in Maximino Ávila Camacho, brother of future president Manuel Ávila Camacho, who helped him resist President Cárdenas’s plan to expropriate Atencingo. Jenkins largely bankrolled Maximino’s gubernatorial campaign of 1936 and made loans to his administration. In turn, when Doña Lola convinced Cárdenas to confiscate Atencingo, Maximino countered with a plan that gave the land to a peasant cooperative while letting Jenkins retain the mill, the plantation’s profit center. Still, the Cárdenas era was a tricky time for the business elite, so Jenkins diversified his holdings, making venture-capital entrées into banking, the automotive sector, and film and returning to the textile sector. In all cases he hid his participation, from both the public and the IRS, through the use of prestanombres (straw men). Jenkins’s move toward nationwide influence also emerged in politics, as he made a huge covert loan to Manuel’s presidential campaign.
30
Gustafson, Melanie. Defining a Maverick. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036606.003.0008.
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This chapter assesses the Palin campaign as an exercise in political storytelling. In this media-saturated age in which party labels may not tell us much about a candidate, personal biography has become a key way that the public comes to “know” a candidate. The chapter argues that the most effective storytelling for the Palin candidacy focused on her background as a westerner. By highlighting Palin's big-game hunting on the Alaskan frontier and her “maverick” record of reform in the state house, Republican operatives tried to embed Palin in a long line of stories of presidential candidates and the American West. Attentive as they were to the political possibilities of Palin's identity as a westerner, the chapter shows that the Republican campaign never fully dealt with her identity as a western woman, despite the rich history of women's political advancement in the West.
31
Alonso, Paul. Jaime Bayly’s El Francotirador. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190636500.003.0003.
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In 2009, Jaime Bayly, one of the most influential TV journalists of the country, announced that he wanted to be the first bisexual, impotent, and agnostic president of Peru. He launched an atypical and unofficial electoral campaign, fueled by his irreverent and popular TV show El Francotirador (The Sniper). Bayly’s yearlong virtual campaign increasingly gained importance and local and international media coverage, but he ultimately dropped out of the race a few months before the election. This chapter analyzes how Bayly constructed his ambiguous and contradictory media persona during his 30-year media career and how he capitalized on its political appeal in his electoral run while revealing social tensions in contemporary Peru, a deeply divided society with fragile social institutions, precarious democracy, and a discredited political class. This chapter also illuminates how massive media spectacle became a contested arena to negotiate political power both during and since President Fujimori’s authoritarian regime (1990–2000).
32
Lipkin, Mack. The history of communication skills knowledge and training. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780198736134.003.0001.
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This chapter provides historical overview of communication skills knowledge in cancer care. Topics discussed include the role communication plays in classical accounts of medicine, medical education, the Lipkin model, American Academy on Communication in Healthcare, and Cancer Research Campaign Studies in the United Kingdom. Most of the history of communication skills knowledge and teaching derives from work and studies done in general medicine, or further afield, rather than in cancer care. This chapter includes such material because much of our communication knowledge and skill is generic, crosses specific applications and content areas like cancer care, and because the most useful conceptual frameworks and approaches began elsewhere and have only partially been rendered cancer specific.
33
Matzko, Paul. The Radio Right. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073220.001.0001.
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By the early 1960s, and for the first time in history, most Americans across the nation could tune their radio to a station that aired conservative programming from dawn to dusk. People listened to these shows in remarkable numbers; for example, the broadcaster with the largest listening audience, Carl McIntire, had a weekly audience of twenty million, or one in nine American households. For the sake of comparison, that is a higher percentage of the country than would listen to conservative talk radio host Rush Limbaugh forty years later. As this Radio Right phenomenon grew, President John F. Kennedy responded with the most successful government censorship campaign of the last half century. Taking the advice of union leader Walter Reuther, the Kennedy administration used the Internal Revenue Service and the Federal Communications Commission to pressure stations into dropping conservative programs. This book reveals the growing power of the Radio Right through the eyes of its opponents using confidential reports, internal correspondence, and Oval Office tape recordings. With the help of other liberal organizations, including the Democratic National Committee and the National Council of Churches, the censorship campaign muted the Radio Right. But by the late 1970s, technological innovations and regulatory changes fueled a resurgence in conservative broadcasting. A new generation of conservative broadcasters, from Pat Robertson to Ronald Reagan, harnessed the power of conservative mass media and transformed the political landscape of America.
34
Woodfield, Ian. Italian Opera Reprieved. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190692636.003.0005.
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In the light of the imminent closure of the opera buffa troupe, Da Ponte arranged a collective benefit for the performers: a lighthearted satirical piece entitled L’ape musicale, which featured the most popular music of recent seasons. His campaign to persuade Joseph II to change his mind over the decision to discontinue Italian opera bore fruit in January 1789, following the Russian victory at Ochakiv, following which a lighter public mood was briefly evident in Vienna. Da Ponte could now offer his pasticcio on behalf of the whole troupe as an expression of gratitude for the reprieve they had been granted.
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Roeder, Philip G. National Secession. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501725982.001.0001.
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National Secession asks which projects for new nation-states give rise to campaigns that cause discord—and sometimes mayhem—in the politics of existing states. This has been explained by identities, grievances, greed, and tactical-logistical opportunities. Yet, under the strategic constraints faced by most national-secession campaigns, the essential element in almost all campaigns is the ability of the campaign’s program to coordinate expectations within a platform population on a common goal so that independence becomes the only viable option. In their strategy of programmatic coordination, which has guided the most important national-secession campaigns, the critical task of campaign leaders is propagating an authentic and realistic nation-state project. This explains which campaigns are most likely to draw attention in the capitals of the great powers that control admission to the international community, bring their disputes with their central governments to an intractable deadlock, and engage in protracted intense struggles to convince the international community that independence is the only viable option.
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Nash, Gary B. The Hidden Story of Quakers and Slavery. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038266.003.0015.
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This chapter discusses how the story of Quaker abolitionism has been hidden from the general public. It surveys American middle school, high school, and university textbooks, monuments, and film, and suggests that most Americans know little about Quaker antislavery. It considers the reasons behind the erasure of Quakers and slavery over a period of two centuries of textbook writing. It suggests that one way that the story of Quakers, slavery, and abolitionism can gain recognition in the schools and in the public's awareness is through commemorative sculpture and urban murals. It concludes by proposing a campaign to draw attention to the career and legacy of Anthony Benezet.
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Kennedy, Andrew. Nehru’s Foreign Policy. Herausgegeben von David M. Malone, C. Raja Mohan und Srinath Raghavan. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198743538.013.7.
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India’s first Prime Minister towered over India’s international relations for nearly two critical decades. More than half a century after his death, however, scholars continue to debate the meaning and significance of Nehru’s most important initiatives in foreign policy. Some argue that he was a bold idealist crusader, one who frequently ignored important Indian interests. Others have described him as a subtle practitioner of realpolitik statecraft. This chapter argues that Nehru must be remembered as both an idealist and a realist. To make its case, the chapter delves into three of Nehru’s most important ‘idealistic’ preoccupations in foreign policy: his drive to build up the United Nations, his campaign for non-alignment, and his crusade for nuclear disarmament. In each case, the analysis reveals that Nehru was both sincerely committed to what he saw as a moral cause, but also convinced that advancing it would suit narrower Indian interests as well.
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Pollack, Howard. More Fables. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190458294.003.0017.
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The late 1940s saw Latouche moving about from place to place, and lover to lover. He maintained some connection with the political left in terms of his involvement with both the Henry Wallace campaign, and his advocacy of world government in works like the radio play Unhappy Birthday and the aborted The Last Joan, after John Steinbeck. He continued also to write popular songs and adapt plays for both radio and the stage, most notably Miss Julie for Elisabeth Bergner. He further undertook collaborations with composer Lehman Engel on Mooncalf (which premiered in Cleveland in 1951 as Golden Ladder) and composer William Friml on The Happy Dollar (which premiered in Houston in 1954).
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Stanley, Matthew E. “Solely to Suppress the Rebellion”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040733.003.0008.
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This chapter argues that by the 1880s the Loyal West itself divided, with Lower Middle Western veterans increasingly emphasizing regional commonalities with the Border South—shared identities as white western men—in order to hasten sectional reunification with former Confederates. Meanwhile, the pervasive and northerly creeping Lost Cause, along with a master Grand Army of the Republic narrative of reunification, embodied by war with Spain a reconciled nationalism among whites reinforced by a spate of Blue-Gray reunions, undercut the more provincial Loyal Western story. Although it was challenged and overtaken by a national détente campaign, culminating at Gettysburg in 1913, reunion succeeded first where it was most probable, among Loyal Westerners along slavery’s border.
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Lin, Patrick, Keith Abney und Ryan Jenkins, Hrsg. Robot Ethics 2.0. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190652951.001.0001.
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As a game-changing technology, robotics naturally will create ripple effects through society. Some of them may become tsunamis. So it’s no surprise that “robot ethics”—the study of these effects on ethics, law, and policy—has caught the attention of governments, industry, and the broader society, especially in the past several years. Since our first book on the subject in 2012, a groundswell of concern has emerged, from the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots to the Campaign Against Sex Robots. Among other bizarre events, a robot car has killed its driver, and a kamikaze police robot bomb has killed a sniper. Given these new and evolving worries, we now enter the second generation of the debates—robot ethics 2.0. This edited volume is a one-stop authoritative resource for the latest research in the field, which is often scattered across academic journals, books, media articles, reports, and other channels. Without presuming much familiarity with either robotics or ethics, this book helps to make the discussion more accessible to policymakers and the broader public, as well as academic audiences. Besides featuring new use-cases for robots and their challenges—not just robot cars, but also space robots, AI, and the internet of things (as massively distributed robots)—we also feature one of the most diverse group of researchers on the subject for truly global perspectives.
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Castledine, Jacqueline. Progressive Feminisms. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037269.003.0003.
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This chapter talks about how Progressive women faced a number of challenges as they headed out on the campaign trail in 1948. Not only did Women for Wallace activists have to contend with Cold War politics, including debates about the role of Communists in the Progressive Party (PP), they also had to negotiate the competing rationales members claimed for women's political engagement. The feminisms that took root in the PP were most often shaped by debates about the grounds on which Progressive women should demand their right to political participation. Divisions within the Congress of American Women and Women for Wallace organizations were determined by the degree to which members relied upon notions of “difference” between men and women to claim their rights.
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Brysk, Alison. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190901516.003.0011.
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The gender gap in human security remains the most serious threat to the dignity and well-being of the world’s people in the 21st century. After examining patterns and cases of gender violence and response worldwide, what have we learned about how to bring half the world’s women toward freedom from fear? The concluding chapter will assess the record of action against gender violence in the cases visited, the promise and pitfalls of the pathways for reform, and the implications for women’s human rights campaigns. We will trace critical struggles for reproductive rights in global institutions, Ireland, Mexico, and a migrant family. This section will explore how the campaign to end violence against women can enhance all struggles for human dignity.
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Fridkin, Kim, und Patrick Kenney. Taking Aim at Attack Advertising. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190947569.001.0001.
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This book develops and tests the “tolerance and tactics theory of negativity.” The theory argues that citizens differ in their tolerance of negative campaigning. Also, candidates vary in the tactics used to attack their opponents, with negative messages varying in their relevance to voters and in the civility of their tone. The interplay between citizens’ tolerance of negativity and candidates’ negative messages helps clarify when negative campaigning will influence citizens’ evaluations of candidates and their likelihood of voting. A diverse set of data sources was collected from U.S. Senate elections (e.g., survey data, experiments, content analysis, focus groups) across several years to test the theory. The tolerance and tactics theory of negativity receives strong empirical validation. First, people differ systematically in their tolerance for negativity, and their tolerance changes over the course of the campaign. Second, people’s levels of tolerance consistently and powerfully influence how they assess negative messages. Third, the relevance and civility of negative messages consistently influence citizens’ assessments of candidates competing for office. That is, negative messages focusing on relevant topics and utilizing an uncivil tone produce significant changes in people’s impressions of the candidates. Furthermore, people’s tolerance of negativity influences their susceptibility to negative campaigning. Specifically, relevant and uncivil messages are most influential for people who are least tolerant of negative campaigning. The relevance and civility of campaign messages also alter people’s likelihood of voting, and the impact of negative messages on turnout is more consequential for people with less tolerance of negativity.
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Llano, Samuel. The Persecution of Organilleros. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199392469.003.0009.
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This chapter provides an account of how, from the 1860s on, organilleros challenged some of the foundations of a middle-class lifestyle in Madrid, including comfort and aural hygiene. For that reason, city authorities intensified the legal and police persecution of these musicians toward the end of the nineteenth century. In 1889, the media orchestrated a campaign against organilleros in which they were accused of committing a crime that was never verified. This frame-up mobilized public opinion against organilleros and paved the way for the string of legal measures that targeted them from the 1890s on. While not all the media and residents in Madrid agreed that this persecution was fair, most of them celebrated it for bringing peace to Madrid, an attitude that illustrates how comfort prevailed over social justice.
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Blakkisrud, Helge, und Pål Kolstø. ‘Restore Moscow to the Muscovites’: Othering ‘the migrants’ in the 2013 Moscow mayoral elections. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0010.
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Russia encompasses the world’s second-largest migrant population in absolute numbers. This chapter explores the role migrants play in contemporary Russian identity discourse, focusing on the topic that ordinary Muscovites identified as most important during the 2013 Moscow mayoral election campaign: the large number of labour migrants in the capital. It explores how the decision to open up the elections into a more genuine contest compelled the regime candidate, incumbent mayor Sergei Sobianin, to adopt a more aggressive rhetoric on migration than otherwise officially endorsed by the Kremlin. The chapter concludes that the Moscow electoral experiment, allowing other candidates than the regime’s own hand-picked, ‘controllable’ sparring partners to run, contributed to pushing the borders of what mainstream politicians saw as acceptable positions on migrants and migration policy.
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Banerjee, Ashis, und Clara Oliver. Infectious diseases. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780198786870.003.0015.
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Infectious diseases is a large topic; however, the Royal College of Emergency Medicine (RCEM) curriculum focuses on the key areas which this chapter covers. One of the most important areas in emergency medicine is sepsis and its early recognition. The management of sepsis is currently changing in line with current research. This chapter provides an up-to-date overview of the diagnosis and management of sepsis, with particular respect to early goal-directed therapy and the Surviving Sepsis Campaign, knowledge of which is required for the Intermediate Fellowship of the Royal College of Emergency Medicine short-answer question (FRCEM SAQ) paper. In addition, this chapter also covers the pathophysiology and management of fever, as well as neutropenic sepsis and central nervous system infections. This chapter also covers the public health aspect of infections, as well as the management of needlestick injuries.
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Woods, Philip. George Rodger and Life Magazine Photo-Journalism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190657772.003.0006.
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This chapter looks at the coverage of the war by the Life photojournalist George Rodger. He focused initially, as did so many other journalists, on one of the most glamorous aspects of the campaign, the role of American pilots, the American Volunteer Group (AVG), or “Flying Tigers” as they came to be known. Rodger did manage to take some action photos at one of the few successful battles, the recapture of Shwegyin. The photographic record of this battle raises important issues of the difficulties of working in tropical and jungle conditions, but also the question of whether any of the photographs involved reconstruction (faking) of events for the camera. This chapter also looks at the role of Life correspondent, Clare Boothe Luce, who, together with Rodger, photographed the meeting of General Stilwell and Chiang Kai-Shek at Maymyo.
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Robertson, David Brian. The Progressive Era. Herausgegeben von Daniel Béland, Kimberly J. Morgan und Christopher Howard. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199838509.013.009.
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During the Progressive Era (from the 1890s and to the 1920s), American social reformers invented ways to overcome Constitutional constraints on national action, the limited abilities of state governments, the separation of government powers, and patronage-based political parties. These reformers built new public agencies and reform networks, used grants-in-aid to engage state action, pressed for uniform laws across the states, and urged a leadership role for elected executives. But Constitutional restrictions (as exemplified by the failed campaign against child labor) and trade unions’ refusal to support some reforms (such as health and unemployment insurance) sank important social-policy campaigns. Progressive reformers were most successful in securing maternalist social policy that limited women’s work hours and those of widows with children. The Progressive Era left a legacy of strikingly uneven social provision and stark racial and gender divisions.
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Strömbäck, Jesper. Swedish Election Campaigns. Herausgegeben von Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.16.
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During election campaigns, the three most important sets of actors are voters, political parties and candidates, and the media. The purpose of this chapter is thus to describe and analyze Swedish election campaigns with a focus on four interrelated aspects: how voters learn about politics and the issues at stake during election campaigns; how the news media cover election campaigns; how the parties plan and run their election campaigns; and the importance of election campaigns in terms of campaign effects. Among other things, the analysis shows that the mass media are highly important for an understanding of Swedish election campaigns that the parties’ campaigning can be considered semi-professionalized, and that election campaigns have become more important as electoral volatility has increased. Overall, the analysis also suggests that Swedish election campaigns work quite well in terms of mobilizing voters politically.
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Platte, Nathan. “Together” for the Last Time in Since You Went Away. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199371112.003.0010.
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Rather than one score, Since You Went Away has slightly more than two: a rejected attempt by concert composer Alexandre Tansman and another by Max Steiner that includes multiple versions of many cues. In addition to these scores, Selznick’s notes on the score are voluminous, reflecting his desire to match his two consecutive “Best Pictures” (Gone with the Wind and Rebecca) while also contributing to the war effort through patriotic filmmaking. The result is a mixed but engrossing effort, characterized by biographer David Thomson as Selznick’s most personal film. The producer’s investment is evident throughout the score, and this chapter assesses both positive and negative consequences, including a failed attempt to engage Bernard Herrmann, Alexandre Tansman’s ignominious dismissal, Steiner’s pragmatic reuse of associative themes from earlier Selznick films, and a new, music-based publicity campaign led by Ted Wick.