Dissertationen zum Thema „Monarchs of Europe“
Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: Monarchs of Europe.
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-39 Dissertationen für die Forschung zum Thema "Monarchs of Europe" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Dissertationen für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Botte, Pascaline. „La tradition constitutionnelle de la monarchie parlementaire en Europe“. Thesis, Perpignan, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PERP0012.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Cette thèse a pour objet d'étudier la tradition constitutionnelle de la monarchie parlementaire au sein de huit monarchies européennes actuelles (Belgique, Danemark, Espagne, Luxembourg, Norvège, Pays-Bas, Royaume-Uni et Suède).Sept d'entre elles sont parfois considérées par certains auteurs et quelques sources comme des monarchies parlementaires. La Suède est aussi considérée ainsi, avec de semblables nuances, jusqu'à la révision constitutionnelle de 1974.Avec les réserves du droit savant mais aussi le patrimoine européen, notre étude se propose la recherche de principes et de procédures constitutifs d'une tradition spécifique.Cette dernière peut contribuer à une définition de la monarchie parlementaire. Cette transmission de principes et procédures semble révéler ainsi les limites mais aussi l'importance d'une telle forme de régime en EuropeThe purpose of this thesis is to study the constitutional tradition of the parliamentary monarchy within eight current European monarchies (Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Luxembourg, Norway, Netherlands, United Kingdom and Sweden). Seven of them are sometimes considered by certain authors and some sources as parliamentary monarchies. Sweden is also considered thus, with similar nuances, until the constitutional revision of 1974.With the reservations of learned law but also European heritage, this study seeks to find principles and procedures constituting a specific tradition. The latter can contribute to a definition of parliamentary monarchy. This transmission of principles and procedures thus seems to reveal the limits but also the importance of such a form of regime in Europe
2
McLean, Roderick Reid. „Monarchy and diplomacy in Europe, 1900-1910“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296526.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
3
Kirsch, Martin. „Monarch und Parlament im 19. Jahrhundert : der monarchische Konstitutionalismus als europäischer Verfassungstyp, Frankreich im Vergleich /“. Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37053109g.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
4
Koter, Darja. „Slovenian Music and National Identity within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy at the Beginning of the 20th Century“. Gudrun Schröder, 2004. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21227.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Slovenian identity took shape under cultural, political and economic
circumstances that in uenced Western European civilization at its
furthest eastern border. Since the 6th century, ancestors of present
day Slovenes inhabited the territory of the Eastern Alps, bordering on
the Pannonian plains and, in the south, on the Adriatic sea. The decisive
elements of Slovenian identity were global historical processes:
Christianization, the emergence of historical countries, the Reformation,
the Counter-Reformation and the Catholic renewal, the forming
of the Austrian monarchy, the enlightenment, romanticism, the rise
of nationalism and liberalism, the development of modern democracy.
Historical turning points such as Napoleon's Illyrian Provinces, the
1848 'spring of nations', World Wars I and II, and the collapse of
Yugoslavia also made an impact on identity formation. These processes
affected national consciousness as well as the concept of nation.
5
Farguson, Julie Anne. „Art, ceremony and the British monarchy, 1689-1714“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e63509b1-425c-4308-bfc7-d991d46aa693.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis investigates the ceremonial and artistic strategies of the British monarchy in the years following the Glorious Revolution. By adopting a range of methodologies used in the study of visual culture, the thesis considers royal ceremonies as channels for conveying political messages non-verbally. These could affect attitudes to the monarchy, and inform artistic output. By paying particular attention to the way royal participants performed ceremonially in relation to the various formal and informal architectural settings for the court, the thesis highlights the process of seeing as a communicative act. Being alert to the impact of royal ceremonial and artistic activities on contemporary audiences, the thesis also considers the dissemination of royal imagery in England by commercial means. The thesis surveys paintings, prints and medals produced in England, and places the intended audiences at the centre of the analysis. It also pays keen attention to the impact of war on royal image making, and highlights the political context of continental Europe, especially in relation to William’s role as Stadholder-King but also the exiled Stuart court at St Germain near Paris. The evidence presented here supports a number of conclusions. Firstly, war had a profound impact on all aspects of royal image making. Secondly, royal behaviour and involvement in ceremony were vital elements in the visual presentation of monarchy. Kings and queens were of paramount importance, but their consorts were highly significant. Art was also taken seriously by the monarchy and the Crown tightened controls on royal image making during the period in question. The thesis also concludes that the nationalities of the incumbent monarchs and their consorts, along with their previous experiences and personalities, influenced their individual approach to visual representation. These approaches could shift depending on political circumstances and the personal inclinations of the person concerned.
6
Hesp, Zoe Ciambro. „La science et la société subjective : Les effets culturels de la phrénologie pendant la monarchie de juillet“. Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1298410880.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
7
HADERS, THOMAS MICHAEL. „Hapsburg-Burgundian Iconographic Programs and the Arthurian Political Model: The Expression of Moral Authority as a Source of Power“. University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1204904102.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
8
Schneider, Miriam Magdalena. „The "sailor prince" in the age of empire : creating a monarchical brand in nineteenth-century Europe“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16627.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study examines the systemic function and public role of "Sailor Princes" within the context of the nineteenth-century revival of monarchy. It explores how, between 1850 and 1914, the reigning families of Britain, Denmark, Germany and Greece chose to educate their younger sons in the navy and thereby created powerful links with a mythically invested symbol of national identity and modernity, of bourgeois virtue, imperial integration and exotic adventure. All four countries perceived themselves as maritime powers defined by their long seafaring traditions and/or great hopes for a naval future, by their possession of (in)formal seaborne colonial empires and/or by their substantial imperial ambitions. By latching onto the prominent trend of the nineteenth-century lure of the sea and of naval enthusiasm, the dynasties of Saxe-Coburg, Glücksborg and Hohenzollern were able to adapt these mental geographies for their own purposes and thus to generate an appealing brand image for the emerging political mass market. Prince Alfred of Britain (1844-1900), Prince Heinrich of Prussia (1862-1929), Prince Valdemar of Denmark (1858-1939) and Prince Georgios of Greece (1869-1957) all became powerful personality brands of their respective monarchies. This study investigates the mechanisms and the agents responsible for their success. It examines the role of the sea and of maritime imageries in nineteenth-century national identities; the myths and realities of naval education and naval professionalism; the processes by which seaborne colonial empires and diaspora communities were integrated into larger imperial units and represented to each other via interimperial diplomacy; as well as the public reception, appropriation and recreation of the "Sailor Prince" brand in various popular media, e.g. family magazines, adventure fiction and consumer goods.
9
Mathews, Justin Lee. „The Great Men of Christendom: The Failure of the Third Crusade“. TopSCHOLAR®, 2011. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1115.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis is a study of the reasons for the failure of the Third Crusade to achieve its stated objectives, despite the many advantages with which the venture began. It is proposed herein that the Third Crusade—and by extension all of the previous and subsequent Crusades—were destined to fail because of structural disadvantages which plagued the expeditions to the Holy Land. The Christians in the Holy Land were not selfsufficient, and they depended on an extensive amount of aid from Europe for their existence, but the Christians of Europe had their own goals and concerns which did not allow them to focus on building a stable kingdom in the Holy Land. For European Christians, crusading was a religious obligation, and once their vows were fulfilled, they no longer had any desire to remain in the Levant. Although the Crusaders did score some short-term victories over their Muslim adversaries, the Christian presence in the Holy Land was unsustainable, for the Crusades—from the European perspective—were a religious movement without a tangible, long-term political objective, and given those circumstance, any crusade would be unsuccessful.
10
Krummerich, Sean. „Nationalitaetenrecht: The South Slav Policies of the Habsburg Monarchy“. Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4111.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The national development of the ethnic groups of the Habsburg Monarchy were influenced by the policies undertaken toward them by their rulers, the Austrian Germans and, after 1867, the Magyars of Hungary. Contrasts can be identified between those groups living in the Austrian part of the Monarchy and those living in the Kingdom of Hungary, a trend that can be identified in the Monarchy's South Slav populations (Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes), as this population inhabited territories on both sides of the dualist border. The present study examines the differences in the nationality policies toward the South Slavs on the part of the governments of Cisleithanian Austria and the Kingdom of Hungary during the decades prior to the First World War. The concluding section examines how these nationality policies influenced the post-1914 development of the South Slav groups.
11
Sauvé, Robert. „The July monarchy in France, 1830-1848: Bourgeois or 'notable'? An historiographical perspective: 1830-1988“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5977.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
12
Roeder, Tobias Uwe. „Professional identity of army officers in Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy, 1740-1790“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/277825.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis explores the existence and outlook of a European officer class in the mid- to later 18th century by studying the army officers of Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy from the War of the Austrian Succession to the eve of the French Revolutionary Wars. It illuminates the character of such an officer class of ‘Military Europe’ with its own cultural customs and practices. Furthermore, it details similarities, differences and peculiarities of both officer corps. This is achieved by analysing the social and national composition of both armies, with a focus here on the Habsburg Army due to the fact that it took in great numbers of foreigners and that the muster lists give an indication of how great the proportion of nobility was. A comparison with the British case shows striking similarities but also obvious differences. In a further step the ability of individuals for social advancement and national mobility is scrutinised on both sides. In this context, the state’s care for its officers and their social security is also taken into account. One possibility to acknowledge the officers’ service was to raise their status, either by ennoblement or through increasing the prestige of the uniform in court and society, its transformation into an ‘Ehrenkleid’ (garment of honour). As officers increasingly became servants to the state, rather than noble retainers and military enterprisers, they were also subject to professionalization efforts by the sovereigns. What becomes apparent, however, is that the officers did not only react to such measures but that at least a significant part of them actively worked on improving the service, thereby exhibiting a growing professionalism. In order to explore the coherence of the officer corps in those armies, with officers all following the same codes and accepting each other as equals, the thesis looks into core values (including honour, duty, courage and loyalty) binding them together and separating them from the enlisted men. The thesis will also offer a glimpse of their engagement with civilian society and culture as well as their role as ‘foot soldiers of Enlightenment’. On a European level, interaction between these officers proves their general acceptance of and respect for each other, while at the same time acting as state representatives in wartimes. Their interaction with non-European and non-state military forces and their leadership marks out the fluid boundaries of military Europe, but also exhibits the pervasiveness of European military culture.
13
Sundström, Peter. „Emergence of monarchies? : A Comparative study of three East European countries“. Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35933.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
14
Ruegg, François. „La maison paysanne, temoin et victime de l'aufklaerung dans les provinces orientales de la monarchie autrichienne“. Montpellier 3, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986MON30014.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Cette these se propose de montrer que l'architecture populaire actuelle de l'europe centrale-orientale et sud-orientale (pologne, slovaquie, hongrie, roumanie, yougoslavie), loin d'illustrer de quelconques genies nationaux, incarne, dans son histoire, deux conceptions de l'habitat culturellement opposees, l'une "occidentale", l'autre "orientale", correspondant aux anciens territoires des empires autrichien et turc respectivement. C'est a travers les colonisations autrichiennes en banat et galicie principalement, provinces conquises a l'issue des guerres "turques" du dix-huitieme siecle, que les principes de l'aufklaerung (lumieres) s'insinuent dans l'architecture paysanne. Tandis que les savants germaniques expliquent le phenomene par une influence allemande, l'etude des archives contemporaines de la colonisation montre au contraire que c'est l'administration d'un absolutisme eclaire qui a concu l'architecture coloniale, devenue modele pour l'architecture ruraleThis dissertaiton purposes to demonstrate that the rural architecture of today in east-central and southeastern europe (poland, slovakia, hungary, rumania, and yugoslavia), far from reflecting any king of national spirit, manifests two culturally opposed conceptions of the dwelling: that of the west, and that of the east. These two types correspond geographically to the former territories of the austrian and the turkish empires. The principles of the enlightenment penetrate the rural architecture of the region by means of the austrian colonisation of the banat and galicia, lands acquired in the turkish wars of the eighteenth century. Although german scholars explain this phenomenon by a "german influence", a study of the colonisation archives clearly reveals
15
Feiner, Christina Ann. „Fifth Monarchist Constructions and Presentations of Gender in Print“. University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1436529466.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
16
Walsh, Stephen Anthony. „Between the Arctic & the Adriatic: Polar Exploration, Science & Empire in the Habsburg Monarchy“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13070045.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Exploration was a defining aspect of how European societies encountered and established relations with the wider world. It set the stage for worldwide empires and laid the foundations for understandings of planetary existence. Exploration facilitated the exchange of commodities and ideas, the migration of peoples and the construction of scientific knowledge. This dissertation examines the nexus between ice and imperium through a study of how citizens of the Habsburg Monarchy contributed to polar exploration.
In the long nineteenth century, the two main objects of European exploration were Africa and the polar regions. In the former, the dynamic between exploration and empire was fairly straightforward. But how did imperialism function in the frozen, uninhabited, latitudes of the world? This question becomes more problematic for the Habsburg Monarchy, a multinational polity with eleven officially recognized languages, and a self-professed empire that was the one European "Great Power" at the time without overseas colonies.
This dissertation analyzes how the symbology and practice of polar exploration was used in the service of sundry - and frequently contradictory - political projects, including various nationalist activisms, Habsburg loyalism, and the liberal politics of notables. The analysis incorporates a case study in the convoluted road between discovery and empire, Franz Josef Land, the northernmost terrain in Eurasia, discovered by an Austro-Hungarian expedition in 1873. This dissertation then traces fractures within the Austro-Hungarian culture of exploration, as explorer/scientists could reach little consensus on the goals and practices for expeditions to the farthest latitudes of the globe. Finally, it examines how the rise of mass-data driven inductive sciences, such as geomagnetism, caused a fundamental redefinition in the practice of polar research toward a model of corporate, coordinated scientific effort and transnational cooperation.
With the emergence of nation states and colonial empires, the basic frameworks of sovereignty, legitimacy and political meaning were changing and this study highlights how Habsburg subjects contributed to these modernization processes. In so doing, it brings to light neglected but lasting aspects of nineteenth century imperialism and treats both nationalism and empire as research problems rather than given ends.History
17
Hilton, Austin W. B. „King Fred: How the British King Who Never Was Shaped the Modern Monarchy“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3064.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis examines the British monarchy in the eighteenth century and how the philosophy of Frederick, Prince of Wales, helped to shape that monarchy. The early Hanoverians were seen with contempt by many of their subjects, often being ridiculed as ignorant outsiders. They helped matters none by their indifference to Britain, its people, or its culture. Prince Frederick, George II’s eldest son, however, changed all of this. His philosophy on kingship, influenced by Henry, Viscount Bolingbroke’s work, The Patriot King, helped to change the perception of the Hanoverian dynasty. When Prince Frederick died in 1751 before he could take the throne, it was left up to his son, Prince George, to carry out Frederick’s vision. As George III, he fulfilled the philosophy and became the embodiment of the patriot king. This resulted in a surge in popularity for the Hanoverians, solidifying their place on the British throne.
18
Louis, Jérôme. „La monarchie de juillet et la question d'orient“. Paris, EPHE, 2004. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00550827v1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Lorsque Victor Hugo écrit les orientales, il évoque l'indépendance de la Grèce. Dans " l'enfant ", le jeune Hellène aux yeux bleus ne veut, ni fleur, ni fruit, ni l'oiseau merveilleux, il veut " de la poudre et des balles ". Le 20 octobre 1827, la médiation des gouvernements anglais, français et russe dégénérera à Navarin en un terrible combat naval. La situation était catastrophique pour l'Empire ottoman vaincu. La question d'Orient naquit des conséquences de la présence turque en Europe et de l'affaiblissement de ses positions. Tout problème intérieur risquant de déstabiliser la Porte pouvait se transformer en crise européenne. Après les Trois Glorieuses, les libéraux accédaient au pouvoir. L'effondrement du Vieil Homme malade de l'Europe ne pouvait qu'ouvrir la voie à des remaniements territoriaux où un système de compensation entre les Puissances permettrait aux vaincus de 1815 de rencontrer des occasions favorables pour obtenir une révision partielle des traités. La France de Louis-Philippe est engagée en Morée et en Algérie. En 1837, Constantine tombe et sonne le glas de la suzeraineté du Sultan. Le pacha sécessionniste égyptien Méhémet Ali continue de défier la Sublime Porte. A Nezib, le 24 juin 1839, les Turcs subissent un terrible désastre militaire. Au Proche-Orient, l'Entente cordiale bâtie par Talleyrand est ébranlée. Les flottes anglaises et françaises se font face en Méditerranée. Mais le pacifique évite l'affrontement et freine Thiers, son bouillonnant président du Conseil. La France sortira humiliée de la crise orientale en 1840After the battle of Navarino (20 October, 1827), viceroy Mehmet Ali stood against his sovereign, the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II. As generals, his son Ibrahim Pasha and the French renegade Soliman Pasha contributed to the victories of Saint-Jean D'Acre, Homs, Beylan and Konieh during the First Syrian War (1831-1833). Powers fidgeted. Equilibrium should be broken. France of Louis Philippe helped Egypt and colonized Algeria. Prosper Enfantin and the Saint Simonians tried to modernize the Middle East but is still suspected of bonapartism. During the second Oriental crisis, Turks were defeated at Nezib, 24 June, 1839. The Prime Minister Thiers jeopardized the European peace. Great Britain, Austria, Russia defended the sultan. English and Austrian vessels were drawn up in front of Syria and Lebanon. After the landing of allied troops, Egyptians retreated. Alone, France couldn't fight for Mehmet-Ali. Terrorist Darmes failed to shoot with a rifle the king Louis Philippe for his inaction about Oriental Question, 15 October, 1840. Soult and Guizot took the place of Thiers. A new diplomacy was conducted but the republicans didn't forget the humiliating Treaty of London
19
Landais, Benjamin. „Nations, privilèges et ethnicité à l'époque des Lumières : l'intégration de la société banataise dans la monarchie habsbourgeoise au XVIIIe siècle“. Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAG025.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Le Banat est une région d’Europe balkanique conquise en 1716 par les Habsbourg sur l’Empire ottoman et directement administrée par Vienne. Dans les discours des administrateurs habsbourgeois, l’usage des catégories nationales est pragmatique. Il permet de déterminer les pratiques de gouvernement acceptables envers des groupes aux limites floues, dans le respect des intermédiaires traditionnels et d’une communication politique effectuée en langue vernaculaire. Mais l’action d’un État uniquement fiscal et militaire est remise en cause par l’élargissement de son périmètre d’action et l’arrivée d’une nouvelle génération de fonctionnaires en 1769. L’influence du caméralisme et de la statistique administrative amène à considérer les nations sous un angle exclusivement culturel. Mais cette identité imposée n’est pas assimilée par les populations. Celles-ci se réapproprient l’ancien usage des nations privilégiées dans leurs revendications politiques au cours des années 1780The Banat is a large region of the Balkans. It was conquered in 1716 by the Habsburg power over the Ottoman Empire and then governed directly from Vienna. In this context, the Habsburg civil servants made a pragmatic use of national categories. They were a means to determine an acceptable political behaviour towards groups defined by vague social boundaries, while respecting traditional middlemen and using the vernacular for political communication. However, the action of this strictly fiscal and military State was called into question by the widening of its prerogatives and the arrival of a new generation of civil servants in 1769. The influence of Kameralismus and the administrative statistic led the latter to consider the nations from a cultural point of view. But this imposed identity did not seem to be taken up by the population. On the contrary, people began to use the old sense of the privileged “nations” in their political claims directed to the emperor in the 1780s
20
Gain, Philippe. „Les ordres du Roi au regard de la Sainte-Alliance et de la royauté fictive : survivance et symbolique, aspects politique et psychologique en France et en Europe, 1789-1989“. Artois, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994ARTO0002.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
21
Kintzinger, Martin. „Westbindungen im spätmittelalterliche Europa : auswärtige Politik zwischen dem Reich, Frankreich, Burgund und England in der Regierungszeit Kaiser Siegmunds /“. Stuttgart : J. Thorbecke, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376366421.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
22
Landais, Benjamin. „Nations, privilèges et ethnicité à l'époque des Lumières : l'intégration de la société banataise dans la monarchie habsbourgeoise au XVIIIe siècle“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAG025.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Le Banat est une région d’Europe balkanique conquise en 1716 par les Habsbourg sur l’Empire ottoman et directement administrée par Vienne. Dans les discours des administrateurs habsbourgeois, l’usage des catégories nationales est pragmatique. Il permet de déterminer les pratiques de gouvernement acceptables envers des groupes aux limites floues, dans le respect des intermédiaires traditionnels et d’une communication politique effectuée en langue vernaculaire. Mais l’action d’un État uniquement fiscal et militaire est remise en cause par l’élargissement de son périmètre d’action et l’arrivée d’une nouvelle génération de fonctionnaires en 1769. L’influence du caméralisme et de la statistique administrative amène à considérer les nations sous un angle exclusivement culturel. Mais cette identité imposée n’est pas assimilée par les populations. Celles-ci se réapproprient l’ancien usage des nations privilégiées dans leurs revendications politiques au cours des années 1780The Banat is a large region of the Balkans. It was conquered in 1716 by the Habsburg power over the Ottoman Empire and then governed directly from Vienna. In this context, the Habsburg civil servants made a pragmatic use of national categories. They were a means to determine an acceptable political behaviour towards groups defined by vague social boundaries, while respecting traditional middlemen and using the vernacular for political communication. However, the action of this strictly fiscal and military State was called into question by the widening of its prerogatives and the arrival of a new generation of civil servants in 1769. The influence of Kameralismus and the administrative statistic led the latter to consider the nations from a cultural point of view. But this imposed identity did not seem to be taken up by the population. On the contrary, people began to use the old sense of the privileged “nations” in their political claims directed to the emperor in the 1780s
23
Fé, Canto Luis Fernando. „Oran (1732-1745) : les horizons maghrébins de la monarchie hispanique“. Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0099.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Cette thèse s'intéresse surtout à la deuxième époque de la présence hispanique à Oran (1732-1792), plus précisément aux années 1732-1745. Ce sont les années pendant lesquelles l'administration du roi Philippe V voulut restaurer le système de vie de l'ancien Oran. Cette volonté de restauration est la source d'un questionnement historiographique sur le rôle de cette ville dans la politique de l'empire espagnol pendant la période moderne. L'analyse de cette problématique a permis de critiquer la pertinence de certains concepts étroitement liés jusque-là à l'histoire de ces villes espagnoles dans les côtes du Maghreb. Le principal concept est celui d' « occupation restreinte », utilisé par F. Braudel. Associé à ce premier concept il y a aussi celui de « révolution militaire », popularisé surtout par G. Parker. La critique de ces deux notions propose un cadre de réflexion plus général sur l'histoire des rapports entre l'Espagne et le Maghreb sur plusieurs axes : histoire militaire, histoire politique et histoire sociale. De ce croisement critique entre périodes différentes ressort une nouvelle image d'Oran : une ville au cœur des intérêts méditerranéens et impériaux de l'Espagne au XVIIIe siècle ; une ville en rapport avec la population musulmane de la région oranaise, grâce aux négociations avec les tribus arabes et à l'utilisation d'une violence ciblée. Après la reconquête d'Oran en 1732 la couronne voulut restaurer ce système mais certains changements structurels comme la peste, la crise économique et la guerre freinèrent cet élan restaurateur dans lequel furent placés des groupes sociaux issus de l'ancien Oran : les familias de Oran, les moros de paz et les mogatacesThis thesis focuses above ail on the second era of Hispanic presence in Oran, during the years 1732-1745 to be more precise. It was during these years that the administration of King Philip V wanted to restore the system of life of old Oran. This will of restoration is the source of a historiographical questioning on the role of this town in the politics of the Spanish empire in the modern period. The analysis of this problem has allowed the criticism of the pertinence of certain concepts closely linked until now, to the history of these Spanish towns on the coasts of the Maghreb. The main concept is one of "Iimited occupation", used by F. Braudel. To which, the concept of "military revolution", made popular especially by G. Parker is associated. The criticism of these two notions proposes a more general framework for reflection on the history of the relations between Spain and the Maghreb from several axes: military history, political history and social history. From this critical comparison on different periods, new light is shed on Oran: a town at the heart of Mediterranean and imperial interests of eighteenth century Spain; a town with links to the Muslim population of the Oran region through negotiations with the Arab tribes and the use of targeted violence. After the conquest of Oran again in 1732 the Crown wanted to restore this system but certain structural changes such as the plague, the economical crisis and the war held back this wave of restoration in which social groups from old Oran were placed: the familias de Oran, the moros de paz and the mogataces
24
Müller-Uhrig, Steven [Verfasser]. „Wer regiert Russland? : Das Aufbegehren des russischen Adels 1730 als vermeintliche Gefährdung der Monarchen Europas / Steven Müller-Uhrig“. Göttingen : Böhlau Verlag Wien, 2021. http://www.v-r.de/.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
25
Chabrier, Aurélie. „La monarchie safavide et la modernité européenne (XVIe-XVIIe siècles)“. Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013TOU20118/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Cette thèse porte sur la formation et l’évolution de la monarchie safavide en Iran entre le XVIe et le premier quart du XVIIIe siècle. Elle étudie en particulier les rapports entretenus entre le pouvoir monarchique et les différents groupes qui composent le sommet de la hiérarchie sociale et curiale, comme les clientèles qizilbashs. L’avènement de la monarchie safavide étant contemporain de la montée en puissance des États modernes en Europe, cette recherche s’intéresse également au regard que l’« honnête homme » du XVIIe siècle porte sur ce processus de construction étatique. Cette approche est fondée sur l’analyse du cadre des échanges diplomatiques entre États, mais aussi sur la rencontre individuelle entre les Européens et les représentants de l’élite safavide, à travers une étude des récits de voyageurs (relations d’ambassade et de voyage). Elle invite à réfléchir sur la manière dont s’élabore la réflexion sur l’État moderne et sur les comportements qui s’y rapportentThis thesis is about the start and the evolution of the Safavid Monarchy in Iran between the 16th century and the first quarter of the 18th century. It studies, in particular, the links between the monarchial power and the different groups at the head of the social and parish hierarchy, such as the qizilbash followers. Given the fact that the advent of the Safavid Monarchy is contemporary with the rise of the Modern States in Europe, this research also studies the point of view of the « good man » of the 17th century about this process of state construction. This approach is based on the context analysis of the diplomatic exchanges between the States, but also of the individual meeting between the European and the Safavid elite representatives, throughout the study of stories of travelers (embassy and travel relations). This study is an invitation to think about the way the Modern State and its behavior reflection are built
26
Mindler-Steiner, Ursula. „Kai Drewes: Jüdischer Adel. Nobilitierungen von Juden im Europa des 19. Jahrhunderts“. HATiKVA e.V. – Die Hoffnung Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur Sachsen, 2015. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34920.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
27
Magne, Matthieu. „À Teplitz et dans le monde. Les Clary-Aldringen : une maison princière dans l’Europe des Habsbourg au temps des révolutions“. Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AZUR2024.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Au tournant du XIXe siècle, Teplitz est une ville thermale renommée à la frontière de la Bohême du Nord et de la Saxe. Il s’agit aussi de la seigneurie des Clary-Aldringen, une maison noble de la monarchie des Habsbourg élevée au rang princier en 1767. Durant la décennie révolutionnaire, les mobilités familiales entre Vienne, Prague et Teplitz se déroulent en même temps que la circulation d’un nombre croissant de baigneurs, parmi lesquels les fonctionnaires de la monarchie, les vétérans des armées de Prusse, de Saxe et d’Autriche ou les nobles francophones en exil. Les correspondances et les journaux comme ceux de Charles-Joseph de Clary-Aldringen (1777-1831) contiennent de précieuses informations sur la manière dont cette grande famille vécut le temps des révolutions et des restaurations en Europe centrale. Avec les comptabilités et les documents administratifs, les Clary-Aldringen ont également laissé de riches sources iconographiques qui présentent un regard original sur le monde de la « première société » au tournant du XIXe siècle. Leurs archives éclairent une période où le théâtre, la peinture et la littérature de société répondent à une quête identitaire née au moment des émigrations comme celle du prince de Ligne accueilli par sa belle famille à Teplitz en 1794. Cette thèse propose d’examiner le fonctionnement de cette maison princière pour mieux comprendre les transformations de la culture aristocratique qui accompagnent les transformations du pouvoir juridique et politique de la noblesse à l’échelle des seigneuries comme dans le concert des nations du XIXe siècle.Quels sont les enjeux d’une vie construite à Teplitz et dans le monde, alors que les bouleversements de la fin de l’époque moderne entraînent la recomposition de l’Europe des dynasties ? Les aspects éducatifs, les mobilités dans la monarchie et à l’étranger ou l’usage du français et de l’allemand sont des éléments essentiels pour aborder une période de refondation de la légitimité aristocratique avec la disparition du Saint-Empire Romain Germanique et la politique des congrès menée après 1815. Les recherches dans les archives de cette grande famille francophone visent ainsi à interroger la conception aristocratique d’une « Europe des Habsbourg » entre la Révolution française et le Printemps des peuplesAt the turn of the 19th century, Teplitz was a well-known spa at the border between North Bohemia and Saxony. It was also part of the seignorial estates of the Clary-Aldringen family who had been promoted to Princely House in 1767. The first Princes of Clary- Aldringen led an aristocratic way of life in their palaces in Vienna and Prague and in their castle in Teplitz. The letters and diaries written by Charles Joseph of Clary-Aldringen provide essential information to understand how this aristocratic family faced the challenges of the revolutions and restorations in Central Europe. Those were unstable times when political and social powers became questioned while new nations were emerging in central Europe.What is at stake then in their lives when the revolutionary upheavals unbalance the dynastic order in Europe? This research aims to analyse how this princely House managed to face the transformations in aristocratic culture at the end of the Holy Roman Empire and in the first decades of the Austrian empire. Indeed the Clary-Aldringen left a hoard of visual documents also with financial and administrative records, all showing the striking features of the “First Society” in the Habsburg monarchy. The archives lead us back to a period when amateur theatre, paintings and writings were given pride of place. The exceptional variety of the documents found allows us to better apprehend how the aristocrats of the Habsburg monarchy conceived their roles and their legitimacy in Europe during the period of revolutions and just before the Spring of the Peoples. One decisive key lies in the fact that this family kept travelling over Europe after 1792
28
Magoni, Clizia. „Mito e storia nella memoria delle leggi : i "fueros" di Sobrarbe nella cultura politico-giuridica europea tra '500 e '800“. Toulouse 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004TOU10020.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Les fueros de Sobrarbe étaient les lois que les ancêtres des Aragonais avaient établies lors de la fondation du royaume. Ils avaient fixé les conditions en vertu desquelles le roi était accepté, en définissant la forme de gouvernement du royaume. Cette thèse entend montrer comment la forme du gouvernement du royaume aragonais est devenue un exemple historico-politique paradigmatique dans la littérature des "monarchomaques" des guerres de religion, et quelle est sa signification dans le discours des auteurs qui l'utilisent. Nous avons aussi constaté que, au cours de l'époque moderne, on continuait à se référer au modèle aragonais, surtout lors de moments historiques bien précis : après les guerres de religion en France, en Angleterre pendant les deux révolutions, aux États-Unis juste après l'indépendance, ainsi que dans la France révolutionnaireThis thesis means to show how the constitution of the kingdom of Aragon, of whom the fueros de Sobrarbe were the fundamental laws, has become a political myth in the European political and historical literature. From the wars of religion in Sixteenth-century France, passing through the English Revolutions, till the French one, the peculiar constitutional customs of Aragon has been an exemple, a model, a source of reflection or even curiosity for the political and historical thought
29
Fonbaustier, Laurent. „Modèles ecclésiologiques et droit constitutionnel : l'institution de la responsabilité des gouvernants“. Paris 2, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA020052.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Cette these s'inscrit dans une ligne historiographique qui cherche a revaloriser la place des idees et des pratiques medievales du pouvoir dans la genese du constitutionnalisme occidental. Les modeles ecclesiologiques ont, au sein de cet heritage, une place et une signification particulieres. Longtemps et souvent presente comme offrant le visage simple du gouvernement absolutiste, le laboratoire ecclesial, considere d'un point de vue interne, offre le spectacle d'une grande sophistication : les relations entre l'abbe, l'eveque, le pape et les differents organes et communautes dont ils ont la charge et qu'ils representent, ont suscite des tensions, des experiences et des reflexions qui interessent l'histoire des concepts (participation et consentement, representation, souverainete et responsabilite) et techniques (electorales et parlementaires, par exemple) constitutionnels autant que celle des idees politiques. La crise conciliaire, au moment du grand schisme, porte a son apogee le constitutionnalisme medieval et annonce, a travers la complexite du materiau mis en place par les theologiens et canonistes, un certain nombre de problematiques seculieres de temps ordinaires comme de crise des siecles suivants. Le modele de gouvernement absolutiste fait place a une monarchie limitee et responsable, d'allure constitutionnelle, nourrie d'elements aisement transposables aux structures seculieres. Si l'approche dynamique, associee a une epistemologie acceptant l'idee de facteurs complexes, interdit de plaider purement et simplement pour une theorie des origines ou des geneses ecclesiales de nombreuses conceptions et institutions du droit public a la fin du moyen age et au debut de l'ere moderne, la plupart des conditions furent reunies - anteriorite des problematiques ecclesiastiques du pouvoir ; mobilite d'un personnel frequemment sollicite dans la sphere seculiere pour ses competences ; rayonnement vers et reception par la pensee politique et constitutionnelle laique des conceptions ecclesiologiques. . . - pour qu'on puisse postuler, sans que son evaluation soit simple, une influence des modeles ecclesiologiques sur l'avenement du constitutionnalisme seculier, lato sensu, et des procedures permettant son effectivite.
30
Duclos, Marie-France. „A MUSICAL-HISTORICAL STUDY OF ITALIAN INFLUENCES IN THREE REGINA CAELI OF THE FRENCH BAROQUE PERIOD“. UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/music_etds/141.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The French baroque petit motet was the most prolific genre of seventeenth-century France. In this study, three petits motets, specifically Regina caeli settings of French composers Marc-Antoine Charpentier, Nicolas Bernier and François Couperin are examined with an emphasis on the motets’ historical context in relation to the French monarchy and the Italian concepts that the composers incorporated into each work. All three Regina caeli settings display some Italian compositional techniques of the stile moderno in various degrees and were written in different contextual ecclesiastic milieux.
The intersections of, as well as distinctions between, musical ideas of traditional French style and Italian innovations was at the center of music and musical discourse during the baroque period. The French were introduced to Italian style by travelling musicians at the court of France; however, when Louis XIV gave Jean-Baptiste Lully the important position of surintendant de la musique, the idea of an authentic unaltered French sound became prevalent among musicians and critics. Lully, strongest defender of “pure” French style, created a strict environment for musicians at court, and only after his death, did composers gain in freedom. The study suggests that a closer association to Louis XIV permitted musicians to integrate more of the Italian stile moderno techniques than those who did not have this opportunity. Crucial figures of the French monarchy, Louis XIV, Philippe II d’Orléans and the duc de Bourgogne were connected to the three composers central to this project and impacted the outcome of their work. With the musical-historical study of three Regina caeli settings, this project demonstrates the importance of the petit motet genre within the repertoire and the need for additional research to increase the accessibility of this inestimable music
31
Klapka, Petr. „Jean-Louis Ratuit de Souches (1608-1682). De La Rochelle au service des Habsbourg. Contribution à l'étude des migrations nobiliaires francophones dans les pays de la Couronne de Bohême aux XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles“. Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040039/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
La société nobiliaire des pays de la Couronne de Bohême connut à compter de 1620 et jusqu’au milieu du XVIIe siècle de considérables transformations. La modification radicale de sa structure fut en partie liée à l’arrivée des nouvelles familles dont la majorité appartenaient à la noblesse germanophone. Or, ces lignées ne furent pas les seules à chercher la carrière ou la fortune au service de l’Empereur. Nous y vîmes également de nombreux Espagnols, Irlandais et Ecossais, des nobles originaires des Pays-Bas espagnols ou encore des lignages francophones. Ces derniers provenaient d’une large zone géographique comprenant la Bourgogne, la Provence, l’Artois, le Hainaut français dont la ville de Cambrai, la Lorraine pour en terminer par la Savoie. En effet, ce genre du phénomène migratoire eut des contours assez étendus et se limiter aux seuls Français impliquerait de ne pas prendre en considération le fait que la langue et la culture comptaient davantage que l’origine. Mais il n’existe aucune synthèse ni d’étude analytique sur cette forme de migration dont bien des aspects restent encore négligés et tout simplement à étudier. L’objectif du présent travail fut de présenter un destin particulier d’un noble établi dans les pays tchèques – dans le Margraviat de Moravie en l’occurrence – celui de Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches (1608-1682). Contemporain des grandes personnalités militaires de l’époque, telles que le Grand Condé, Raimondo Montecuccoli, Gustave-Adolphe ou encore Turenne, connues davantage, Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches accomplit, lui aussi, des exploits dignes d’être relatés. Né à La Rochelle, dans un milieu de la petite noblesse huguenote, il sut bâtir sa carrière au service des Habsbourg. Soldat, il se battit successivement pour défendre la cause du protestantisme, d’abord à La Rochelle, sa ville natale, contre les troupes de Louis XIII, ensuite dans l’armée suédoise contre les impériaux. Plus tard, il devint général de Ferdinand III, puis de Léopold Ier, en se servant de ses connaissances de la tactique adverse pour lutter contre les Suédois et les Français. Parti d’un milieu modeste, il finit par être reconnu comme un des plus grands chefs militaires de l’époque et accumula une fortune considérable ce qui lui valut les éloges des uns mais également les critiques et les réactions de jalousie exacerbées, aussi bien dans l’armée qu’à la cour viennoise.Afin de réussir son intégration dans le nouveau milieu, Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches se convertit et pour prouver la profondeur de sa foi, il alla même jusqu’à la fondation d’un lieu de pèlerinage sur ses domaines moraves. Contrairement à beaucoup de ses compatriotes, il laissa des traces durables dans l’histoire du pays et sa légende continua à vivre même après sa mort : un nombre de contes, œuvres d’art et monuments de tout genre allant jusqu’aux fêtes commémoratives en témoignent suffisamment. Pourtant, aujourd’hui encore, une partie non négligeable des épisodes de sa vie privée et publique reste ignorée.Au cours de nos recherches, nous avons également élaboré un catalogue de fiches biographiques et bibliographiques portant sur les familles francophones installées dans les pays de la Couronne de Bohême dans les années 1618-1740. Il permet ainsi une orientation basique dans ce phénomène migratoire spécifique et pourrait servir de point de départ pour des éventuels travaux futursNoble society in the Lands of the Bohemian Crown knew from 1620 to the 1650’s considerable transformations. The radical change in its structure was in part linked to the arrival of new families from mostly German speaking nobility. These families weren’t the only ones to look for career and fortune at the service of the Emperor. There were also many Spanish, Irish and Scottish noble families, the families that came from Spanish Holland and the French lineages. These ones originated from an important geographical area containing French regions of Burgundy, Provence, Artois and Hainaut with the town of Cambrai, Lorraine and going up to Savoy. Indeed, this type of migratory phenomenon extended largely its boundaries and we cannot limit the study to only the French because the culture and language were more important than origin. Yet, there is no analytical study of this type of migration and it remains widely neglected. The purpose of this study was to show the particular destiny of one nobleman in the Czech Crown Lands (specifically in the Margraviat of Moravia), Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches (1608-1682). Being a contemporary of the great and better-known military celebrities, such as Le Grand Condé, Raimondo Montecuccoli, Gustave-Adolphe or Turenne, Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches also accomplished great feats that must be studied. Born into small Huguenot nobility in La Rochelle, he pursued a career at the service of the Habsburgs. As a soldier, he often fought for the protestant cause, first in La Rochelle, his hometown, against the troops of Louis 13th, then with the Swedish army against the imperials. Later on, he became one of Ferdinand 3rd ’s general, then one of Leopold 1st ’s by using his knowledge of the enemy’s tactics to fight the Swedish and the French. Although he came from a modest household, he rose to be considered as one of the greatest military leaders at the time and amassed a considerable fortune earning him much respect but also criticism and jealousy from the Army and the Viennese Court. To be a part of this new milieu, Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches converted and to prove his faith, he even constructed a place of pilgrimage on his Moravian lands. Contrary to many of his fellow citizens, he deeply influenced the country’s History and his legend lived on after his death: there are countless stories, paintings and all kinds of monuments and festivities in his honor. However yet today, a lot of his personal and public life still unknown. These studies have also given a chance to conceive a catalog of biographical and bibliographical archives regarding the French speaking families that lived in the Lands of the Bohemian Crown between 1618 and 1740. The catalog guides us through this particular migratory phenomenon and may be the starting point of future studies
32
Klapka, Petr. „Jean-Louis Ratuit de Souches (1608-1682). De La Rochelle au service des Habsbourg. Contribution à l'étude des migrations nobiliaires francophones dans les pays de la Couronne de Bohême aux XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040039.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
La société nobiliaire des pays de la Couronne de Bohême connut à compter de 1620 et jusqu’au milieu du XVIIe siècle de considérables transformations. La modification radicale de sa structure fut en partie liée à l’arrivée des nouvelles familles dont la majorité appartenaient à la noblesse germanophone. Or, ces lignées ne furent pas les seules à chercher la carrière ou la fortune au service de l’Empereur. Nous y vîmes également de nombreux Espagnols, Irlandais et Ecossais, des nobles originaires des Pays-Bas espagnols ou encore des lignages francophones. Ces derniers provenaient d’une large zone géographique comprenant la Bourgogne, la Provence, l’Artois, le Hainaut français dont la ville de Cambrai, la Lorraine pour en terminer par la Savoie. En effet, ce genre du phénomène migratoire eut des contours assez étendus et se limiter aux seuls Français impliquerait de ne pas prendre en considération le fait que la langue et la culture comptaient davantage que l’origine. Mais il n’existe aucune synthèse ni d’étude analytique sur cette forme de migration dont bien des aspects restent encore négligés et tout simplement à étudier. L’objectif du présent travail fut de présenter un destin particulier d’un noble établi dans les pays tchèques – dans le Margraviat de Moravie en l’occurrence – celui de Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches (1608-1682). Contemporain des grandes personnalités militaires de l’époque, telles que le Grand Condé, Raimondo Montecuccoli, Gustave-Adolphe ou encore Turenne, connues davantage, Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches accomplit, lui aussi, des exploits dignes d’être relatés. Né à La Rochelle, dans un milieu de la petite noblesse huguenote, il sut bâtir sa carrière au service des Habsbourg. Soldat, il se battit successivement pour défendre la cause du protestantisme, d’abord à La Rochelle, sa ville natale, contre les troupes de Louis XIII, ensuite dans l’armée suédoise contre les impériaux. Plus tard, il devint général de Ferdinand III, puis de Léopold Ier, en se servant de ses connaissances de la tactique adverse pour lutter contre les Suédois et les Français. Parti d’un milieu modeste, il finit par être reconnu comme un des plus grands chefs militaires de l’époque et accumula une fortune considérable ce qui lui valut les éloges des uns mais également les critiques et les réactions de jalousie exacerbées, aussi bien dans l’armée qu’à la cour viennoise.Afin de réussir son intégration dans le nouveau milieu, Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches se convertit et pour prouver la profondeur de sa foi, il alla même jusqu’à la fondation d’un lieu de pèlerinage sur ses domaines moraves. Contrairement à beaucoup de ses compatriotes, il laissa des traces durables dans l’histoire du pays et sa légende continua à vivre même après sa mort : un nombre de contes, œuvres d’art et monuments de tout genre allant jusqu’aux fêtes commémoratives en témoignent suffisamment. Pourtant, aujourd’hui encore, une partie non négligeable des épisodes de sa vie privée et publique reste ignorée.Au cours de nos recherches, nous avons également élaboré un catalogue de fiches biographiques et bibliographiques portant sur les familles francophones installées dans les pays de la Couronne de Bohême dans les années 1618-1740. Il permet ainsi une orientation basique dans ce phénomène migratoire spécifique et pourrait servir de point de départ pour des éventuels travaux futursNoble society in the Lands of the Bohemian Crown knew from 1620 to the 1650’s considerable transformations. The radical change in its structure was in part linked to the arrival of new families from mostly German speaking nobility. These families weren’t the only ones to look for career and fortune at the service of the Emperor. There were also many Spanish, Irish and Scottish noble families, the families that came from Spanish Holland and the French lineages. These ones originated from an important geographical area containing French regions of Burgundy, Provence, Artois and Hainaut with the town of Cambrai, Lorraine and going up to Savoy. Indeed, this type of migratory phenomenon extended largely its boundaries and we cannot limit the study to only the French because the culture and language were more important than origin. Yet, there is no analytical study of this type of migration and it remains widely neglected. The purpose of this study was to show the particular destiny of one nobleman in the Czech Crown Lands (specifically in the Margraviat of Moravia), Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches (1608-1682). Being a contemporary of the great and better-known military celebrities, such as Le Grand Condé, Raimondo Montecuccoli, Gustave-Adolphe or Turenne, Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches also accomplished great feats that must be studied. Born into small Huguenot nobility in La Rochelle, he pursued a career at the service of the Habsburgs. As a soldier, he often fought for the protestant cause, first in La Rochelle, his hometown, against the troops of Louis 13th, then with the Swedish army against the imperials. Later on, he became one of Ferdinand 3rd ’s general, then one of Leopold 1st ’s by using his knowledge of the enemy’s tactics to fight the Swedish and the French. Although he came from a modest household, he rose to be considered as one of the greatest military leaders at the time and amassed a considerable fortune earning him much respect but also criticism and jealousy from the Army and the Viennese Court. To be a part of this new milieu, Jean Louis Ratuit de Souches converted and to prove his faith, he even constructed a place of pilgrimage on his Moravian lands. Contrary to many of his fellow citizens, he deeply influenced the country’s History and his legend lived on after his death: there are countless stories, paintings and all kinds of monuments and festivities in his honor. However yet today, a lot of his personal and public life still unknown. These studies have also given a chance to conceive a catalog of biographical and bibliographical archives regarding the French speaking families that lived in the Lands of the Bohemian Crown between 1618 and 1740. The catalog guides us through this particular migratory phenomenon and may be the starting point of future studies
33
Limbu, Robot. „From monarchy to the republic: European Union democracy promotion in Nepal“. Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/21065.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The study evaluated the role played by the European Union in facilitating the swift transition of Nepal from a monarchy to a democratic republic where the people exercised control over the leadership and governance of the country through their elected representatives. Nepal had been trying to shift from centralized absolute power of a kingdom to the decentralized distributive power of the people through a democracy for quite some time, but failed in most attempts, as the leadership of the kingdom would not allow for the integration of democratic ideologies in the governance of the country. The study used qualitative secondary reviews, with a particular focus on case studies, to identify and establish the significance of the EU’s involvement in facilitating the democratization of Nepal.
The results obtained from this study indicated that the European Union was actively involved in the process of democratization of Nepal, whereby it provided humanitarian assistance, and financial aid, in addition to interfering as a member of the international community in calling out the injustices of the government, especially human rights injustices. The results established that the EU formally began supporting the democratization process in the country in the year 2006, during the II People’s Movement, which resulted in a successful regime change in Nepal, and a transition in the style of governance, with preference for a democracy over a monarchy, as this was the best political solution of protecting human rights in Nepal, while promoting economic growth and development.O estudo avaliou o papel desempenhado pela União Europeia na facilitação da rápida transição do Nepal de uma monarquia para uma república democrática onde o povo exercia o controle sobre a liderança e governança do país por meio de seus representantes eleitos. O Nepal vinha tentando mudar do poder absoluto centralizado de um reino para o poder distributivo descentralizado do povo por meio de uma democracia por algum tempo, mas falhou na maioria das tentativas, pois a liderança do reino não permitiria a integração de ideologias democráticas na governança do país. O estudo utilizou análises secundárias qualitativas, com um enfoque particular em estudos de caso, para identificar e estabelecer a importância do envolvimento da UE na facilitação da democratização do Nepal. Os resultados obtidos neste estudo indicaram que a União Europeia esteve ativamente envolvida no processo de democratização do Nepal, através do qual prestou assistência humanitária e financeira, além de interferir como membro da comunidade internacional na denúncia das injustiças do governo, especialmente as injustiças de direitos humanos. Os resultados estabeleceram que a UE começou formalmente a apoiar o processo de democratização do país no ano de 2006, durante o II Movimento Popular, que resultou em uma mudança de regime bem-sucedida no Nepal, e uma transição no estilo de governança, com preferência por uma democracia sobre uma monarquia, pois esta era a melhor solução política para proteger os direitos humanos no Nepal, ao mesmo tempo em que promove o crescimento e o desenvolvimento econômico.
34
Abe, Hiroaki. „Not All’s Fair in Love and War: Dynasticism and Composite State Longevity in Early Modern Europe“. Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8PR87B7.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Some composite states, notably Poland-Lithuania and the Holy Roman Empire, outlived the Peace of Westphalia by over one hundred years. This is puzzling for the study of international politics because good theoretical reasons expect the multiple countervailing pressures acting on these states to have brought about a rapid decline and dissolution.
In this dissertation, I propose a theoretical approach that satisfactorily accounts for why some composite states survived until the dawn of the Napoleonic Wars. The theory of dynasticism and dynastic deterrence argues that dynastic intermarriage and proximate kinship ties between dynastic rulers created deterrent effects that led to stability on the level of sovereign control. The most direct consequence of this theory is that hereditary monarchs with dynastic aims will tend to avoid waging wars of absolute conquest against each other, though wars of limited gains are not precluded. Given the inability of competing explanations—a reconstructed early modern realism and intergenerational leadership learning—to account for both the manner of survival and demise of composite states that lived till old age, it can be strongly inferred that dynastic deterrent effects ensured longevity by protecting such polities from facing conquest-attempts from other monarchs, the most serious existential threat these composite states could have faced.
The reason that dynastic deterrence holds is because dynastic wives and families of origin play the role of hostages. The parental house of the dynastic wife will tend to avoid wars of conquest against the kingdoms wherein reside their daughters, and similarly dynastic husbands will avoid conquering the birth-dynasty of their wives. In addition, wars of conquest damage the reputation of the dynastic house of a monarch, and this in turn harms the marriage chances of dynastic heirs. Wars of conquest, then, act at cross-purposes with the ubiquitous motive of dynastic aggrandizement, which aims to uplift the power and prestige of the dynastic house, and were largely disdained (with some exceptions) by the rulers of ancien régime Europe. It should be noted that this dynamic did not hold in the colonies, but I do not attempt in this dissertation to answer the question of why.
In the empirical case analyses, I use this theoretical framework to explain the early dissolution of two composite states (England-Scotland and the Iberian Union) when juxtaposed with other composite states that survived for longer in their same regions, and the longevity and eventual demise of two further composite states (Poland-Lithuania and the Holy Roman Empire) after weathering some near-death crises.
Oft mentioned but rarely studied directly, dynasticism and dynastic intermarriage have been largely ignored by the field of International Relations. This is unfortunate, as the ties of marriage and kinship between early modern dynastic rulers represent a fertile source of theoretical insights and empirical material for testing contemporary theories and deriving puzzles. I hope this study will stimulate further research into this fascinating area.
35
Ruszała, Kamil. „Uchodźcy galicyjscy podczas I wojny światowej w monarchii Habsburgów“. Praca doktorska, 2018. https://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/157414.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
36
CUTTICA, Cesare. „Adam... “The Father of All Flesh”. An intellectual history of Sir Robert Filmer (1588-1653) and his works in seventeenth-century European political thought“. Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6939.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Defence date: 21 June 2007Examining Board: Prof. Martin van Gelderen, EUI (Supervisor) ; Prof. Edward Arfon Rees, EUI ; Prof. Johann P. Sommerville, University of Wisconsin at Madison ; Prof. Peter Lake, Princeton University.
Open Access Full-text file was withdrawn on 5 July 2011 upon request by author.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis is divided in seven chapters exploring the works of Sir Robert Filmer (1588-1653) in the context of seventeenth-century European culture. It addresses a series of important questions regarding his oeuvre that have been hitherto ignored or, at best, left unanswered. Thus, the project attempts to provide a response to the following points: how has Filmer been read since the seventeenth century right up to modern historiography? Has his thought been mainly interpreted in a caricatured way? Secondly, who was the ‘real biographical’ Sir Robert Filmer? Thirdly, what do we know about the much commented upon but scarcely studied Patriarcha, namely about the document itself? When was it conceived and in connection with what milieu of publications? Did it respond to a particular target and, if so, what was the offending text or political language in question? What elements urged Sir Robert to compose his writing? Moreover, to what extent were Filmer’s ideas compatible with those of his contemporaries? Did he shape his principles in conjunction to the discourses of other authors? Did his doctrines of absolute monarchical power exert any influence or, at least, can it be said that he had some theoretical heirs in the eighteenth century? Finally, did Sir Robert put pen to paper exclusively to discuss political issues or did he formulate concepts and ideas on other relevant subjects debated within the republic of letters?
37
OLESEN, Brian Kjær. „Monarchism, religion, and moral philosophy : Ludvig Holberg and the early northern enlightenment“. Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40947.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Defence date: 22 April 2016Examining Board: Professor Martin van Gelderen (EUI/ Lichtenberg-Kolleg, The Göttingen Institute for Advanced Studies, Supervisor); Professor Ann Thomson (EUI, Second reader); Professor Knud Haakonssen (University of Erfurt), Doctor Timothy Stanton (University of York)
This thesis deals with the thought of Ludvig Holberg (1684-1754) from the perspective of intellectual history; its aim, to think about the enlightenment anew. The historical problem, to which the thesis offers an answer, is twofold. What was the nature of Holberg's thought in relation to the enlightenment and how can it be said to have constituted an early Northern enlightenment more specifically? To the extent that we can talk historically of a specific early Northern enlightenment, it cannot, of course, be reduced to the case of Holberg. Yet, this thesis argues that any proper understanding of the question whether there was a particular early Northern enlightenment, as one amongst a multitude of enlightenments, must necessarily begin from an understanding of the thought of Holberg, the most prominent writer in the early eighteenth century. Describing Holberg as an eclectic thinker, the main argument of the thesis is that the early Northern enlightenment is best understood in light of Holberg's engagement with a wide range of intellectual traditions, both secular and religious. Thus, the thesis aims to reconstruct the trajectories of Holberg's thought and to situate his thinking about monarchism, religion, and moral philosophy in relation to a broader range of European enlightenments. It aims to show that the key to understanding the early Northern enlightenment is to be found in the connection between the thought of Ludvig Holberg and the multiple enlightenments with which he was engaged. In addressing such issues, the thesis sets an essentially revisionist agenda: the enlightenment of Holberg is best understood as an eclectic blend of Lutheranism, Arminianism, and modern natural law.
38
MATHEVON, Valerie. „Le cérémonial des ambassadeurs : la monarchie française, l'Etat Pontifical et le rituel diplomatique, 1648-1713“. Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5901.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Defence date: 20 January 2006Examining board: Prof. Giulia Calvi, European University Institute ; Prof. Gérard Delille, EUI et Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (Supervisor) ; Prof. Marcello Fantoni, Kent University, Florence ; Prof. Gérard Sabatier, Université Mendés France, Grenoble
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
39
FERRARI, FABIO. „Principio pattizio e rigidità costituzionale: dalle Chartes francesi alla realtà sovranazionale“. Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11562/938462.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
La tesi tenta di approcciare il concetto di rigidità costituzionale dalla prospettiva delle fonti pattizie: particolare attenzione è posta ad alcune esperienze costituzionali del diciannovesimo secolo, quali le Chartes francesi del 1814 e del 1830 e lo Statuto albertino; successivamente, l'analisi investe l'attuale scenario internazionale. L'obiettivo è provare a distinguere il concetto teorico di rigidità costituzionale dalle diverse modalità con le quali esso è garantito.This PhD dissertation attempts to approach the concept of constitutional rigidity from the specific point of view of conventional sources: particular attention is devoted to the constitutionalism of the 19th Century, mainly to Statuto albertino and French Chartes of 1814 and 1830: thereafter, the analysis concerned the current international scenario. The purpose is to separate the theoretical concept of constitutional rigidity from the ways in which it is concretely guaranteed.