Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Military architecture – Great Britain“
Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: Military architecture – Great Britain.
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Zeitschriftenartikel für die Forschung zum Thema "Military architecture – Great Britain" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Zeitschriftenartikel für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Lutsenko, Nazarii. „United States – United Kingdom military cooperation under Donald Trump’s administration (2017 – 2021)“. American History & Politics: Scientific edition, Nr. 12 (2021): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.4.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article refers to military cooperation between the United States and Great Britain. Their relationship constitutes an important component of the system of the international relations. Both countries have nuclear weapons and the latest military technology. Both states are sending troops to resolve military conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa. The United States and the United Kingdom provide a significant support to Ukraine in its confrontation with the Russian Federation. Methodology. The research is based on chronological, historical-political and comparative methods. The purpose of the article is to study the changes and the development of the US-British bilateral relations in the context of military cooperation. Looking at the results of this study, the US-British military relations under the Donald Trump administration have not changed. The article illustrates that the United States and the United Kingdom are the main partners in the production of weapons and equipment, strategic planning of operations. British ships in the Asian-Pacific and Middle East plying with the US Navy, repeatedly conducted joint exercises. These are the only countries that conduct the bilateral military exercises almost every year. Under the premiership of Theresa May and Boris Johnson, the United Kingdom pursued a foreign policy strategy which is called Global Britain. The main goal is to make the country more powerful in the international arena. At the same time Donald Trump`s main strategy was to «Made America great again». So, sometimes there were some political discussions among political leaders how to react and to solve the problems in the Middle East, especially in Iraq. However, this did not affect the proximity of the military partnership. Both countries work closely together in the military force and in intelligence.
2
Karpo, Vasyl, und Nataliia Nechaieva-Yuriichuk. „Information Component of Disintegration Processes in Spain and Great Britain: the Comparative Aspects“. Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, Nr. 7 (23.12.2019): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.142-154.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
From ancient times till nowadays information plays a key role in the political processes. The beginning of XXI century demonstrated the transformation of global security from military to information, social etc. aspects. The widening of pandemic demonstrated the weaknesses of contemporary authoritarian states and the power of human-oriented states. During the World War I the theoretical and practical interest toward political manipulation and political propaganda grew definitely. After 1918 the situation developed very fast and political propaganda became the part of political influence. XX century entered into the political history as the millennium of propaganda. The collapse of the USSR and socialist system brought power to new political actors. The global architecture of the world has changed. Former Soviet republic got independence and tried to separate from Russia. And Ukraine was between them. The Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine was the start point for a number of processes in world politics. But the most important was the fact that the role and the place of information as the challenge to world security was reevaluated. The further annexation of Crimea, the attempt to legitimize it by the comparing with the referendums in Scotland and Catalonia demonstrated the willingness of Russian Federation to keep its domination in the world. The main difference between the referendums in Scotland and in Catalonia was the way of Russian interference. In 2014 (Scotland) tried to delegitimised the results of Scottish referendum because they were unacceptable for it. But in 2017 we witness the huge interference of Russian powers in Spain internal affairs, first of all in spreading the independence moods in Catalonia. The main conclusion is that the world has to learn some lessons from Scottish and Catalonia cases and to be ready to new challenges in world politics in a format of information threats.
3
Tkachuk, Taras. „JAPANESE INFLUENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF BRITISH-AMERICAN RELATIONS BEFORE AND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLD WAR II (1931 – 1940)“. American History & Politics: Scientific edition, Nr. 13 (2022): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2022.13.6.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article examines the relationship between two leading countries – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on international political situation in the world in 1930s and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author takes the factor of the Japanese militaristic regime because of the rather similar current geopolitical situation due to the aggressive actions of Russian Federation. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the impact of Japan’s behavior in the international arena on the development of British-American relations in various fields. The chronological boundaries of the study are the period from the Mukden incident ‒ the beginning of Japanese invasion in the north-eastern part of China (September, 1931) to the conclusion of Berlin (Tripartite) Pact between Japan, Italy and Germany (September, 1940). Methodology: the article uses a comparative-historical method to compare and analyze the influence of Japan and Germany on the foreign policy of London and Washington, as well as descriptive method ‒ to identify the essence and features of British-American relations during 1931–1940. The use primarily of a wide base of diplomatic documents, archival sources from the F. D. Roosevelt Digital Library, cabinet papers of the British government allowed the author to apply the systematic approach and the principle of objectivity working with only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. Scientific novelty: for the first time in Ukrainian historiography the author analyzed and rethought the process of how did Japan’s aggressive actions influence on US-British relations on the eve and beginning of World War II regarding the current geopolitical situation. The author concludes that the leadership of the United States and Great Britain did not realize the threat from Japan in time, that their inconsistent actions only contributed to the rapprochement of Tokyo with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, culminating in the formation of a tripartite military alliance («axis»). According to the author, the ambiguity of the position of London and Washington caused primarily by the struggle for spheres of influence in the Pacific area and trade conflicts between them in general. In view of this, the article emphasizes the need for modern leading states, especially Great Britain and the USA, to take into account the mistakes of the past in order to prevent a repeat of the Japanese scenario in the international arena in future.
4
Shkrobtak, I. „British Presence in the Indian Ocean: Prospects for Expansion“. World Economy and International Relations 66, Nr. 1 (2022): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-1-60-67.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article explores the possibility of strengthening and expanding the British political and military presence in the Indian Ocean, its probable goals, objectives, methods and means there. The main purpose of the study is to consider the possibility activating the British military policy in this area, to assess the importance of the Indian Ocean region for London, the prospect of direct expansion of the military presence, the role of British private military companies and alternative methods of influence. The paper analyzes current trends and problems in the foreign and security policy of the United Kingdom. The relevance of the study is due to the change in the British architecture of foreign policy and the perception of its place in international relations. Using system and comparative analysis methods of research, the author concludes the growing probability of expanding the British military presence in the Indian Ocean in the medium and long term. Modern British navy firearms status can allow to increase the intensity of the British military presence in the Indian Ocean. Also, this circumstance may activate Great Britain’s foreign policy in the Indo-Pacific region. It should be noted that the strengthening of the British fleet can be called a marker of the desire of the United Kingdom to become a global player in the international arena. To achieve this goal, almost all possible means of strengthening the capabilities of the UK’s hard power are used: the navy, private military companies, as well as new military alliances such as AUKUS. The work on intensifying the influence in the Indo-Pacific region is a part of the British foreign policy on global strengthening, and should be considered in the context of other regions: Ukraine, Turkey and Northern Europe. Nevertheless, at the moment, the results of such activities cannot be called completely predictable.
5
LYTVYN, Mykola. „UKRAINE AS AN OBJECT OF GLOBAL GEOPOLITICS: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND LESSONS OF THE RESOLUTION OF THE CONFERENCE OF AMBASSADORS IN MARCH 14, 1923“. Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 37 (2023): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2023-37-80-94.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The report reconstructs how one hundred years ago the world's largest powers, primarily France, Great Britain, Japan, the Kingdom of Italy, and the United States, began to build a new Versailles-Washington system of international relations, which consolidated territorial changes as a result of the First World War and the collapse of the German, Ottoman, and Austrian-Hungarian and Russian empires. The geopolitical prerequisites and consequences of the Resolution of the Council of Ambassadors of March 14, 1923 regarding Eastern Galicia are analyzed. It has been proven that the principle of self-determination of peoples, proclaimed by world leaders, did not become the basis of post-war national-state demarcation, in particular in Central and Eastern Europe. Therefore, with the support of the Entente, the Ukrainian ethnic territory (conciliar Ukrainian People's Republic) was redistributed by Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Bolshevik Russia, which concluded the Peace of Brest with defeated Germany and was in international isolation for some time. The countries of the West did not believe in the state efforts of the disunited political elite of the Ukrainian People's Republic of Ukraine and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, as well as in the monarchical plans of the Hetmanate, which manoeuvre between German and White Guard post-war strategies. The Entente countries assigned the role of a sanitary border against the possible expansion of Bolshevik Russia (later the USSR) to the revived Poland in 1918, with which France concluded a political agreement and a military convention in 1921. The postwar Eastern European borders, in particular between Poland and the USSR along the Zbruch River, were «legitimized» by the Peace of Riga in 1921, as well as by the resolution of the Entente Council of Ambassadors in 1923, which marked the foreign policy defeat of both the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, as well as the end of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1914–1923 It was established that Warsaw ignored the international demand to grant national-territorial autonomy to Ukrainians, instead dividing the region into three voivodships even before the specified resolution. Keywords: Ukraine, East Galicia, Poland, countries of the Entente, geopolitics, military occupation, political parties.
6
Korunova, E. V. „Neutrality or Involvement? World War II and Evolution of Foreign Policy Concepts of the Nordic Countries“. Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, Nr. 3 (20.11.2020): 222–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-222-256.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the middle of the 20th century a unique subsystem of international relations emerged in the Northern Europe, which has turned it into one of the stablest and most peaceful regions during the Cold War period. Nowadays, rising international tensions bring new relevance to the history lessons of World War II, its origins and aftermaths. The paper examines the evolution of the Nordic countries’ views on the issue of neutrality from mid-1930s to the end of 1940s. The first section considers the approaches of the Scandinavian countries to the establishment of a collective security system in the region in the interwar period. In that regard, the paper focuses on the Swedish project of the Northern defense alliance, which was aimed at deepening military cooperation between the states of the region and strengthening their ability to jointly deter any aggression as the best way to guarantee their neutrality. However, this project had not been implemented, because it faced both cool reactions from the leaders of Norway and Denmark and suspicion from the leading powers. According to the author, the fundamental reason for the failure of that project was that Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Finland sought support and protection from different, opposing great powers. The latter circumstance had also to a large extent predetermined the fate of the Scandinavian countries during the war years, when almost all of them were in one form or another involved in the conflict. The victory of the anti-Hitler coalition both opened new opportunities and posed new challenges for the states of the region: in the emerging bipolar world they rapidly turned into the subject matter of dispute of the superpowers. In these conditions, Sweden once again put forward the idea that in order to preserve peace in the region, the Nordic countries should be able to defend their neutrality and proposed the establishment of a Scandinavian Defense Union. In the final section, the paper examines the reaction to this project of the Scandinavian countries, the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain. The author shows that although this reaction was more than restrained, and the project was not implemented, Sweden’s initiatives contributed to the creation of a unique security architecture in Northern Europe, where each state of the region had its own role with the neutral Sweden serving as a balancing force.
7
Zalizko, V. D., R. H. Dobrowolski, Y. I. Myskin, O. M. Sokolova und S. A. Diachenko. „Definlandization and the new economic policy of Ukraine in the post-war period“. Naukovyi Visnyk Natsionalnoho Hirnychoho Universytetu, Nr. 2 (30.04.2023): 184–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33271/nvngu/2023-2/184.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Purpose. To investigate the genesis and key historical aspects that have led to the popularization of the concept of “definlandization” in scientific literature, as well as the strategic priorities of the formation of the Marshall Plan within the framework of a possible military and economic union between Great Britain, Ukraine, Poland and the Baltic countries. To propose optimal ways of neutralizing economic threats and to determine probable scenarios of the post-war reconstruction of the infrastructure of the national economy of Ukraine. Methodology. The article uses a combination of correlation and SWOT analysis, which made it possible to calculate the value of natural wealth in the post-war period based on SPSS Data Analysis Software. The used economic-mathematical methods made it possible to form an algorithm for calculating the cost of restoring Ukraine’s total resource losses from Russian aggression in monetary terms and to establish mutually unambiguous correlations with the value of gold using Pearson criterion. Findings. The authors’ spectrum of factors influencing the New Economic Policy in the post-war period has been systemized to determine the estimated amount of necessary resources for the post-war restart of the national economy of Ukraine. For the first time, the need to abandon the Finlandization policy has been scientifically proven, as domestic resources and funds from reparations will not be sufficient for the sustainable development of Ukraine. It was established that the main guarantee of investing in the Ukrainian economy is the high value of natural resources in all regions of Ukraine, which is estimated in monetary terms at approximately 4 trillion hryvnias and the innovative architecture for the “Marshall Plan” of the post-war reconstruction of the infrastructure of Ukraine is given. Originality. The used analytical-mathematical methods made it possible to establish correlations in the regional distribution of the value of natural wealth. In contrast to existing studies, this article not only objectively determined the number of losses in monetary terms but also proposed specific ways of their compensation in the context of the formation of a new economic policy of definlandization of Ukraine on the basis of economic and mathematical modelling of a typical scenario of recovery of the national economy. Practical value. The conducted study on potential ways of definlandization of the national economy was provided for study at the Ukraine Recovery Conference (URC 2022, Lugano, Switzerland). In particular, the authors of the report justified the economic feasibility of moving European production facilities (Robert Bosch GmbH, Siemens, Schneider Electric, SKF, Renault, BMW Group, Mercedes-Benz, Volkswagen, Volvo Group, etc.) from the territory of the Russian Federation, which would facilitate the remigration of Ukrainians and accelerated development of Ukraine based on the principles of decentralization, subsidiarity and definlandization.
8
Beeler, John. „Great Britain as a Military Power, 1688–1815“. History: Reviews of New Books 28, Nr. 1 (Januar 1999): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10527730.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
9
Robertson, Bernard. „MILITARY INTERVENTION IN CIVIL DISTURBANCE IN GREAT BRITAIN“. Military Law and the Law of War Review 29, Nr. 1-2 (Dezember 1990): 307–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/mllwr.1990.1-2.26.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
10
Chernomorova, T. „Regional Innovation Policies in Great Britain“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 4 (2012): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-4-93-104.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
United Kingdom (along with the United States and France) is among the countries that in their innovation policies focus on the leadership in science, on the implementation of large-scale projects, on covering all stages of the innovation cycle, usually with a significant amount of research and innovative capacity-building in the military field. The article is devoted to the development of science, technology and innovation in the UK, which is one of the main priorities of the economic policy of the British government. According to announced plans, the country should maintain and strengthen its leading position in the field of advanced technologies.
11
Ragimov, Ilgam M. „Nuremberg Trials: the triumph of justice or the trial of the victors? (Reflections on the book by A.N. Savenkov “Nuremberg: A Verdict for name of Peace”“. Gosudarstvo i pravo, Nr. 12 (2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520023298-8.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article analyzes historical, geopolitical, legal and other aspects of the organization and conduct of the International Military Tribunal on the basis of the monograph by Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences A.N. Savenkov “Nuremberg: A Verdict for name of Peace”. over the main Nazi criminals, the political, legal and moral significance of its results for the further strengthening of peace on Earth and the prevention of global wars, the prevention of crimes against the peace and security of mankind, the development of International Law, etc. are investigated. Based on the results of A.N. Savenkov’s research, the study of archival materials of the Nuremberg Trials and other sources on this issue, the authors believe that: • in the entire history of legal proceedings, there has probably never been a court like the Nuremberg Trials. Its uniqueness lies in the fact that it is the first case in the history of justice (sui generis) when more than 20 high-ranking officials, who were part of the highest political and military leadership of a single aggressor state, found themselves in the dock, guilty of both planning, preparing and unleashing a world war, and committing during it mass crimes against peace and humanity; • the historical value of the International Military Tribunal is also seen in the fact that its results had a huge impact on the course of world history, outlined the basic contours of the new architecture of the post-war world order and world order on Earth, laid the foundations of international criminal justice, etc., and the Tribunal itself became a symbol of the victory of good over evil; • the Nuremberg Trials showed that for crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during an aggressive war, the victorious States have the right to establish a special court (ad hoc) with universal jurisdiction against the political and military leaders of the defeated State, to determine a list of specific crimes (including those with criminal retroactivity), those under his jurisdiction, to provide for a special procedure for the administration of justice, to establish the types of punishment for the perpetrators and their terms, the order and form of execution of a court sentence, etc.; • the refusal of the founders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to bring to trial the highest state and military officials of Nazi Germany on the basis of the national laws of the countries on whose territory they committed numerous terrible crimes incompatible with human nature was due to the fact that the norms of criminal legislation of none of these states (as, indeed, International Law of that time) did not they fully covered all the specifics of the objective and subjective properties of many barbaric crimes committed by Nazi criminals against humanity, therefore, it was not possible to talk about this category of monstrous acts that claimed the lives of tens of millions of innocent people as classic forms or types of crimes that infringe on the rights and freedoms of individual citizens or states, even at the level of the institution of analogy in law; • taking into account the irremediable contradictions between the norms of national and International Law, on the one hand, and the essentially unprecedented atrocities committed by Nazi criminals on a massive scale, on the other, the victorious countries in World War II as bearers of supreme power in Germany (due to the loss of its legal personality) on August 8, 1945 we made the only possible decision in the current situation: 1) to establish an open International Military Tribunal with universal jurisdiction for the prosecution and punishment of the main war criminals of the European Axis countries; 2) on the basis of international treaties and agreements, the basic values of natural law, generally recognized principles of Criminal and Criminal Procedure Law, taking into account certain provisions of the Anglo-Saxon and Romano-Germanic legal systems, adopt the Statute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the norms of which should: a) determine the powers and procedures of this judicial body; b) contain a criminal definition of the concepts of “criminal organization”, “crime against peace”, “war crime” and “crime against humanity”; c) provide procedural guarantees for the defendants and their defenders; d) to fix the provision according to which the official position of the defendant (be it the head of state or another responsible state official) is not a basis for exemption from liability or mitigation of punishment, etc.; • in the process of working on the Statute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the doctrine of due (supervisory) law was widely applied in it, which, unlike what exists, is based on such immanent properties of a person’s spiritual being as justice and freedom of spirit, morality and common sense, etc. The originality of supervisory right is also manifested in the fact that it is free from any whatever the external definitions and directives, it is not burdened with political and ideological dogmas; • by its nature, the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal is not a normative legal act in the traditional sense of the term, but a special international prescriptive act with the force of law, adopted on August 8, 1945 by representatives of the heads of government of the USSR, the USA, Great Britain and France in the form of an annex to the London Agreement “On the Prosecution and Punishment of the main War Criminals of European Countries axes”; • in the verdict of the International Military Tribunal, for the first time at the global level, legal entities were recognized as the subject of crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity – the Elite Guard (SS), the Security Service (SD), the Secret State Police (Gestapo) and the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany (NSRPG). At the same time, not all crimes committed by high-ranking officials and institutions of Nazi Germany during the Second World War were reflected or properly assessed in it; • the expectations of the world community from the Nuremberg Trials were only partially justified, since in those years many in the world believed that all Nazi criminals should be put to death without trial. Only the firm position of the USSR and its insistent demands to the allied powers about the need to bring them to trial prevented further extrajudicial reprisals against them; • the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg cannot be regarded as a “court of victors” over the defeated. It should be perceived as a unique judicial and legal phenomenon in the history of mankind - Transitional Justice at a critical stage in the modern history of mankind.
12
Воронов, Виталий Николаевич, Тимур Станиславович Сливин und Надежда Владимировна Романова. „MILITARY AND PENITENTIARY POLICY OF GREAT BRITAIN AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY“. Vestnik Samarskogo iuridicheskogo instituta, Nr. 1(42) (22.03.2021): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37523/sui.2021.42.1.005.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
В статье рассмотрена военно-пенитенциарная политика Великобритании в начале XX в. Изучены структура, штатный состав военных тюрем Великобритании, показаны особенности распределения в них заключенных, должностных обязанностей, а также система поощрения и наказаний. В качестве негативных моментов указывается на отсутствие специальной подготовки должностных лиц военных армий Великобритании, наличие рецидивного характера преступности. Определены особенности распределения заключенных по классам согласно действующей прогрессивно-классификационной системе. Авторами раскрывается порядок перехода заключенных из класса в класс. Указывается на то, что действующая система мер поощрений и наказаний носила карательно-принудительный характер и не смогла преодолеть рецидив в совершаемых преступлениях военнослужащими. В статье рассматривается применяемая в военных тюрьмах Великобритании дисциплинарная практика. Авторы приходят к выводу о том, что опыт военно-политической политики Великобритании начала XX в. можно использовать и в современных условиях. The article considers the military and penitentiary policy of Great Britain at the beginning of the XX century. The structure and staff composition of military prisons in Great Britain are studied, the features of the categorization of prisoners in them, the official duties, as well as the system of rewards and sanctions are shown. As negative points, the lack of special training of military officials of the United Kingdom, the presence of a recidivist nature of crime is indicated. The features of the prisoners categorization by classes, according to the progressive classification system, are determined. The authors reveal the order of prisoners` transition from class to another. It is pointed out that the rewards and sanctions system was punitive and coercive in nature and could not overcome the recidivism in the crimes committed by the military. The article examines the disciplinary practice used in military prisons in Great Britain. The authors conclude that the experience of the military and political policy of Great Britain at the beginning of the XX century is used both in modern conditions.
13
Zernetska, O. „Experience of Fighting against Separatism in Great Britain“. Problems of World History, Nr. 6 (30.10.2018): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-10.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Separatism in Great Britain is one of the biggest problems. It is closely connected with the building of the British Empire and continues to exist as a cause of it disintegration. Home and internationalcauses of separatism in Great Britain are detected in this article. One concerns home affairs and deals with the processes of separation of Northern Ireland and Scotland from Britain. The other lies in thesphere of international affairs and deals with the exit of Great Britain from European Union. The background of these processes has been analyzed and was proved that military actions have not beensuccessful. The best way is the three parts negotiations and compromises from the metropolitan state. It was exposed that to solve issues of international affairs such as separation of Great Britain from EUat the same time with separatism movements at home gives the latters the opportunity to leave metropolis and gain independence.
14
Alpeev, Oleg. „Russian Planning a War against the Great Britain, Austria-Hungary and Turkey Coalition in 1878“. Slavs and Russia, Nr. 2019 (2019): 120–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2019.3.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article considers Russia planning a war against the coalition of Great Britain, Austria-Hungary and Turkey in 1878. When the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 was over, the Russian high military command attempted to resolve the Eastern Question and seize the Strait of Bosphorus and Constantinople. Having faced the opposition from Great Britain and Austria-Hungary, the Rus-sian command hesitated to capture Constantinople and the Bosphorus, which led to Russia's failure at the Congress of Berlin. War plans worked out by the General Staff and two-star general N.N. Obruchev, meant to help conduct military operations in the Balkans and Galicia were never realised.
15
Руднев, В. О. „Comparative analysis of pension provision for military personnel in Russia and Great Britain“. Экономика и предпринимательство, Nr. 8(121) (26.07.2020): 833–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.34925/eip.2020.121.8.168.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Научная статья освещает систему социального обеспечения военнослужащих Российской Федерации и Великобритании. Анализируются компоненты данной системы, включая условия, порядок назначения, виды пенсий и другие меры социальной поддержки военнослужащих. Проводится сравнительный анализ пенсионного обеспечения военнослужащих в России и Великобритании. A scientific article covers the social security system of the military personnel of the Russian Federation and Great Britain. The components of this system are analyzed, including conditions, the order of appointment, types of pensions and other measures of social support for military personnel. A comparative analysis of the pension provision of military personnel in Russia and the United Kingdom is carried out.
16
Antic, Cedomir. „Crisis and armament economic relations between Great Britain and Serbia 1910-1912“. Balcanica, Nr. 36 (2005): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536151a.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
On the eve of the 1914-18 war, Great Powers had competed for influence in the Balkans. While preparing for the war with the Ottoman Empire the Balkan states were ready to take huge war credits and to place big orders for weapons and military equipment. Foreign Office did not show any interest in involving British capital and industry in this competition. British diplomacy even discouraged investments in Serbian military programme before 1914.
17
Shendygaev, Dmitriy I. „Structural Changes in the Royal Navy and the Rotation of the British Naval Elite during the First World War“. Общество: философия, история, культура, Nr. 10 (18.10.2023): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2023.10.20.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Great Britain, due to geographical location and the need to maintain dominance on the seas, emphasized the actions of its Royal Navy during military conflicts. The realities of World War I forced Great Britain’s military and political leadership to reconsider the country's traditional role in international military conflicts. A pressing issue facing the military and political elite was the development of military plans aimed at harnessing Great Britain’s Naval Forces. Proposed drafts by British Admiralty representatives such as J. Fisher, W. Churchill, and J. Jellico often met with obstruction from the state's political leaders and the Army elite. On the eve of the war and during the hostilities, representatives of the elite proposed various plans for the use of the country’s Royal Navy, the implementation of which led both to the fleet's structural changes and to the rotation of the military elite.
18
Hrubinko, A. „The Role of Great Britain in the Military-technical Cooperation of the Countries of European Union“. Problems of World History, Nr. 7 (14.03.2019): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-7.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the article the Great Britain’s contribution to the development of military-technical cooperation between the countries of the European Union is analyzed. It was found that the British leadership conducted ambiguous policies on military-technical cooperation (MTC) of the European integration. The desire to win the priority in the European MTC was combined with the provision of British companies the benefits of cooperation with American partners. British military-industrial complex became a rival of the military-industrial complex of the states of continental Europe. The position of Great Britain has become one of the obstacles to the formation of a single European arms market. The exit of the kingdom from the EU can stimulate the process of creating a single European militaryindustrial complex, in which France and Germany, supported by other influential industrial states (Italy, Spain, etc.) will dominate. The British military-industrial complex will continue to have a significant impact on the European MTC machinery, which relatively successfully operates outside the EU.
19
Novotný, Antonín, und František Racek. „Some Military Consequences of the United Kingdom's Exit from the European Union“. Vojenské rozhledy 30, Nr. 3 (08.09.2021): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/2336-2995.30.2021.03.003-026.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article deals with some military consequences of the departure of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union (Brexit). To assess the potential impacts on defence and security of EU, a structured approach involving several methods was used in the analysis, which combines a search of professional publications, factors sensitivity analysis and testing of hypotheses. Based on the analysis, it was evaluated that the departure of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the structures of the European Union will take place without significant impact in the military field and does not pose an immediate threat to the security and defence of EU member states. Nevertheless, in connection with Brexit, there is still a certain risk of negative impacts in this area.
20
Turner, Ian. „Great Britain and the Post-War German Currency Reform“. Historical Journal 30, Nr. 3 (September 1987): 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002094x.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
British policy towards Germany during the period of occupation aimed at preventing a resurgence of German military might in the future, whilst ensuring stable economic conditions in the short term. By mid 1946, however, the scale of the economic problems confronting the occupying powers in Germany had already manifested itself in the reduction of food rations and the consequent falling off in the output of Ruhr coal. The fragile economy was to suffer an even greater setback during the cruel winter of 1946/7. The immediate restoration of economic activity became imperative, not least because the dollar cost of sustaining the British Zone with imported grain weighed heavily on the British exchequer.
21
Datskiv, I. „Peculiarities of Ukrainian-British Diplomatic Relations During the Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921)“. Problems of World History, Nr. 4 (08.06.2017): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-11.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article analyzes the foreign policy of Great Britain to Ukraine in 1917-1921 years. Features of relations between England and the Ukrainian governments during national liberation movement are shown. The impact of Great Britain on the political formation and the development of Ukrainian statehood is revealed International, political and military background of the Ukrainian-British rapprochement in revolutionary days is clarified . It is indicated that an important factor shifted foreign policy orientation towards the Entente was the participation of the Ukrainian delegation under the leadership of I. Korostovetzin in the conference of Entente states in Iasi in early November 1918. It is established that interest in Ukraine and its struggle for statehood was shown by foreign diplomats accredited to the government of UРR. Consular offices of the Entente (including Great Britain) and neutral states continued their activities in Ukraine. It is shown that Great Britain and other Entente powers ignored the legitimate right of the Ukrainian people for national independence and the unity of its lands.
22
Alpeev, Oleg Evgen'evich. „Behind the Scenes of the Jam Expedition: Russia's Planning of Warfare in Central Asia in 1878“. RUDN Journal of Russian History 22, Nr. 1 (15.03.2023): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2023-22-1-21-33.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The author examines Russia’s planning of warfare in Central Asia in 1878 while preparing for a possible war with the coalition of Great Britain, Austria-Hungary and Turkey. The development of the war plan was caused by the inability of the Russian army weakened by the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878 to conduct active military operations in Europe. Instead, it was aimed to influence Great Britain by creating a threat to its richest colony - India. In the historical literature there is no clear answer to the question about the goals of the unsuccessful Jam expedition. In this regard, the aim of this research is to reveal the content of the failed campaign’s plan based on the available historical sources and try to reconstruct Russia’s war plan against Great Britain in Central Asia, as well as to show its significance in the further process of war planning in the region. The author comes to conclusion that the Russian military-political leadership initially expected to invade India, but due to the changed situation they conducted just demonstration actions. The failure of the Jam expedition showed the Russian commanders the need to search for a springboard for future actions against India. Moreover, based on the experience of the unsuccessful campaign, the Russian commanders began regular planning for war against Great Britain in Central Asia which provided for the conduct of offensive operations in the direction of Herat.
23
Novichkov, Aleksei Valer'evich, und Aleksei Anatol'evich Reznikov. „MILITARY-STRATEGIC PREPARATION OF GREAT BRITAIN DURING THE SECOND ANGLO-BOER WAR“. Manuscript, Nr. 4 (Mai 2018): 55–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2018-4.11.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
24
Haynes, Christine. „A ‘large family’ in ‘circumstances of interest and excitement’: British Troops and the Occupation of France, 1815–1818“. Britain and the World 16, Nr. 1 (März 2023): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2023.0398.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, British troops participated in not one, but two multinational occupations of France. However, although they were central to the military, social, and political history of Great Britain in this period, these occupations have attracted little scholarly attention. Drawing on a wide range of primary and secondary sources, this article examines the experiences of British troops who participated in the occupations of 1814 and 1815–1818. While these experiences were mixed and varied with class and regional origin, in general they reinforced both traditional regimental and emerging national identity, while also enabling British troops to reconcile with – and even learn politically from – their former enemies. Following these occupations, the troops who had participated often found themselves on opposite sides of the political conflicts in Britain and its empire. For those who remained in the military, many of them found keeping the peace in France to be an easier assignment than policing radical unrest in Great Britain and its empire, which relied on similar tactics.
25
Andrakhanov, Andrey A., Mikhail A. Shevchenko und Denis V. Selivanov. „Features of the translation of the slang of the British Air Force on the example of the military film “Battle of Britain”“. Neophilology, Nr. 4 (2021): 743–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-6953-2022-8-4-743-750.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
World War II was the largest military conflict in the human history. This conflict affected both military relations between states and the development of the armed forces of many countries. The Air Force had the greatest development, including the RAF, which made Great Britain famous in the aftermath of the war by having a decisive influence on its outcome. The Air Force's missions included destroying enemy personnel and facilities, providing air cover for the Army and the Navy, as well as conducting air transfers and air reconnaissance. All of this has influenced the emergence of new slang terms in the language of the British military. In addition, in the twentieth century there was a rapid development of weapons and military equipment, which also influenced the military slang. Since the Second World War, a number of films have been made about the conflict. The authors of these films strive to show the life of soldiers during the war. That is why war films often use military slang, which makes them a great way to learn military slang terms. We consider the war film “Battle of Britain” (dir. By Guy Hamilton, 1969) for the presence of the military slang of the Royal Air Force and the translation of this film into Russian. In addition, we will make a thematic classification of slang and determine the ways of translating military slang into Russian. While training, military specialists, first of all, study the features of formal military discourse, which is why its informal part remains poorly understood. Therefore, upon completion of training, military interpreters often face problems in translating slang terms. Therefore, research in this area can help military specialists avoid mistakes during their professional activities.
26
Koybaev, Boris G. „The Allied Powers in Iran during World War II: the fight against German agents“. Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, Nr. 2(2021) (25.06.2021): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-44-49.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
On the eve of the Second World War, Iran’s relations with Germany in the field of political, trade, economic, military and cultural relations significantly increased. At the same time, Iran’s relations with the Soviet Union and Britain were deteriorating. Many attempts to enter Iran, especially to gain access to Iranian oil, have also been made by the United States. They were actively opposed by the USSR and Great Britain, and the latter acted more decisively and persistently, which caused the anger of Washington. All this prompted Tehran to search for a “third force” that could protect Iran from the encroachment of the USSR and Great Britain on its interests. And such a” third force “ Iran found in the person of Germany, which after Hitler came to power began to develop intensively in military and economic terms. Reza Shah was impressed by Hitler, who, in turn, expressed interest in cooperation with Iran, as a large state in the Middle East, which occupied an important place in the plans of Nazi Germany to conquer world domination. As you know, the fascist leadership after the implementation of the Barbarossa plan intended to defeat Great Britain, but first to capture its pearl-British India. Berlin hoped to implement these plans in alliance with Iran, using its territory for subversive and aggressive actions against India. It was also intended to seize the AIOC oil fields, because the Axis powers did not have their own sources of oil.
27
Grimalskaya, Svetlana, Sergey Stepashkin, Nataliya Khromova, Alexander Khudin und Aleksander Chernyavsky. „International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg“. OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, Nr. 02 (01.02.2021): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202102statyi15.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The Nuremberg trial of Nazi criminals, which took place from November 20, 1945 to October 1, 1946, became an important milestone in the history of world civilization. The article is devoted to consideration of the process of developing an agreement on the establishment of an International Military Tribunal and its charter, drawing up an indictment, direct preparation of the process and its progress. The main focus of the article is on the role of the USSR in the preparation and conduct of the Nuremberg trials. The work reveals the relations between the prosecutors from the USSR, the USA, Great Britain and France, their mutual assistance, the contradictions, that arose from time to time, and the course of closed sessions is highlighted.
28
Hull, J. „Torpedo: Inventing the Military-Industrial Complex in the United States and Great Britain“. Journal of American History 101, Nr. 3 (01.12.2014): 954–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau589.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
29
Dunley, Richard. „Torpedo: Inventing the military-industrial complex in the United States and Great Britain“. Mariner's Mirror 100, Nr. 4 (02.10.2014): 480–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2014.954839.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
30
Seligmann, Matthew S. „Torpedo: inventing the military-industrial complex in the United States and Great Britain“. First World War Studies 6, Nr. 2 (04.05.2015): 214–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2015.1111031.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
31
Artamonov, V. A. „Proclamation of the All-Russian Empire – the Beginning of the Way to the Great Power Status“. MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, Nr. 2 (10.05.2022): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-2-83-51-68.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Many historians believe that Russia became a great power either as a result of the Poltava victory in 1709, or after the Nystadt Peace of 1721. It is difficult to agree with this. Peter the Great’s rule indeed produced a combat-ready regular army, a guard, an officer corps, a navy with shipyards, military bases, and coastal artillery. There was an upsurge in the metallurgical industry and mining. Schools with high-quality military and secular education, the Academy of Sciences, the Senate, and the Synod were established. St. Petersburg was founded. Talented and enterprising individuals were promoted to military, diplomatic and administrative posts. The main factor in the rise of the state was military modernization. The main geopolitical achievement of Peter I was the conquest of full access to the Baltic Sea. However, a limited resource base, military and diplomatic defeats and setbacks did not allow Russia to rise to the rank of a great power. The disasters of Narva in 1700 and on the Prut River in 1711 were painful. Russia lost access to the Sea of Azov, the city of Azov, city of Taganrog, the Azov squadron, shipyards and shipbuilding in the Voronezh Territory were lost. The damage from three treatises with the Ottomans in 1711-1713 was great. Russia has lost all of Zaporozhye. The demarcation of the borders of 1714 threw Russia back several hundred kilometers from the Black Sea region. In 1719, the Russian military force was squeezed out of Central Europe – from Mecklenburg. The sphere of influence of Russia after the victorious Peace of Nystad in 1721 was established only in Northern and Eastern Europe – in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Swedish and Danish-Norwegian kingdom, partly in Prussia. The tsar had no claims to hegemony in Europe and no claims to join the circle of the then great powers. Russia was not a great power like the Habsburg monarchy, France, Great Britain, and the Eurasian-African Ottoman Empire. Russia could not compare with the great powers of that time neither in terms of economic (industrial, financial) power, nor in terms of the intensity of expansionism. The entry of the Russian Empire into the system of international relations as one of the five great powers – France, Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia – occurred during the Seven Years War of 1756-1763. Another rise to great power took place during the reign of Catherine II. The apogee of greatness and the culmination of Russia's influence on European affairs was the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815.
32
Vietrynskyi, I. „Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II“. Problems of World History, Nr. 18 (08.11.2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
33
Thompson, Matthew. „Mobilizing Great War Literature: Rereading the English Canon through Mulk Raj Anand's Across the Black Waters“. Journal of Modern Literature 47, Nr. 1 (September 2023): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jml.00002.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract: While Great War scholars have recently recovered colonial texts, they seldom use those texts to reassess the English Great War canon. Mulk Raj Anand's depiction of Indian experience in Across the Black Waters highlights the imperial dimensions of English texts from the Great War. The novel depicts Indian soldiers first as travelers through Europe before narrating their experiences of displacement in the horrors of the trenches. This shift calls attention to the English canon's depictions of soldiers' mobility, which similarly shift from travel in initial military mobilization to displacement in the violence of warfare. Across the Black Waters rewrites this characteristic shift to reveal its imperial significance, ultimately transforming the English Great War canon's typical disillusionment with Britain into a critique of empire. Anand's novel invites us to recenter the imperial position in Great War literature: all English narratives are narratives of empire, and Britain at war is always imperial.
34
Hnydiuk, O. P. „ORGANIZATIONAL AND PEDAGOGICAL BASES OF PROFESSIONAL AND PHYSICAL TRAINING OF OFFICERS OF THE ARMED FORCES OF GREAT BRITAIN“. Scientific Herald of Sivershchyna. Series: Education. Social and Behavioural Sciences 2022, Nr. 1 (22.06.2022): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32755/sjeducation.2022.01.069.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Given the transformation of Ukraine’s military education system, the experience of professional and physical training of officer personnel at military educational institutions in Great Britain is of particular interest. The aim of this article is to summarize the organizational and pedagogical foundations of the professional and physical training of British Armed Forces officers. The British Armed Forces are one of the largest armed forces in Europe; they are fully professional and voluntary. Although Britain’s national security concept includes an emphasis on countering the new threats of the information age, physical training of officers in military education institutions is a priority. It has been established that the United Kingdom has accumulated innovative experience that can be used to develop a system of continuous physical training of border guard officers. In particular, physical training of officers in British military education institutions remains a priority. Physical training programs for officers of the British Armed Forces include general gymnastics, athletics, swimming, soccer, boxing, and judo. In addition, in ground units designed for direct participation in combat operations, physical training programs are supplemented by overcoming obstacles and learning hand-to-hand combat techniques. A compulsory element is the so-called adventure course, covering a set of techniques and actions for moving on difficult terrain, overcoming natural and artificial obstacles in the conditions of tactical tasks. Physical training of future police officers in training centers is practice-oriented. This is a short and medium-distance running, the ability to use special techniques when detaining suspicious persons, etc. Key words: physical training system, officers, military schools and colleges, military education, British Armed Forces, sports.
35
ONEA, TUDOR A. „Between dominance and decline: status anxiety and great power rivalry“. Review of International Studies 40, Nr. 1 (08.02.2013): 125–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000563.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis article investigates the role of status considerations in the response of dominant powers to the rise of emergent states. Accordingly, the hypothesis explored is that dominant actors are prone to fear that they will lose their upper rank, and, due to this status anxiety, resist the efforts of emergent powers to match or surpass them. The article begins by explaining why political actors deem status important and puts forward a theory of status anxiety in world politics. The more pronounced is this anxiety across status dimensions (economic and military capabilities as well as prestige), the higher the likelihood of conflict. This argument is then tested against competing theories of dominant power behaviour in two cases: the relations between France and Britain from the 1740s to Napoleon and those between Britain and Germany from the 1880s to World War One.
36
Yakovleva, N. M. „Argentina vs Great Britain: the trajectory of one conflict“. Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, Nr. 3 (19.01.2023): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-123-135.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
40 years ago, on April 2, 1982, Argentina made a failed attempt by military means to establish sovereignty over the archipelago in the South Atlantic, which was under the jurisdiction of Great Britain. The war was the result of a two-century dispute over the ownership of the islands. Upon joining the UN in 1945, Buenos Aires loudly announced its claims to the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) and began to seek from the international community to recognize its claims as legitimate. Since then, the problem has been a red thread through the history of the country. The policy of the Argentine authorities on the issue of disputed territories developed with a pendulum dynamic. Periods of de-escalation of the conflict and the development of cooperation with Great Britain, coupled with a friendly attitude towards the islanders, were replaced by phases of the dominance of irreconcilable discourse with a strong demand for the “termination of the colonization policy” by the British authorities. Relations between Argentina and Great Britain after the end of hostilities can be divided into several stages. Regardless of the direction of the course of the next government, the issue of sovereignty over disputed territories has never been removed from the agenda. The Argentine side certainly used the “Malvinas question” as an instrument of domestic policy. Currently, the conflict is in a latent phase with no prospect of an early resolution.
37
Gajownik, Tomasz. „Podpułkownik dyplomowany Andrzej Czerwiński i jego raport z 1933 roku o sytuacji polityczno-wojskowej w Czechosłowacji oraz warunkach i możliwościach pracy attachatu w Pradze“. Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 11 (06.11.2018): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7228.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In 1933 geopolitical situation in Europe had been changed. The leaders of four countries: Great Britain, France, Italy and Germany tried to make some agreement of ruling on the continent. For such countries like Poland and Czechoslovakia this agreement could be very dangerous. Both of them had a very difficult mutual relations. But potential threat could bring them closer. In a spirit of those thinking, polish military attache lt. Col. Andrzej Czerwiński had prepared a short report of political and military situation in Czechoslovakia, especially in the face of German’s pressures. He was writing about possibility of closing between two countries, chances of development of military forces and mutual cooperation.
38
Sidorov, Sergey. „V International Scientific Conference “Military History of Russia: Problems, Search, Decisions” Devoted to the 75th Anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War (September 11–12, 2020, Volgograd)“. Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, Nr. 1 (März 2021): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.22.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article presents information about the V International scientific conference “Military history of Russia: problems, search, solutions” held in Volgograd on September 11–12, 2020, dedicated to the 75th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. The conference was held at Volgograd State University. The conference was informative and representative in its composition: more than 220 representatives of scientific institutions of the Russian Academy of Sciences, civil and military universities and centers, archives, museums and libraries in 48 cities of Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Great Britain, Kazakhstan, USA, Turkmenistan and Ukraine. Among the participants of the conference there was a corresponding member of RAE, 39 doctors and 82 candidates of sciences. Along with professors and associate professors, the conference was attended by young scientists: assistant lecturers, postgraduate students, master students, students and schoolchildren. The article analyzes the work of the plenary session, sections, round tables and the discussion platform. The mainstream sections were the following: “Patriotic War: history and modernity”, “National economy of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War”, “Social history of the Great Patriotic War”, “Lower Volga and the Don during the Great Patriotic War”, “Source base for the study of the Great Patriotic War”, “Problems of historiography of the Great Patriotic War”. The permanent sections presented reports on military history in ancient times, the middle ages, modern and contemporary times, social protection of the population in wartime, and international aspects of the Battle of Stalingrad. The round tables discussed issues of military and political security of society and the state, problems of military memorial tourism in the Russian Federation, and international aspects of military conflicts. The discussion platform was dedicated to patriotic education of children and youth.
39
VLASOVA, Tetiana. „AMERICAN SERVICEWOMEN IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY [REVIEW OF THE MONOGRAPH BY E. ARCHER “WOMEN, WARFARE AND REPRESENTATION. AMERICAN SERVICEWOMEN IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY” (BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC, 2017. 256 р.)]“. Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, Nr. 32 (2023): 56–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2023.32.8.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The book considers the various ways the American servicewoman has been represented throughout the 20th century, and how those representations impact the roles she is permitted to inhabit. With the primary focus on the American case Emerald Archer also introduced a comparative element showing integration of women into the military in other countries including Great Britain, Canada and Israel.
40
Kharkovsky, Ruslan. „Mahdist State in the Colonial Struggle of France and Great Britain in Sudan (1880s — 1890s)“. ISTORIYA 13, Nr. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020471-7.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article analyzes the evolution of the “Sudanese question” in the system of international relations in the last third of the 19th century. The thesis is argued that for Great Britain control over the Sudanese territories was an important link in the struggle for the creation of the world’s largest colonial empire. The threat of war between Britain and France during this period was quite real. The military, primarily naval, weakness of France was one of the essential reasons for its retreat from Sudan. The settlement of the colonial differences between England and France in Northeast Africa later became one of the reasons for the emergence of the Entente as a counterbalance to the growing German Empire.
41
Ignatievа, A. „THE SYSTEM OF MILITARY LAW OF UKRAINE AND GREAT BRITAIN IN MODERN INTERNATIONAL LAW“. “International Humanitarian University Herald. Jurisprudence”, Nr. 51 (2021): 164–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32841/2307-1745.2021.51.33.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
42
Vasiliev, Vladimir. „ANGLO-SAXON GUIDESTONES OF GROWING GLOBAL CONFRONTATION BETWEEN CIVILIZATIONS“. Urgent Problems of Europe, Nr. 4 (2022): 234–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.04.10.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article analyzes the origins and implementation progress of the agreement between the United States, Great Britain and Australia on the formation of the triple military alliance AUKUS, which was announced on September 15, 2021. It is emphasized that the emerging military alliance is based on the concept of integrating the military-industrial complexes of the three Anglo-Saxon countries, aimed at containing and confronting the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the Indo-Pacific region. The main program of action of the emerging military alliance is to equip the Australian Navy with 8 submarines with nuclear power plants. The serious military-technical difficulties that this program will face and is already facing are indicated. At the same time, the process of involving the Australian military-technical potential in the creation of a number of other weapons systems, in particular, hypersonic weapons, is also underway. The formation of AUKUS is considered in a broader aspect as a reflection of the desire of Great Britain and the United States to build a hierarchy of control of the global world order, subject to its subordination to the «collective West», in which the «closed club» of the Anglo-Saxon countries plays the main role. The transformation of the union of Anglo-Saxon countries into the main «bearing» element of the system of global hierarchical governance occurs in the context of the growing crisis of the neoliberal model of globalization, which was given universal civilizational significance at the turn of the 1980 s-1990 s. Thus, a new geopolitical and geo-economic fracture is implanted into the world civilizational space, based on the confrontation of the Western system of values and the Asian system of values, built on the synthesis of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism.
43
Nesterova, T. P. „Ethiopia and Great Powers in Final Stage of Italo-Ethiopian War (March — May 1936)“. Nauchnyi dialog 12, Nr. 8 (30.10.2023): 438–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-8-438-454.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article examines the political situation that emerged in international relations after Germany’s remilitarization of the Rhineland on March 7, 1936, and the impact this event had on the development of the Italo-Ethiopian War in both political and military spheres. Published diplomatic documents from Italy, France, the Soviet Union, and the League of Nations are studied. It is argued that the introduction of German troops into the Rhineland significantly diminished the interest of major powers in the Italo-Ethiopian War and brought to the forefront their desire for “Italy’s return to Europe,” as both France and Britain were interested in involving Italy in countering Germany and protecting Austria’s independence. Based on the examined documents, it is concluded that France and Britain sought to resolve the conflict through concessions from Ethiopia, as a realistic approach to international relations led to the belief that Ethiopia could not achieve a military victory, especially after its attempt to strike at Italy’s armed forces resulted in defeat at the Battle of Maychew. The capture of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa and the exile of Emperor Haile Selassie I effectively destroyed any prospects for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, despite Ethiopia’s attempts to act through the structures of the League of Nations.
44
Tkachuk, T. „The United States Position on the Military Assistance to Great Britain at the Beginning of the World War II (1939 – 1941)“. Problems of World History, Nr. 17 (27.01.2022): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-5.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading countries of the world – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on the international political situation in the world in 1939–1941, and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author used the factor of American military aid to the British governments of N. Chamberlain and W. Churchill to fight against Nazi Germany. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the United States’ position on providing Britain with the necessary weapons and ammunition at the beginning of World War II.
During the research the author used a comparative-historical method to analyze various factors influencing the US position on military assistance to London, a problem-chronological method to present the material in chronological order, and a statistical – to analyze the attitude of ordinary Americans on important decisions of the Roosevelt administration. That allowed the author to analyze and rethink the evolution of the United States’ position on Britain in the problem of providing military aid regarding the current geopolitical situation.
The author works out that under the necessity of supporting London with various types of weapons, armament and ammunition to fight against Hitler’s regime the United States significantly changed the principles of its foreign policy – from “isolationism” in 1939 to its cancellation in the late 1941. At the same time, according to the author, this process was caused by a number of factors, including both the “isolationist” opposition in Congress and the Roosevelt administration’s gradual understanding of the Nazi regime threat to the security of the United States.
45
Hoey, Lawrence R., und Malcolm Thurlby. „A Survey of Romanesque Vaulting in Great Britain and Ireland“. Antiquaries Journal 84 (September 2004): 117–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500045820.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper examines the use of vaults in ecclesiastical and secular architecture in Great Britain and Ireland from 1066 to around nyo. We commence with an investigation of the distribution of vaults in various types of buildings. Local workshop traditions are explored and aspects of architectural iconography are considered. The gazetteer provides full references to one-word place names in the text, along with descriptions of the vaults and bibliographical references.
46
Malkin, S. G., und A. I. Lezin. „FROM THE GREAT GAME TO THE COLD WAR: SMALL WARS ON THE EAST IN THE BRITISH AND RUSSIAN MILITARY THOUGHT IN THE FIRST THIRD OF THE 20TH CENTURY“. Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 4, Nr. 4 (2022): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2022-4-4-77-81.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The understanding of a small war as a model of a colonial insurgency was a characteristic feature of the development of the military thought of European empires that were expanding their borders. The authors see this process as a reflection of discussions about the role of military authorities in ensuring the colonial order. Comparison of the Russian and British cases in the first third of the 20th century allows us to move beyond the traditional framework of the “Great Game” in studying the peculiarities of the use of military force in the eastern outskirts of the Russian and British empires. An analysis of the evolution of the military thought of these countries demonstrates that on the eve of the Great War, their professional military communities shared common ideas about the spectrum of priority potential threats to their security in Asia, giving priority to training personnel and officers in conventional conflicts. The study proves that in the Interbellum, the attitude of the military of the Great Britain and the USSR to small wars changed under the influence of new global ideological trends (nationalism, communism, pan-Islamism). We have succeeded in proving that, despite all the differences in ideological approaches and the methodology of analysis, both British and Soviet military thought came to the conclusion that in non-European theaters of small war, military measures represent only a part of the overall policy of appeasement of a particular territory and should be combined with social, economic and political measures designed to overcome the crisis of loyalty in relations with the native population.
47
Kotov, Alexander, und Denis Lesnoy. „Global Britain in the Arctic: balancing the hard and soft power“. Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, Nr. 2 (2023): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics2820231117.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper analyses the new Arctic strategy of the United Kingdom. The Document was published one year after the start of Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine, which has contributed to the changes present in the new Arctic policy, and the revitalization of its role in the European circumpolar region. The authors consider the dynamics of changes within the document compared to previous versions, and the new design of a now holistic UK government approach to the Arctic. Special attention is paid to the increased importance of security in the document, strengthening of the military presence of the United Kingdom in the region, and conditions of the end of low-tension history and "Arctic exceptionalism". Integration of the Arctic strategy with key international and defense strategies of Great Britain is noted. The conclusion is made about the design of a new holistic UK government approach to the Arctic.
48
Lutsenko, N. „EVOLUTION OF SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN US AND UK DURING DONALD TRUMP`S ADMINISTRATION“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, Nr. 149 (2021): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.149.8.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
An article is an attempt to study «special relationships» between the United States and Great Britain. The author mentioned that the presidential elections in the USA and the fact that Donald Trump became a new president reflected on the relationships between the United States and Great Britain. The attention is given to the role of personality in states’ relationships. The article illustrates that Donald Trump`s populism in his speeches played a negative role for making stable relationships with the UK. More specifically, Donald Trump's criticism of London's mayor Sadiq Khan, Scotland Yard evocated a negative social reaction in Great Britain. As shown in the article, the citizens of the United Kingdom were shocked by Donald Trump`s islamophobia and his Facebook post of the far-right organization «Britain first». Indeed, it was the reason for massive protests during Donald Trump's official visit to the United Kingdom in 2018. The reference should be made to the fact that in 2016 the UK citizens decided to leave European Union. Despite the fact that Donald Trump approved this decision he criticized British prime-minister Theresa May for soft Brexit. As shown in the article contrary to the strong criticism of the British government Donald Trump visited Great Britain three times during his presidential term. These official trips were directed on normalization of Anglo-American relationships. Queen Elizabeth twice met Donald Trump and they both mentioned that special relationships are important for their countries. Research has shown that during Boris Johnson’s premiership US-UK relations became stronger. This factor is due to close Trump`s and Johnson's political views. The article illustrates that the United States and Great Britain still have special relationships. Countries have strong intelligence, military and nuclear cooperation. Both the US and the UK are still key economical partners and they are interested in safety relationships.
49
Leach, Christopher. „Uniforms and Commercial Culture: Constructing a Vision of Warfare in Pre-Great War Britain“. Cultural History 10, Nr. 1 (April 2021): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2021.0230.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Uniforms carry cultural meaning shaped by their interaction with military realities. They can communicate tradition but also anticipate change. Prior to the Great War, British Army uniforms had developed from the familiar red tunic to khaki, but the manner of their representation in the mass culture confirmed a continuity and correctness of the British way of war that ran against the emerging industrialization of warfare. Wearing familiar uniforms linked to the past and concurrently fighting what seemed like anachronistic ‘small wars’ in empire as reported in the press, what awaited the volunteers of 1914–15 could not have been anticipated by those consumers of the commercial culture. This article uses a variety of sources, from the illustrated adult and juvenile press, paintings, and toys, to reveal the link between uniforms and the representation of warfare in the fifty years prior to the Great War. In that representation we see not just the glorification of war that cultural historians attach to gendered, imperialist, or nationalist meanings. This article argues that the role of uniforms in the representation of warfare was a means by which to make it knowable and worthwhile for the consumer public. But by representing past and contemporary uniforms quite accurately, the writers and artists imposed a sense of military continuity at a time when war was changing.
50
Kochegarov, S. A., und V. V. Mikhailov. „REACTION IN GOVERNMENT AND PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN ON SOVIET-ESTONIAN PEACE NEGOTIATIONS IN 1919-1920“. Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), Nr. 3 (2021): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-58-71.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article focuses on the contradictions in the British regarding the continuation of military operations against the Soviet Republic at the end of 1919 and the participation of Estonia in the White struggle. Documents of British archives, and transcripts of proceedings of Parliament shows that after a series of military setbacks of the White forces, and the failure of formation with the direct pressure from the British military advisers of the government of the North-West Russia to create anti-Bolshevik coalition under the political control of the British commissioners in the Baltic countries, the mood in Parliament and the War Cabinet of Britain has changed. Speeches of liberal members of Parliament at the meetings of 1919-1920, note that the issue of concluding a Bolshevik-Estonian peace Treaty has become positively evaluated in wide circles of British society. Criticism of the «militarism» of the government became particularly acute after the peace of Tartu in January 1920, and the firmness of the Estonian government, which had making peace, was welcomed by a number of deputies. Minutes of meetings of the British Imperial War Cabinet and documents of the War Council also shows a shift from the policy of active involvement of the Baltic countries in the anti-Bolshevik struggle to recognition of the failure of this struggle and the impossibility of its revival by spending the financial and material resources, which were strongly necessary to solve other problems that arose in the British government after the end of the First world war.