Thematische Bibliographien / Middle eastern conflicts

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Middle eastern conflicts“

Autor: Grafiati
Veröffentlicht am 27. Juli 2024
Zuletzt aktualisiert am 29. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Middle eastern conflicts"

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Malashenko, A. „Conflicts in the Middle East: prospects for escalation in the context of general regional instability in the 2020s“. Pathways to Peace and Security, Nr. 1 (2021): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-120-132.

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The article analyses Middle Eastern conflicts in the early 2020s. The main focus is on the situation in Syria, Libya, and Yemen, three Middle Eastern conflicts that are progressing, with no solution in sight. These conflicts motivated by social, economic and political reasons became a progression of those protests that have started in 2011 and have been called “The Arab Spring”. These “revolutions” have been promoted by Islamist movements and groups whose activity became one of key factors of perpetual tensions in the region. So far, attempts by conflict parties to find consensual solutions have remained rather unsuccessful. Positive resolution of actual and potential conflicts in the Greater Middle East to a significant extent still depends on external regional and non-regional actors, such as Russia, Turkey, Iran, and the United States. However, each actor involved in these conflicts and in conflict management pursues its own goals. These actors try to retain their positions and influence in these Middle Eastern countries and in the region as a whole. According to the forecast made in the article, more conflicts in the region may be foreseen (in Iraq, the Persian Gulf states etc.) that could form the next wave of the “Arab Spring”.
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Sun, Degang. „China and the Middle East security governance in the new era“. Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, Nr. 3 (01.07.2017): 354–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1353791.

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In the 21st century, conflicts in the Middle East can generally be classified into four types, namely: conflicts between outside powers and Middle Eastern countries; between Middle Eastern countries themselves; between different political parties and religious sects within a sovereign country; as well as transnational and cross-border conflicts. The mode of China’s participation in Middle Eastern security governance includes political, security and social conflicts. There are three categories of domestic mechanisms in Chinese practice, specifically: the special envoy mechanism by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the procession and peace-keeping mechanisms by the Chinese Ministry of National Defense; and the foreign aid mechanism by the Chinese Ministry of Commerce. The China–Arab States Cooperation Forum, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation, the United Nations and other international organizations constitute the major international regimes for China’s security governance. China’s Middle Eastern security governance creates not only ‘public goods’ for the region but also a means for China to build constructive great power relations with the United States, the European Union and Russia, among others. The styles of Chinese and Western security governance in the Middle East vary with the Chinese side placing most emphasis on improving the well-being of Middle Eastern peoples and placing this as the top priority on the agenda, followed by a ‘bottom-up’ roadmap, and the seeking of incremental, consultative, inclusive and selective governance in Middle East conflict resolution.
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Silbermann, Michael, Michel Daher, Rejin Kebudi, Omar Nimri, Mazin Al-Jadiry und Lea Baider. „Middle Eastern Conflicts: Implications for Refugee Health in the European Union and Middle Eastern Host Countries“. Journal of Global Oncology 2, Nr. 6 (Dezember 2016): 422–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.2016.005173.

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Until very recently, health care in conflict settings was based on a model developed in the second half of the twentieth century. Things have changed, and present civil wars, such as those that are currently taking place in the Middle East, do not address the complexity of the ongoing armed conflicts in countries such as Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. These conflicts have caused a significant increase in the number of refugees in the region, as well as in Europe. Hundreds of thousands of refugees succeed in settling in mid- and north-European countries, and their health issues are becoming of great importance. Refugees in Europe in the twenty-first century do not suffer so much from infectious diseases but more from noninfectious chronic diseases such as diabetes, cardiac disease, and cancer. These facts profoundly alter the demographics and disease burden of hostility-derived migrants. Thus, host European countries face situations they have never faced before. Hence, new approaches and strategies are urgently needed to cope with this new situation. The efforts to absorb refugees of different traditions and cultural backgrounds often cause increasing ethnic and religious tensions, which frequently escort the emergence of social violence. To date, little attention has been paid to the overall load of distress being experienced, especially among the first-generation refugees. The current ongoing hostilities in the Middle East induce a long-term health impact on people expelled from their homes, communities, traditions, and cultural environment. The realization of collective suffering forces communities and governmental health agencies to develop new programs that include social determinants to overcome the severe cultural gaps of the newcomers in their new European host countries.
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Steenkamp, Christina. „The impact of tunnels on conflicts in the Middle East“. International Affairs 98, Nr. 2 (März 2022): 689–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab230.

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Abstract The battlefields in the contemporary conflicts in the Middle East are multi-level conflicts. They take place in the air and on the ground, but an important and often overlooked dimension of these conflicts is found under the surface. This article recognizes the usefulness of political geography's ‘volumetric turn’ as it examines the use of tunnels in conflict, particularly in the post-2001 conflicts in the Middle East. It asks questions about who uses tunnels, for which purposes and about the impact of tunnels on conflicts. It proceeds to show how tunnels are used by a range of actors (including states, insurgents, civilians and organized crime groups) for various, often overlapping purposes (including offensive, defensive and smuggling/economic purposes). The article argues that tunnels impact on conflicts by benefiting the weaker side in asymmetrical warfare, by directly affecting states’ military strategy, by either generating or challenging political legitimacy and lastly, by becoming central to the economic survival of civilians in conflict. A greater recognition of the subterranean dimension of contemporary Middle Eastern conflicts will provide a more nuanced understanding of the duration, intensity and consequences of these wars.
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Zunes, Stephen. „International law, the UN and Middle Eastern conflicts“. Peace Review 16, Nr. 3 (September 2004): 285–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1040265042000278513.

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Karamy, Selma Elfirda, und Arry Bainus. „West-Eastern Divan Orchestra: A Representation of Peace Optimism from the Middle East“. Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 16, Nr. 1 (07.07.2020): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v16i1.3341.87-97.

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The high escalation of conflict that occurred in the Middle East region became a global issue which until now still has not found a solution. This situation is also complicated by the presence of US President Donald Trump's controversial immigration policy, which targets the Middle Eastern countries. Various efforts have been made by each country to reduce tension and maintain social and political stability in each country. In the midst of the many efforts made, emerging non-state actor that are trying to resolve conflicts, one of which is the Divan OrcThe high escalation of conflict that occurred in the Middle East region became a global issue which until now still has not found a solution. This situation is also complicated by the presence of US President Donald Trump's controversial immigration policy, which targets the Middle Eastern countries. Various efforts have been made by each country to reduce tension and maintain social and political stability in each country. In the midst of the many efforts made, emerging non-state actor that are trying to resolve conflicts, one of which is the Divan Orchestra, an international music organization that runs Music Diplomacy in the conflict countries. In this study, researchers will try to discuss The Divan Orchestra diplomatic roles as a representation of the message of peace from its members. The researcher will use the concepts of Music Diplomacy, Soft Power and Non-State Roles as Analysis Tools. While the research method used is a Qualitative Method using Literature Study. https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1953-7663
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Zikriya, Naushad Khan und Asif Salim. „Middle East Dilemma: Pakistan’s Role as Mediator for Conflict Resolution“. Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 3, Nr. 1 (31.12.2019): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.1.2.

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The development of International relations together with forces like globalization and technology has brought the world closer to each other. Friendly ties and relations with states create massive challenges during times of conflict. The focus of the paper is on the crisis evolving in the Middle East region and the role of Pakistan in solving those crisis considering relations with its closest allies, political and financial circumstances, and its foreign policy principles. A qualitative research approach with desk analysis technique has been applied to analyse the role of Pakistan as a mediator for the conflict resolution among Middle Eastern countries. The research highlights how the disputes created great problems for Pakistan but it is still striving to resolve conflicts among Middle Eastern countries because maintaining peace and prosperity in the Muslim world has always been a top priority of Pakistan’s foreign policy.
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Kandel, Matt. „Land conflicts and social differentiation in eastern Uganda“. Journal of Modern African Studies 55, Nr. 3 (11.08.2017): 395–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1700026x.

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ABSTRACTRising competition and conflict over land in rural sub-Saharan Africa continues to attract the attention of researchers. Recent work has especially focused on land governance, post-conflict restructuring of tenure relations, and large-scale land acquisitions. A less researched topic as of late, though one deserving of greater consideration, pertains to how social differentiation on the local-level shapes relations to land, and how these processes are rooted in specific historical developments. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Teso sub-region of eastern Uganda, this paper analyses three specific land conflicts and situates them within a broad historical trajectory. I show how each dispute illuminates changes in class relations in Teso since the early 1990s. I argue that this current period of socioeconomic transformation, which includes the formation of a more clearly defined sub-regional middle class and elite, constitutes the most prominent period of social differentiation in Teso since the early 20th century.
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AlAhmad, Hussein. „A Middle Eastern style of mediatization of politics and conflicts: Were regional-domestic intersections considered?“ Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 16, Nr. 2 (01.10.2023): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00062_1.

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This article examines the extent to which mediatization, as a western-centric metatheory central to an understanding of how the media logic comes to influence the political logic, applies to the study of non-western case studies. Considering the case of the 2006 Palestinian internal conflict (the split), the article examines the role of pan-Arab transnational satellite TV (PTSTV) journalism in covering the conflict’s trajectories. Building on primary qualitative data, gathered via semi-structured interviews with prominent stakeholders/insiders in the two parties and relevant sectors of news media and politics, the article explores the interplay between regional and Palestinian politics, evident in PTSTV’s coverage, and shows how available western-centred theoretical paradigms that draw on mediatization – in examining mediatized conflicts – fell short in examining such interplay for contextual, structural and sociocultural challenges in PTSTV’s operating milieu. Alternatively, the study inductively explored this interplay, overcoming the aforesaid contextual challenges, and provided evidence on how, with the lack of democratic principles in PTSTV’s operational milieu, structural/internal characteristics in these channels interacted with peripheral/external dimensions in their milieu and adversely affected their cultural dimension (coverage). PTSTV produced escalatory journalism that disseminated inflammatory content within a politically fractured culture, exacerbating the conflict and expanding the gap between the two rivals. This inductive approach in tracing the interplay – and its concurrent bargaining process – revealed five pivotal characteristics in PTSTV performance that are unique to those postulated in mediatization. They stand in this article as an authentic theoretical contribution that facilitated the handling of analytical challenges in the case study.
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Alsmadi, Izzat, Mohammed Naji Al Kabi, Heider Wahsheh und Bassima Bassam. „Video spam and public opinion in current Middle Eastern conflicts“. International Journal of Social Network Mining 1, Nr. 3/4 (2013): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijsnm.2013.059071.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Middle eastern conflicts"

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Aima, Abhinav K. „Push-Pull Hezbollah: The New York Times and the Washington Post News Coverage of Three Israel-Lebanon Conflicts (1996, 2000, 2006)“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1564927655951069.

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White, Breanne. „Gender and Resistance in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The Woman's Voice in theLiterary Works of Sahar Khalifeh and David Grossman“. The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373636550.

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Al, Saleh Abdullah R. „Conflict Analysis: Exploring the Role of Kuwait in Mediation in the Middle East“. PDXScholar, 2009. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3208.

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The Middle East is a large geographical area, and while people think of it as a homogeneous area in terms of language and culture, the region IS actually more of a melting pot of ethnic, religious, racial and linguistic groups. Understanding the distinctions between these groups is of paramount importance to understanding the region. Historical rivalries between some groups, for example, Sunni and Shia Muslims, go back hundreds, perhaps thousands, of years. Yet, people continue with life. How do countries continue to deal with each other when there are open, unsettled questions, such as boundaries or control of islands? Is there a resolution method that will finalize these issues for once and ever? Chapter One will discuss methodology and research implementation. Chapter Two will review theories of conflict resolution as described in the literature. Chapter Three will review the historical background of conflict in the Middle East in general, these four conflicts in particular and the role that Kuwaiti diplomats played (to the limited extent that it can be determined). Chapter Four offers overall conclusions and suggestions.
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Koranteng, Nana-Korantema A. „Women in the Machinery of War: Gender, Identity & Resistance Within Contemporary Middle Eastern Conflict“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/158.

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This thesis seeks to explore the ways in which gender and identity are imagined in times of war especially in the cases of women who participate in armed struggle within the Middle East. I focus particularly on how US and UK media's framing of these women's lives and experiences distort the ways in which we understand conflict within the contemporary Middle East. Through the case studies of female militants or supports of militancy in Palestine and the Islamic State I seek to highlight women's stories and lived realities in an attempt to understand what drives them to use particular model's of agency.
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Martin, Robert A. „Norms of Military Intervention and the Persian Gulf Conflict: The Social Construction of Interests and Identities“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625987.

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Templin, Julia S. „Zababdeh: A Palestinian Water History“. DigitalCommons@USU, 2011. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/911.

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This study explores the historical evolution of the water situation in Palestine at a local level in the West Bank village of Zababdeh. The thesis examines Palestine's geography and the historical relationship of Zababdeh's people with this environment. A sudden shift in this relationship took place during the second half of the 20th century, particularly after the advent of Israeli occupation. The thesis also addresses the Palestinians' involvement, or lack thereof, in water politics of the West Bank during the 20th century. The pattern of neglect has left Palestinians in a weak position to secure safe and reliable water supplies for villages like Zababdeh. Though some have speculated that the water situation in Palestine will one day lead to violent conflict, the example of Zababdeh's water history shows that such conflict has not yet occurred because the village's inhabitants experienced many new water-related conveniences under Israeli occupation. The new conveniences left Zababdeh's people relatively contented and without incentive to fight over water. The study finds that water is an underlying, and sometimes overt stress that has been exacerbating the conflict in Palestine for decades and will continue to foster instability in the region until the people of Palestine all have safe, consistent, and sufficient supplies of water for their needs.
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Pavelka, Kamil. „Válka jako videohra: konstrukce sociokulturní jinakosti v blízkovýchodním konfliktu“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199791.

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This diploma thesis analyses the construction of the Near-Eastern conflict, it's actors and the problematic of the "Self -- Others" relationship in digital games. This Near-Eastern conflict can be viewed as a constructed, thought object or representation with blurred space-time boudnaries, which is not necessarily identical with "material reality". Despite it not being identical, the constructed object does nevertheless contribute to the creation of identities of the material reality's participants, and as such influences their behaviour and the behaviour towards them. In the field of international relations, this constructed identity can have important implications.
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Ruffner, Todd W. „Identity and Border Relations between Iraq and Iran in the 20th Century: The Cases of Khuzestan and Shatt al-Arab“. The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274891695.

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Al-sa'd, Sa'd Faisal 1947. „Symbolic commitment of presidential speeches: A study of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282145.

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The purpose of this study was to explore systematically the interaction among nation states by focusing on a single case of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict, specifically the symbolic rhetoric in presidential speeches. This study seeks to increase our knowledge about international crises, and any possible patterns and fluctuations in presidential symbolic rhetoric toward the Arab-Israeli conflict during the 1948-1992 period. The central objective is to explore whether changes in symbolic rhetoric may be related to the escalation of the conflict, as well as investigating numerous parameters of the rhetoric itself. The measure of presidential symbolic rhetoric was tested in seven Middle East countries: Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and Syria. Theoretically the study adopts Edelman's classification method in distinguishing between referential and condensational symbols. Attention in this study is paid to condensational symbols or symbolic commitment (i.e pride, anxieties, patriotism), and whether the use of those symbols in the Middle East might have been related to three other primary variables: actual conflict in the Middle East, United States military and economic aid to the region, and U.S. political initiatives in the region. In addition, we focused on five distinct conflict periods to see whether changes in symbolic rhetoric patterned itself differently before, during, and after the five crises. The principle conclusion of this research is that the Arab-Israeli conflict was an important issue symbolically to U.S. policy makers, and the presidents of United States lean toward positive symbols. These symbolic commitments tend to increase during the escalation process, and the amount of attention and symbols decreased when war de-escalated. From these results it is possible to assert that presidential perceptions reacted to events as they developed in the region. Convergence between rhetoric and conflict in this specific study suggests that symbols are important political and social indicators in the way policy makers perceive certain issue-areas, and this rhetoric relates to important political events in the Middle East.
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Mughal, Urooj. „The power politics of water struggles| Local resource management in the West Bank“. Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1542820.

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This thesis examines the significance of a micro-level approach to the Israeli-Palestinian water conflict. By rethinking scale of analysis and examining local insecurities, Palestinian experiences reveal how water conflict plays out in latent and discursive ways. In a step-by-step method, I detail the processes and outcomes of the water struggle in the West Bank. First, I show how technical challenges ((i) poor water supply, (ii) antiquated water infrastructure, (iii) failed institutions) are shaped by political imperatives. Second, I show how Palestinians have responded to local water sector challenges: (iv) nonpayment to the Palestinian Water Authority for their water supply, (v) increasing rural to urban migration by Palestinian farmers. As a result, Palestinian society is stuck in cycles of crisis that make the conditions increasingly ungovernable. While Palestinians are stuck in a mode of ungovernability, their position in the peace process with Israel is undermined.

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Bücher zum Thema "Middle eastern conflicts"

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1950-, Albrecht Hans-Jörg, Hrsg. Conflicts and conflict resolution in Middle Eastern societies--between tradition and modernity. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2006.

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Cristina, Spinei, und Hriban Cătălin, Hrsg. Eastern Central Europe in the early Middle Ages: Conflicts, migrations and ethnic processes. Bucureşti: Editura Academiei Române, 2008.

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Friedman, Thomas L. From Beirut to Jerusalem: [one man's Middle Eastern odyssey]. London: HarperCollins, 1993.

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Bleaney, C. H. The Middle East since 1945. London: Batsford, 1989.

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Maʻoz, Moshe. Middle Eastern minorities: Between integration and conflict. Washington, D.C: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1999.

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Herzog, Chaim. The Arab-Israeli wars: War and peace in the Middle East from the War of Independence to the present. London: Greenhill, 2004.

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Herzog, Chaim. The Arab-Israeli wars: War and peace in the Middle East from the War of Independence to Lebanon. London: Arms and Armour Press, 1985.

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Herzog, Chaim. The Arab-Israeli wars: War and peace in the Middle East from the War of Independence to Lebanon. London: Arms & Armour, 1985.

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Herzog, Chaim. The Arab-Israeli wars: War and peace in the Middle East from the 1948 War of Independence to the present. 2. Aufl. New York: Vintage Books, 2005.

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Michael, Dumper, Hrsg. Arab-Israeli conflict: Major writings in Middle Eastern studies. London: Routledge, 2009.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Middle eastern conflicts"

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Valbjørn, Morten. „“Culture Blind and Culture Blinded”: Images of Middle Eastern Conflicts in International Relations“. In The Middle East and Palestine, 39–78. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403982124_2.

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Arafat, Rana. „Reporting on the Syrian conflict from exile“. In Middle Eastern Diasporas and Political Communication, 161–81. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003365419-10.

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Bajaj, Gita, und Ahmad Said Al-Shuabi. „Conflict Management and Negotiation in the Middle Eastern Workplace“. In Doing Business in the Middle East, 161–75. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003005766-13.

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Nicolas, Leila. „Middle Eastern History The Dynamics of Conflict and Change“. In Global and Regional Strategies in the Middle East, 24–40. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003460152-4.

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Edwards-Dashti, Shadia. „War, Conflict and Gender Ideologies: Middle Eastern Images and Realities“. In Women, Law and Culture, 89–106. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-44938-8_6.

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Tibi, Bassam. „Introduction: Middle Eastern Wars from the World Historical and International Systemic Perspectives“. In Conflict and War in the Middle East, 1–18. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371576_1.

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Tibi, Bassam. „The Arab State System in the Aftermath of Middle Eastern Wars and the Vision of ‘The New Middle East’“. In Conflict and War in the Middle East, 194–213. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371576_12.

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Tibi, Bassam. „Middle Eastern Security in the Post-Cold War Era: From Interstate War to the Challenge of Islamic Fundamentalism“. In Conflict and War in the Middle East, 214–33. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371576_13.

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Tibi, Bassam. „Introduction: Middle Eastern Wars from the World Historical and International Systemic Perspectives“. In Conflict and War in the Middle East, 1967–91, 1–18. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22487-6_1.

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Williams, Nathalie E., und Elwood D. Carlson. „Conceptualizing the Syrian Refugee Crisis and Migration during Armed Conflict“. In Comparative Demography of the Syrian Diaspora: European and Middle Eastern Destinations, 3–12. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24451-4_1.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Middle eastern conflicts"

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Zabelina, Daria. „THE REVIVAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL THEATER — KOMEDYA“. In 9th International Conference ISSUES OF FAR EASTERN LITERATURES. St. Petersburg State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/9785288062049.39.

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Komedya, or moro-moro, is a genre of the Philippine national theater that was flourishing from the second half of the 17th century until the second half of the 19th century. The genre formation was a part of catholic missioners propaganda activities. In time, komedya became the most popular dramatic genre in colonial Philippines. The common features of komedya are: 1) the central theme of komedya is fight between Christians and Muslims, where Christians always win; 2) actions described in komedya never take place in the Philippines, but in an exotic country, for instance in Turkey or in Armenia; 3) Spanish missioners played an important role in the formation of the genre; 4) komedya is the national theater; 5) komedya is a secular genre as adventures dominate over the religious motives. In the middle of the 19th century komedya was criticized by the most progressive Filipinos for being extravagant, lacking logic and not touching upon current Philippine problems. By the beginning of the 20th century komedya was not staged anymore almost everywhere in the Philippines. Its place was taken by the other genres. A number of actions to bring komedya back to its former popularity have been undertaken from the 1970s with the great support of the cultural center of the Philippines and University of the Philippines. It is important to mention that the genre is being changed in order to correspond the needs of the modern Philippine society. For example, the Muslim conflict is not the main topic of the modern Philippine national play as it contradicts the national policy of the Philippines.
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Завойкина, Н. В. „REPRESENTATIVES OF THE SARMATIAN-ALANIAN WORLD IN THE CITIES OF THE ASIAN BOSPOROS IN THE 2nd–3rd CENTURIES“. In Hypanis. Труды отдела классической археологии ИА РАН. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25681/iaras.2021.978-5-94375-350-3.72-96.

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В статье исследуется проблема проникновения и адаптации выходцев из сармато-аланского окружения в крупные города Азиатского Боспора во 2–3 вв. н. э. Проникновение алан на территорию к востоку от Меотиды относится к середине 1 в. н. э. С 70–80 гг. аланы стали соседями Боспорского царства на востоке и источником постоянной агрессии для поселений и городов его азиатской части. Письменные источники дают основания думать, что военные конфликты Боспора и меотийских алан, начавшиеся в 80-е гг., завершились мирным соглашением сторон (не без участия Рима) к 140-м гг. Его результатом стал династический брак боспорского царя (вероятно, Реметалка) и некой аланской принцессы. Косвенные данные позволяют предполагать, что это событие случилось после 138 г. и, возможно, было санкционировано Антонином Пием. Во второй четверти 2 – второй четверти 3 вв. н. э. в Фанагории, Гермонассе и Горгиппии засвидетельствованы группы сармато-аланских имен. Их носители являлись гражданами городов (в пользу чего свидетельствуют их полные имена) во втором или третьем поколениях. Наряду с именами в этих городах отмечены находки сармато-аланских тамг с нижней частью в форме «трезубца» (рис. 2). Они известны, главным образом, в пределах территории Боспорского царства. Очевидно, что в каждом из крупных городов Азиатского Боспора проживала определенная сармато-аланская «группировка», которой руководил, как можно предполагать, представитель знати, владевший одной из тамг, нижняя часть которой имела форму «трезубца». Обращает на себя внимание хронологическое совпадение династического брака Реметалка и новых сармато-аланских имен в надписях городов Азиатского Боспора. Наибольшее число их отмечено в Горгиппии. Здесь просматривается совпадение с ономастической ситуацией в Танаисе, где также примерно с середины 2 в. н. э. надписи фиксируют целую группу «новых» сармато-аланских имен. Наличие в городах Азиатского Боспора групп сармато-аланских имен коррелируются с несколькими тамгами, принадлежащими представителям знатных семей (рис. 2–5). Эти люди играли заметную роль в социально-политической и военной жизни Боспора. Они занимали высокие должности в государственных органах власти во второй половине 2 – первой половине 3 вв. н. э. Отчетливо сознавая недостаток в источниках, все же автор статьи считает возможным предложить следующую реконструкцию проникновения выходцев из сармато-аланского мира в социальный организм Боспорского государства. Не исключено, что вместе с аланской принцессой в Пантикапей прибыл отряд всадников-алан, который возглавляли родственники принцессы либо представители других знатных аланских семей. Тамги указывают на представителей трех семей, восходящих к одному роду (нижняя тамга в форме «трезубца»). Появление этого контингента на Боспоре было обусловлено не только необходимостью сопровождать будущую супругу боспорского царя, но и, быть может, одним из условий брачного договора (предоставление отрядов всадников). После заключения брачного союза Реметалк весьма предусмотрительно распорядился этой военизированной группировкой. Какую-то часть всадников он, возможно, оставил в Пантикапее (на это указывают находки бронзовых поясных наконечников с тамгами в некрополе), другую часть во главе с представителями трех знатных аланских семей он направил в Танаис для усиления обороноспособности города после его разгрома в середине 2 в. н. э. Позднее, в правление Савромата II или Рескупорида II, кто-то из членов этих семей оказался в Горгиппии, видимо, также с целью руководства или укрепления военных сил в этой части царства. В правление Савромата II выходцы из этих семей заняли высокое положение в Фанагории и Гермонассе. Участие в частных ассоциация городов было одним из путей социализации эмигрантов и не-граждан в боспорских городах. В Фанагории и, что особенно заметно, в Горгиппии, как и в Танаисе, потомки выходцев из сармато-аланского мира во втором или третьем поколениях выступают членами частных ассоциаций. Их имена уже присутствуют в списках граждан городов. В данном случае речь идет о потомках рядовых всадников-алан. Вполне реалистичным представляется как один из путей варварского проникновения – установление родственных связей с боспорской элитой. Видимо, таким образом можно объяснить погребение двух воинов-сарматов (судя по их тамгам) в склепах аристократической семьи из Горгиппии. Следствием деятельности знатных представителей сармато-аланских семей и их сородичей стало возрастание их роли в военной и административно-политической жизни Боспора со второй половины 2 в. н. э. The article deals with the problem of penetration and adaptation of immigrants of the Sarmato-Alanian world into cities of the Asian Bosporos in the 2nd – 3rd centuries AD. The Alans penetrated to the eastern shore of the Maeotis in the middle of the 1st century AD. After 70–80 AD the Alans became the eastern neighbors of the Bosporan kingdom and raided permanently towns and settlements located in its Asian part. The written sources make us suggest that the military conflicts between Bosporos and the Maiotian Alans which started in the 80-s terminated in a peace treaty in the 140-s (with the participation of Rome). It resulted in a dynastic marriage (possibly of king Rhoimetalkes) with some Alanian princess. Indirect evidence suggests that the event took part after 138 AD and was possibly sanctioned by Antoninus Pius. In the first quarter of the 2nd – second quarter of the 3rd century in Phanagoria. Hermonassa and Gorgippia groups of Sarmatian and Alanian names are testified. Their owners were citizens (their full names are demonstrated it) in the second or the third generation. Along with the names the cities provided finds of Sarmato-Alanian tamgas with characteristic ‘trident-shaped’ lower elements (fig. 2). These are known mainly by finds from the territory of the Bosporan kingdom. Evidently, in each of the large cities of the Asian Bosporos there were groups of Sarmato-Alanian population headed by a nobleman, the owner of one of those trident-shaped tamgas. Noteworthy is the chronological coincidence between the dynastic marriage of Rhoimetalkes and the appearance of new Sarmato-Alanian names in inscriptions from the cities of the Asian Bosporos. Most of them originate from Gorgippia. There is a coincidence with the onomastic situation in Tanais where from the middle of the 2nd century also new groups of Sarmato-Alanian names appear in inscriptions. The presence in the cities of the Asian Bosporos of these names are correlated with a number of tamgas belonging to noble families (fig. 2–5). The role of those people in the social, political and military life of Bosporos was prominent. In the second half of the 2nd – first half of the 3rd century they occupied important offices in the cities. Clearly admitting the lack of information in our sources the author dares to suggest the following reconstruction for the process of penetration of the Sarmatians and Alans into the social structure of the Bosporan kingdom. It is quite possible that along with the Alanian princess some unit of equestrian Alans arrived in Pantikapaion, commanded by her relatives or other noblemen. The tamgas point to the presence of three families related to one clan (the trident-shaped element in the tamgas). Those Alans could act as a retinue for the bride of the king, or their arrival was fixed among the terms of the marriage contract. After his wedding Rhoimetalkes found a reasonable use for this military unit. Some of them he settled in Panticapaion (which is testified by finds of bronze belt tips with tamgas from the necropolis), another group headed by representatives of three noble families he sent to Tanais, to ensure the Н. В. Завойкина 74 defensive power of the city which had suffered in the middle of the 2nd century. Later, in the reign of Sauromates II or Rhescuporis II some members of these families came to Gorgippia, possibly also to improve its military power. In the reign of Sauromates II these people rose to high offices in Phanagoria and Hermonassa. Their participation in the private associations of the cities was one of the ways allowing non-citizens to penetrate within local urban societies. In Phanagoria and especially in Gorgippia as well as in Tanais the descendants of Alanian warriors in the 2nd or the 3rd generation figure as members of private associations. Their names are already included in the lists of citizens. In this case they are not necessarily noblemen but ordinary warriors. Marriage ties with the Bosporan elite helped to obtain citizenship. It could explain the burial of two Sarmatian warriors (judging by their tamgas) in the crypts of aristocratic families of Gorgippia. The activity of Alanian nobles and their relatives ensured the confirmation of their position in military, political and administrative life of the Bosporan kingdom beginning the 2nd half of the 2nd century AD.
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Uslu, Kamil. „Strategic Resource Oil and Terror Relationship“. In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c12.02428.

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The September 11 events provided an opportunity for the US administration, initiating strong policies to better understand the region. It also reminded the world of America's political-military control capacity. The terrorist attacks on September 11 were not a real surprise. Indeed, 9/11 looked like the wild fantasies they needed to justify a new military role developed by American strategic analysts and military and intelligence planners. Terrorism is intended to intimidate or coerce individuals, societies or governments by a person or an organized group with the threat of threat or use of force. Terrorism is an illegal act, usually for ideological or political reasons. Oil is not an object, but also contains many positives and negatives. Turkey is a neighbor with its geopolitical position as the world's proven oil and natural gas reserves, with three-quarters of the country. It takes part in many important projects, including a natural "Energy Center" between the energy-rich Caspian, Central Asian, Middle Eastern countries and consumer markets in Europe. It supports these projects. As long as the strategic resource, oil and scarce brand are available, terrorism will not end. political instability in the oil belt of countries in the immediate vicinity of Turkey brings many disadvantages. This situation also adversely affect the Turkish economy, itself non-threatening terrorism and conflict of interest due to the large states to support terrorism in Turkey has led to more cautious.
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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Middle eastern conflicts"

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Vuksanovic, Vuk. The Spillover Effect: The Gaza Conflict and Potential Ramifications to the Western Balkans. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP), Januar 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/wfpm5307.

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This report outlines potential security and geopolitical risks for the Western Balkans stemming from the war in Gaza. While none of these security challenges are inevitable, they are possible. Depending on whether the conflict in Gaza continues in its current form or whether it escalates in intensity and number of the belligerents, there are at least three potential ramifications for the Western Balkans. The first concerns the potential radicalisation in the local Muslim communities involving anti-Semitism and acts of violence that could disrupt harmony between local religious communities. The second concerns the risk that if the conflict expands to engulf Iran and Hezbollah and potentially other regional actors, there is a risk that this security rivalry between Middle Eastern players like Israel and Iran will spread to the Western Balkans. Thirdly, depending on the geographical scope and duration of the conflict, there is a potentially high risk of a new refugee crisis impacting the region.
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Afkhami, Shirin, und Máté Szalai. Evaluating the current state of the Saudi-Iranian reconciliation. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.74.

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The article aims at assessing the current state of Saudi-Iranian relations and the reconciliation process taking place between the two Middle Eastern countries since 2021 by overviewing the main factors both on the domestic and international levels which can serve as either incentives for cooperation or obstacles. In the domestic realm, economic considerations are the primary drivers for both governments to get closer to each other. Regionally, the Yemeni conflict, Lebanese domestic politics, as well as the Iranian nuclear question are the most important issues affecting the process. In themselves, these factors are not enough to directly lead to a break-through in negotiations, which is why the reconciliation between Iran and Saudi Arabia continues to be unstable and uneven.
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