Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Local Government Commission of Inquiry“
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1
Wallis, Joe, Tor Brodtkorb und Brian Dollery. „Advancing commission scholarship by inferring leadership legacy motivations from commission reports: The case of Sir Michael Lyons“. Public Policy and Administration 33, Nr. 2 (09.04.2017): 216–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076717699261.
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This article contributes to commission scholarship by exploring how and why chairs use their reports to shape their leadership legacies. It distinguishes two types of legacy – fiduciary and expressive – that chairs shape through their reports. The expressive legacy of the chair can be shaped through judgements about the scope of stakeholder engagement and agenda adjustment that generate four types of leadership identity: conservator, consolidator, advocate and catalyst. We explore the particular ways in which the chair of the Lyons Inquiry into Local Government in the UK used his three reports to shape his legacy. Through his distinctive integration of historical and contemporary perspectives into a leading vision for local government, he expressed a consolidator identity with his short-term recommendations and a catalytic identity with his far-reaching envisioning of the institutional space within which a greater place-shaping role for local government could be established.
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Morris, R. J. „Reading the riot commission: Belfast, 1857“. Irish Historical Studies 43, Nr. 164 (November 2019): 194–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.50.
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AbstractThe year 1857 saw the first of the great riot commissions which provided much source material for Belfast history. It should be read as a continuation of the street conflict of that summer. Careful reading shows the skill with which the weak Catholic/Liberal alliance of the city managed the flow of witnesses and the naiveté of the Orange/Protestant lawyers. The Catholic/Liberal side ‘won’ the inquiry, achieving their aim of convincing the Dublin government that the local police force was ineffective if not sectarian and that Orange Order culture and evangelical street preaching was responsible for the disorder. Practical outcomes were limited. Resources were limited due to demands in other parts of Ireland and the process of taking first-class troops from Ireland to deal with the Indian mutiny. Considered in light of theories of ‘civil society’, the court was a means of countering the imperfections of representative government. Considered in the context of Ireland as a whole, events demonstrated the weakness of the Dublin authorities, their ignorance of Belfast and the importance of the resident magistrate. Much was concealed from the inquiry. The following months revealed evidence of an active Ribbon-style organisation, and the animosity of the local police and the constabulary. Attention to working class sectarianism diverted attention from elite failure to manage the class relationships of a fractured civil society.
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Khoury-Bisharat, Hala. „The Unintended Consequences of the Goldstone Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights Organizations in Israel“. European Journal of International Law 30, Nr. 3 (August 2019): 877–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chz044.
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Abstract Scholarly writings on internationally constituted commissions of inquiry (COIs), as outlined in the introduction to this symposium, give inadequate attention to the effects that they might have on local disputes that these bodies are often created to address. The United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict (2009), popularly known as the Goldstone Commission, had unintended and unforeseen consequences at the domestic level. Specifically, the Commission caused a severe backlash against human rights organizations in Israel (IsHROs). This article analyses the backlash against the Commission and the effect of that backlash on human rights organizations and human rights advocacy in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory in the first few years after the release of the Goldstone report. This case study reveals how a government can use a COI intervention in an ongoing conflict to deflect criticism against it and to delegitimize local human rights organizations and, as a result, to intensify enemy–friend dynamics within a conflict. The findings of this case study thus challenge the assumption of much of the socio-legal literature that the interaction of international human rights institutions with domestic actors leads to positive human rights change. But the case study also adds a new dimension to the academic and policy literature that has been critical of the international human rights enterprise in recent years. Despite delegitimization campaigns, international funding has increased for many IsHROs, and, eventually, some groups have become even more visible and have enjoyed, internationally, a higher reputation and greater credibility. The Commission’s experience thus demonstrates that the establishment of COIs in deeply divided conflict societies can have negative, as well as positive, implications on human rights.
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Carroll, Jeffrey. „One study, four cities: information impact in neighborhood economic development“. Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 14, Nr. 4 (03.07.2020): 663–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-07-2019-0070.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to create a theory on how a commissioned study impacts the decision-making of local government officials. Design/methodology/approach This study uses comparative case studies via the “Knowledge Cycle,” which is a method of examining information use for four distinct decision-making environments’ development (Baltimore, Maryland; Louisville, Kentucky; Detroit, Michigan; and Tampa, Florida). Findings This study reports significance in three factors that may explain information impact: the presence of an “information champion” who directs the application of the study toward initiatives that are important to them, the length of time that one can use information before it becomes outdated and the ability to use the study to spur dialogue with development stakeholders outside of local government. Research limitations/implications The limitation to this study is that it is limited to the observation of a specific population (local government economic development bureaucrats) and their use of a specific package of information. The debate is open to whether the findings of this study are relevant to actors using other types of information within other levels of government and within other fields of inquiry. Practical implications Advances in information technology and the proliferation of data intermediaries who can use sophisticated analysis warrant the understanding how government officials interact with the studies that they commission. Originality/value To date, there are few studies that have examined how a singular package of information is used in multiple decision-making environments. This paper adds to this dearth of scholarship while creating theory to how and why local decision-makers may use information.
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Manji, Ambreena. „The grabbed state: lawyers, politics and public land in Kenya“. Journal of Modern African Studies 50, Nr. 3 (September 2012): 467–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000201.
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ABSTRACTIn 2002, Kenya's new National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) undertook to investigate and ensure the recovery of all public lands illegally allocated by the outgoing government. A Commission of Inquiry into the Illegal and Irregular Allocation of Public Land, chaired by the lawyer Paul Ndung'u, was appointed. The commission's report sets out the illegal land awards made to powerful individuals and families, provides important information about the mechanisms by which public land was misallocated, and shows how the doctrine that public land should be administered and allocated ‘in the public interest’ was consistently perverted. This paper explores what the Ndung'u report tells us about the role of the legal profession in the illegal and irregular misallocation of public land. It makes clear that the legal profession, far from upholding the rule of law, has played a central role in land corruption, using its professional skills and networks to accumulate personal wealth for itself and others. This stands in contrast to the role of the legal profession in promoting good governance and the rule of law envisaged by donors of international development aid. This paper focuses on ‘local’ land grabbing, and argues that the ‘global land grab’ or ‘investor rush’ needs to be understood alongside local manifestations of land privatisation.
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Yates, J. „Equalisation and Cash Limits: A View from Down Under“. Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, Nr. 2 (Juni 1987): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050137.
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In this paper, the similarities in and differences between the UK and Australian systems of allocating central government grants to local government are used to evaluate the equalisation methodologies employed in each country. In the analytical framework used, fiscal disability is measured vis-à-vis the most advantaged authority. The extent of the horizontal equalisation which occurs is shown to depend on whether this most advantaged authority receives a positive, zero, or negative per capita grant. It is concluded that in the United Kingdom, under the post 1981 unitary block-grant system, a deficiency principle or sequential approach to equalisation has been continued. In Australia, if the recommendations of the 1985 national inquiry are implemented by the local government grants commissions, the equalisation methodology employed by them will imitate the UK approach. It will thus ensure that maximum support is provided to the most disadvantaged authorities, given the constraints imposed on total funds available for equalisation.
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Manapsal, Jessie D. „Democracy and Martial Law in the Philippines: A Misconception that Leads to Misinformed Citizenry“. Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 1, Nr. 1 (31.01.2019): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2019.1.1.3.
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The most precious among all the rights and freedom accorded to a human is the right not to be restraint by anyone, including the State. When there are restrictions to a person, the presumption always ends up in violation of these rights accorded under the fundamental law and the law of the United Nations. The objective of the study is to inquire into the true intention of democracy and martial rule if they are inconsistent or one of them is really a tool to keep one’s rights and freedom, or there is only one that should exist, and they may not be both exist in one system, meaning the existence of one is nigh and in contrast with the other. Specifically, it aims to discuss the following: What is the meaning of Democracy and Martial law? What are the effects of Martial Law in a Democratic system of government? Why do people fear Martial Law? What are the instances of the declaration of Martial Law? Is Martial Law a means or tool or a system of government? The study will present the legal bases of Democracy and Martial Law through the available data, primarily government documents. The scope of the research concentrates on the laws and policies affecting the government and the people to compare and analyze through the records and jurisprudence. A case study is appropriate for this study because researchers have used the case study research method for many years across a variety of disciplines. Social scientists, in particular, have made wide use of this qualitative research method to examine contemporary real-life situations and provide the basis for the application of ideas and extension of methods. The study pointed to the fact that the people must be informed of the effects and benefits of martial law through government agencies and the media. The local government must also do martial law education for their constituents and by utilizing the barangays. The Dept. of National Defense, The Dept. of Interior and Local Government and the Commission on Human Rights must come out with a clear handbook or guidelines about the effects of martial law on the people. The Dept. of Education and the Commission on Higher Education must devise a curriculum or subject that tackles and discusses martial law effects.
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Hendry, Anne, Stefania Ilinca, Sarah Harper, Julia Wadoux und Liesbeth De Donder. „Reimagining long term care in Europe“. International Journal of Integrated Care 23, S1 (28.12.2023): 508. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/ijic.icic23695.
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Introduction: This 90 minute workshop will be a collaboration between IFICs Ageing and Frailty SIG, Age Platform Europe and a group of experts who supported the government of Bizkaia in developing an empowerment model for long-term care.
The session will interest policy makers, researchers, advocates, patients, carers and professionals who plan, commission, fund, provide or regulate long-term care.
The European Care Strategy sets out an EU vision on a rights based approach to long-term care with a co-production and preventative approach. It calls for a social protection model for financing care to make it accessible to all. It emphasises the need to integrate and coordinate health and social care, to invest in innovative solutions to improve care and working conditions and to build capacity and skills of the care workforce. The strategy publication coincided with the launch of a report by the Bizkaia council, AGE Platform Europe and a group of European academic experts. The Bay of Care report calls for a stronger commitment to a rights-based approach to long-term care. It proposes a more holistic view of older people’s well-being and quality of life with their goals and preferences central to the design of long term care within a person-centred and integrated system. The model takes a life-course approach to healthy ageing and both gender and social equity.
Structure: Welcome and Scene setting - 20 minutes. Participants will hear short summaries of the EU Care Strategy; WHO Europe’s Framework to support countries to achieve an integrated continuum of long term care; and the Bay of Care Long-Term Care Empowerment Model.
Facilitated world café style discussion in small groups - 60 minutes:
Each table will host a discussion on the accelerators of the Long-Term Care Empowerment model:
Implement multi-dimensional assessment and a person centred approach
Universal access to care and ensure integration and continuity of care
Improve workforce planning and assure quality of care
Combat ageism and elder abuse and support families and communities
Participants will rotate tables to reflect and discuss on what these accelerators mean for their own system in the context of local social and environmental factors, culture, gender and generational norms.
Inquiry questions to prompt discussion include:
How should governance, finance and accountability be organised at national, regional and local levels?
What enables meaningful co-design by citizens, communities and care providers together?
How can we ensure strong horizontal integration between primary care, community providers, public health and local communities?
How can we strengthen integrated workforce planning to address workforce challenges?
Facilitators will summarise the discussion to date and invite each new group to add insights and highlight tools and good practices relating to each theme.
Wrap up – 10 minutes: Participants will be invited to identify actions they can take within their own system and through collaboration with relevant international SIGs and policy forums to make an empowerment model of long term care a reality.
Actions and gaps will inform the SIG workplan and future sessions of the WHO Europe LTC forum.
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Lewis, Colleen. „The Criminal Justice Commission: A Political Football?“ Queensland Review 4, Nr. 2 (Oktober 1997): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001495.
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Queensland's Fitzgerald Inquiry was expected to last six weeks. It ran for two years (1987–1989). The inquiry was established to look at suspected police misconduct. It ended up exposing vertical corruption and widespread abuse of power in the Police Force; a less than arms-length relationship between police and the National Party government which contributed to the lack of effective police accountability processes; other official misconduct by non-police public servants; and political dishonesty and corruption.
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Self, P. „Federalism and Australian Local Government: Reflections upon the National Inquiry into Local Government Finance“. Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, Nr. 2 (Juni 1987): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050123.
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In 1984 the Hawke Government appointed a National Inquiry to review the federal revenue-sharing grants for local government introduced eight years previously, and to propose desirable aims and a basis for future federal support. Australian local government is on a small scale and closely under the control of state governments; federal support raises complex issues of intergovernmental relations. In this paper, the wide-ranging Report of Inquiry, and its political outcome, are related to basic issues about federal-state relations and the rationale and extent of federal interventions. In particular, the Australian experience is interesting for its attempts at combining vertical redistribution of revenue with ambitious and detailed equalisation policies, financed at federal level but administered by independent state agencies.
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Wrigley, Neil, Julia Branson, Andrew Murdock und Graham Clarke. „Extending the Competition Commission's Findings on Entry and Exit of Small Stores in British High Streets: Implications for Competition and Planning Policy“. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 41, Nr. 9 (01.01.2009): 2063–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a41326.
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The Competition Commission's analysis in 2007 of entry and exit conditions among small stores across more than one thousand British high streets provided a landmark piece of research on a topic in which debate and policy recommendations had moved significantly, and arguably dangerously, ahead of the available evidence base. Within a general context of a continuing long-term decline of specialist small stores in British town centres and high streets, it cast considerable doubt on the popularly held view that a broad-based decline of the independent convenience store sector was taking place across the UK, or that Britain's high streets were experiencing an accelerating decline in their small and specialist stores. Additionally, and even more controversially, the Commission's analysis was able to demonstrate that competitive entry by larger format corporate food retailing was not inevitably and uniformly associated with negative impacts on the small store sector. It is known that the Commission's research was paralleled by an identical analysis conducted on behalf of one of the main parties to the Groceries Market Inquiry by the University of Southampton. The first component of the Southampton analysis, which both corroborated and extended the Commission's findings, is available in the public domain. This paper now presents the second component of the Southampton analysis, which similarly both corroborates but also extends the vitally important ‘conditional entry’ dimension of the Commission's research—focusing directly on the extent to which entry into the small store sector during the early to mid 2000s might have been constrained by, and exit from the sector accelerated by, the competitive impacts of larger format foodstore openings by the major corporate retailers. The paper shows: (a) that there is an important missing regional dimension within the Commission's analysis, and (b) that entry and exit into the small store sector in the UK during 2000–06 was constrained and/or accelerated by the competitive impacts of supermarket opening in a different fashion within ‘London and prospering southern England’ than elsewhere in the country. That is to say, in the region of the UK in which arguments about the threat of corporate retail to the diversity of the small store sector had often proved particularly heated, the Southampton analysis shows small shops in town centres and high streets to have been more robust to the competitive opening of larger format corporate foodstores than elsewhere in the UK. In that context, the paper suggests that the findings represent an ‘inconvenient truth’ which deserves consideration both in policy debate and in future processes of planning regulation reform. Discussion of the relevance of the findings in respect of the proposed changes to Planning Policy Statement 6 released for consultation by the Department for Communities and Local Government in July 2008 is presented.
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Tuckey, Wilson. „Inquiry into Local Government Responsibilities and Funding“. Australian Journal of Public Administration 61, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2002): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8500.00294.
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Travers, Tony. „The Audit Commission on London Local Government“. Political Quarterly 58, Nr. 3 (Juli 1987): 330–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1987.tb00747.x.
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Hansen, Patricia, und Frank Ainsworth. „Report of the Special Commission of Inquiry into Child Protection Services in New South Wales (the Wood Report): A review and commentary“. Children Australia 34, Nr. 2 (2009): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200000602.
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The Wood Report is the product of a Special Commission of Inquiry into Child Protection Services in NSW that was set up in June 2006 and reported in November 2008. In March 2009, the NSW Government published a response to the report, ‘Keep them safe: A shared approach to child wellbeing’. The NSW Parliament in April 2009 also passed the Children Legislation Amendment (Wood Inquiry Recommendations) Act 2009 with little debate. This legislation has introduced many of Justice Wood's recommendations and has enacted other changes that were not included in the Commission of Inquiry report. While many of the amendments are welcome, there is cause for concern about the likely consequences of some of the new provisions.
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Mooney, C., und D. Farrier. „A micro case study of the legal and administrative arrangements for river health in the Kangaroo River (NSW)“. Water Science and Technology 45, Nr. 11 (01.06.2002): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2002.0391.
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Kangaroo Valley is a drinking water supply catchment for Kangaroo Valley village, parts of the Southern Highlands and Sydney. It is also a popular recreation area both for swimming and canoeing. Land use has traditionally been dominated by dairy farming but there has been significant and continuing development of land for hobby farms and rural residential subdivision. Dairy industry restructuring has affected the viability of some farms in the Valley and created additional pressure for subdivision. River health is a function of flows, water quality, riparian vegetation, geomorphology and aquatic habitat and riverine biota. River flows in the Kangaroo River are affected by water extraction and storage for urban water supply and extraction by commercial irrigators and riparian land holders which have a significant impact at low flows. Current water quality often does not meet ANZECC Guidelines for primary contact and recreation and the river is a poor source of raw drinking water. Key sources of contaminants are wastewater runoff from agriculture, and poorly performing on-site sewage management systems. Riparian vegetation, which is critical to the maintenance of in-stream ecosystems suffers from uncontrolled stock access and weed infestation. The management of land use and resulting diffuse pollution sources is critical to the long term health of the river. The Healthy Rivers Commission of New South Wales Independent Inquiry into the Shoalhaven River System Final Report July, 1999 found that the longer term protection of the health of the Kangaroo River is contingent upon achievement of patterns of land use that have regard to land capability and also to the capability of the river to withstand the impacts of inappropriate or poorly managed land uses. This micro case study of Kangaroo Valley examines the complex legal and administrative arrangements with particular reference to the management of diffuse pollution for river health. In the past, diffuse pollution has fallen through the gaps in legislation and its administration. Although water pollution legislation is broad enough to embrace diffuse pollution, in practice the Environment Protection Authority has focused on regulating point sources. Water legislation has traditionally been concerned with issues of water quantity rather than water quality. Legislation which allows agency intervention in relation to land degradation has grown from soil conservation roots, neglecting the flow-on effects upon water quality. Under the land use planning system existing land uses are protected from new regulatory requirements. A number of recent developments in NSW law and its administration have set the scene for addressing this past neglect. Water planning provisions in the Water Management Act 2000 have the potential to enable community based Water Management Committees to move away from a narrow focus on water quantity to the broader issues of river health, including water quality. Improved management of on-site sewage management systems is expected as a result of the Local Government (Approvals) Amendment (Sewage Management Regulation) 1998. A draft Regional Environmental Plan prepared for the Sydney Catchment Authority aims to improve the assessment of new development in terms of its impact on drinking water quality. It also moves away from an exclusive concern with controlling new development towards grappling with existing uses. Proposed amendments to the Environmental Planning and Assessment Act, 1979 as detailed in the White Paper, Plan First (2001) include the integration of imperatives derived from catchment strategies and water management plans into local land use plans.
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Fitch, Jerry. „Community and Local Government Re-Organisation“. Teaching Public Administration 14, Nr. 1 (März 1994): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014473949401400106.
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The Local Government Commission for England has already reported on its proposals for re-organisation of the fitst tranche of local authorities that it is due to consider. The government envisages that the Commission should complete its review of the remainder of the country by the end of 1994. This paper looks at the ways in which the concept of “community” has been used in the debate on a unitary structure for local government. The author argues that attempts to equate administrative efficiency in the delivery of services with “community identity” are seriously flawed, and that there is an underlying political agenda behind the introduction of this concept in the first place.
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Miecznikowska-Jerzak, Justyna. „Mechanizmy kontroli władzy ustawodawczej nad rządem federalnym w Austrii. Rola i funkcje komisji śledczych Rady Narodowej“. Studia Politologiczne, Nr. 4/2023(70) (20.12.2023): 331–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2023.70.17.
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The paper aims to present the legal tools used by the Austrian legislature to exert control over the federal government and its members, particularly the role of the commission of inquiry and its position in the system. The assumed research hypothesis is that the scope and efficiency of legislative oversight of the executive in Austria have increased due to the strengthened position of the parliamentary minority. The key factor was the 2014 Constitutional Amendment allowing the opposition to propose issuing a commission of inquiry at the National Council. The paper consists of four parts. First, it describes the instruments of political control the Austrian parliament has at its disposal. Next, it analyses the application of the individual supervisory tools at the National Council in the years 2006–2021. The third part presents the procedure for issuing a commission of inquiry and its powers. The reflections are concluded by an analysis of the hitherto existing commissions of inquiry in the Second Republic in terms of their frequency, the scope of inquiry, proponents, and the duration and intensity of their work. The paper also seeks to answer the questions of the scrutiny potential of the National Council, the importance of commissions of inquiry in system practice in Austria and the possible political consequences of the changes to how the parliamentary commissions of inquiry are issued and how they function.
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Varfolomeev, Yu V. „Case M. Baylis in the Materials Extraordinary Inquiry Commission of Provisional Governmen“. Izvestiya of Saratov University. Economics. Management. Law 12, Nr. 1 (2012): 101–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1994-2540-2012-12-1-101-105.
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The article reviews the work of one of the investigative unit of the Extraordinary Inquiry Commission of Provisional Government t to investigate «illegal actions of senior officials in the criminal case of Mendel Bailis».
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Mueller, Anna, und Jadranka Skorin-Kapov. „Business and Local Government: Prevention of Unethical Conduct“. Journal of Business Ethics Education 20 (2023): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jbee20232012.
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The case describes the developments of an ethics code observed in the local government of Suffolk County, New York, USA. In Suffolk County, there is now a dedicated Board of Ethics Agency (“Board”) within the local government to ensure that business operations and government operations run as ethically compliant as possible. This Board was created in 2012 in order to follow compliance with a law that established a replacement for the Ethics Commission (previously existing within Suffolk County) because this Ethics Commission had been involved in a serious controversy. The former County Executive, Steve Levy, was found guilty of compromising the “integrity of an ethics commission”. Suffolk County government prescribed various measures in order to ensure that the citizens of Suffolk County were protected from business ethical violations. The Board also preemptively created laws that discouraged businesses from acting unethically.
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Graham, Nsiegbe, Davies Emmanuel Opuene und Owhonda Ruwhuoma. „Public Sector Corruption and Local Government Administration in Rivers State Local Government Service Commission, 2009 – 2019“. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND MANAGEMENT RESEARCH 8, Nr. 2 (30.09.2022): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.56201/ijssmr.v8.no2.2022.pg70.89.
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Corruption in the public sector has become the key factor eroding good governance and developmental aspirations of many countries of Africa in general and Nigeria in particular. This paper examined the effect of public sector corruption on local government administration in the Rivers State Local Government Service Commission (RSLGSC), between 2009 – 2019. The paper adopted the structural-functionalist theory as its analytical framework and relied on data generated via a four (4) Point Likert Scale Structured Questionnaire. 170 respondents representing the sample size of the paper was derived from a population of 295 staff of the RSLGSC using the Taro Yamane formula. The paper employed a survey research approach. Generated quantitative data was analyzed using tables and simple percentage and statistical method, while the proposition was tested using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS 21.0 data output). The paper reveals that there is a nexus between public sector corruption and poor local government administration and that these have hampered greatly the performance of most local government in Rivers State. Also, the paper revealed that the prevalent executive and administrative rascality, looting of public funds and other corrupt practices that pervade the RSLGSC is responsible for irregular staff promotion and unmerited staff recruitment going in the commission. As such, the paper recommends amongst others that; the commission as a governmental structure should be proactive and exercise the needed political will that is required to formulate and implement internal administrative policies and procedures that will reduce fraud and illegal practices.
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Park, Jung Ae. „Inquiry of the League of Nations into Traffic in Asian Women and Colonial Joseon: The Response by the Japanese Government and Colony Invisibilization“. Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 87 (31.08.2023): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2023.87.35.
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The first objective of this paper is to examine the roles played by the Government-General of Joseon, one of the colonial powers, in the process of the Japanese government’s response to the League of Nations’ Commission of Inquiry into Traffic in Women and Children in the East.
On the one hand, the modern state-regulated prostitution system in Japan shows different aspects depending on the time, region, and political characteristics of the region within the sphere of influence called ‘the Empire,’ but existing studies have a tendency to neglect this fact. This negligence intersects with the methods of history denialists who deny the damages caused by ‘state-regulated prostitution’ and ‘comfort women.’ Substantial truths can be concealed amid the ‘authorized ignorance and strategic disregard’ of historical facts.
The second objective of this paper is to reveal that such an attitude, which causes difficulty in discussing the historical character of the state-regulated prostitution system and the ‘comfort women’ system of the Japanese army, is shown by the inquiry of Japan by the League of Nations’ Commission and the response of the Japanese government. In other words, it is a contemplation on how the Commission of Inquiry, the Japanese government, and the Government-General of Joseon invisibilized the colonial state-regulated prostitution system, which was strongly associated with human trafficking even compared with Japan. This paper aims to disclose the fact that while Japan struggled to gain recognition in the international society as a late-starting imperialist nation, it steered away from the human trafficking problem of Japanese colonies from an imperialist point of view.
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Spencer-Lane, Tim. „Safeguarding the public by regulating health and social care professionals: lessons from Mid-Staffordshire and the Law Commission review“. Journal of Adult Protection 16, Nr. 1 (04.02.2014): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jap-06-2013-0024.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to consider the final report of the Mid Staffordshire NHS Foundation Trust Public Inquiry and the Law Commissions’ review of health and social care professional regulation – and how these will impact on the professional regulation bodies. Design/methodology/approach – Summary and discussion of the relevant recommendations made by the Mid Staffordshire NHS Foundation Trust Public Inquiry and the initial Government response, and consultation responses to the Law Commissions’ provisional proposals for law reform of health and social care professional regulation. Findings – Future legislation is likely to be based on the recommendations of the Mid Staffordshire NHS Foundation Trust Public Inquiry and the Law Commissions. Originality/value – Overview of the Mid Staffordshire NHS Foundation Trust Public Inquiry and the initial Government response, and consultation responses to the Law Commissions.
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WILSON, DAVID J. „THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT COMMISSION: EXAMINING THE CONSULTATIVE PROCESS“. Public Administration 74, Nr. 2 (Juni 1996): 199–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1996.tb00866.x.
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Rallings, Colin, und Michael Thrasher. „The impact of local government electoral systems: Some thoughts for the local government commission“. Local Government Studies 18, Nr. 2 (Juni 1992): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003939208433620.
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Adityanatha, I. Gusti Ngurah. „Kajian Yuridis Hak Angket Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Terhadap Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (Dikaji dari Perspektif Hukum Tata Negara)“. Acta Comitas 4, Nr. 1 (30.04.2019): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/ac.2019.v04.i01.p13.
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The House of Representatives as a legislative commission has the privilege of being a right of inquiry in order to run a system of government that is check and balances. With regard to the right of inquiry The House of Representatives to The Corruption Eradication Commission, it is feared to be used as a means to influence and interfere with The Corruption Eradication Commission, even weaken the role of The Corruption Eradication Commission as an independent institution free from any influence of power. Regarding the formulation of the problem in this scientific research is, how the position of The Corruption Eradication Commission in the constitutional system in Indonesia as an independent institution? and whether The House of Representatives may use the right of inquiry to The Corruption Eradication Commission? The type of research used in this scientific research is normative legal research. The Corruption Eradication Commission is an independent state commission in Indonesia that is outside the realm of the three original powers of executive, legislative, and judicial (trias potilica) in the state administration system in Indonesia, so that The Corruption Eradication Commission can not be subject to the right of inquiry by The House of Representatives. It is also reinforced by the subject of a limited questionnaire on the implementation of a law and / or government policy carried out solely by The President, Vice President, State Minister, Commander of the Indonesian National Army, the Chief of the Indonesian National Police, the Attorney General, or the non-ministerial government agencies.
Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat sebagai lembaga legislatif memiliki hak istimewa yakni hak angket dalam rangka menjalankan sistem pemerintahan yang bersifat check and balances. Terkait dengan hak angket terhadap Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, dikhawatirkan digunakan sebagai sarana untuk mempengaruhi dan mengintervensi Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, bahkan dapat melemahkan peran Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi sebagai lembaga independen dan bebas dari pengaruh kekuasaan manapun. Mengenai rumusan masalah dalam karya ilmiah ini yaitu, bagaimanakah kedudukan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi dalam sistem ketatanegaraan di Indonesia sebagai lembaga independen? dan apakah Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dapat menggunakan hak angket terhadap Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi? Jenis penelitian yang digunakan pada karya ilmiah ini adalah penelitian hukum normatif. Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi merupakan komisi negara independen di Indonesia yang berada di luar ranah tiga poros kekuasaan asli yaitu eksekutif, legislatif, dan yudisial (trias potilica) dalam sistem ketatanegaraan di Indonesia, sehingga Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi tidak dapat dijadikan subjek dari hak angket oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Hal tersebut juga diperkuat dengan subjek dari hak angket yang terbatas pada pelaksanaan suatu undang-undang dan/atau kebijakan pemerintah yang dilaksanakan sendiri oleh Presiden, Wakil Presiden, Menteri Negara, Panglima Tentara Nasional Indonesia, Kepala Kepolisian Negara Republik Indonesia, Jaksa Agung, atau pimpinan lembaga pemerintah non-kementerian.
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Etim, Unyime Okon, Christabel D. Brownson und Ubong Augustine Akpaetor. „Organizational Politics: Scarcity of Resources, Employee’s Personality & Employee’s Diversity“. Global Journal of Human Resource Management 11, Nr. 3 (15.03.2023): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjhrm.2013/vol11n32741.
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Employees of different backgrounds are employed to help achieve corporate objectives. The complexities that exist among these employees are expected to be effectively managed through proper organizational political practices. As such, this study examines the relationship between organizational politics and employee’s diversity in Akwa Ibom State Local Government Service Commission. Using a survey research design, 118 employees of the commission were examined and the findings revealed that scarcity of resources has positive and significant relationship with employees’ diversity in Akwa Ibom State Local Government Service Commission (r = 0.614, p<0.000); and employee’s Personality has positive and significant relationship with employees’ diversity in Akwa Ibom State Local Government Service Commission (r = 0.662, p<0.000). It was concluded that organizational politics has positive and significant relationship with employees’ diversity in Akwa Ibom State Local Government Service Commission. It was recommended that top level managers in the commission should encourage fair and equitable practices in the organization as this would help to lessen high political practices among the employees.
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Friedland, Lewis A. „Taking It to the States: The Origins of Critical Information Needs“. ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 707, Nr. 1 (Mai 2023): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162231208301.
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This article provides a firsthand account of research conducted for the Federal Communications Commission in connection with its inquiry into communities’ critical information needs and how well they were being met by local news and information sources. I detail the industry and political pressures brought to bear in opposition to that inquiry and the extent to which opposition to this kind of research undermines the development of prosocial local information ecologies. Finally, I discuss what can be done to develop research in this vein and shore up local information needs.
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Helal, Mohamed S. „Two Seas Apart: An Account of the Establishment, Operation and Impact of the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI)“. European Journal of International Law 30, Nr. 3 (August 2019): 903–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chz045.
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Abstract The Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) was established to investigate the civil unrest that occurred in Bahrain during February and March 2011. This article employs qualitative empirical techniques to provide an account of the impact of the commission during three periods: (i) the period of the establishment of the commission; (ii) the five-month period of the commission’s presence in Bahrain; and (iii) the period following the submission of the commission’s report. The establishment of BICI was part of a government strategy to deflate domestic political tension and deflect international opprobrium in the aftermath of the crackdown on anti-government protestors in March 2011. Reformists within the government, especially Bahrain’s King Hamad, also hoped to utilize the report as a catalyst for implementing political reforms. The establishment of the BICI contributed to reducing the severity of the criticism directed at Bahrain from foreign governments, international organizations and domestic opposition actors. This article also describes the intercessions undertaken by the BICI on behalf of the victims of human rights abuses during its presence and operation in Bahrain and identifies some of the reforms that were recommended by the commission and executed by the Government of Bahrain during that period. Finally, this article examines the impact of the BICI following the submission of its report. It argues that, despite undertaking some positive institutional and administrative reforms, the Government of Bahrain has failed to fully implement the commission’s recommendations, especially those relating to holding those responsible for human rights abuses accountable. The article concludes that the failure of the BICI to make a substantial difference, especially in the area of accountability, is reflective of a general lack of political will to undertake the comprehensive reforms necessary to address the systemic sources of popular discontent that fuelled the 2011 protests.
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Bowerman, Mary, und Shirley Hawksworth. „Local government internal auditors’ perceptions of the Audit Commission“. Managerial Auditing Journal 14, Nr. 8 (November 1999): 396–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/02686909910301466.
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Kelly, Josie. „The Audit Commission: guiding, steering and regulating local government“. Public Administration 81, Nr. 3 (September 2003): 459–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9299.00356.
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Potoski, Matthew. „State and Local Government Procurement and the Winter Commission“. Public Administration Review 68 (21.10.2008): S58—S69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6210.2008.00979.x.
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Radford, Mike. „Auditing for Change: Local Government and the Audit Commission“. Modern Law Review 54, Nr. 6 (November 1991): 912–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2230.1991.tb01857.x.
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AKPOLO Rowland Bodiseowei und ODIRI, Vincent, I.O. „Employee Engagement and Organisational Commitment in Nigeria: Does it Matters for Local Government Service Commission?“ Journal of Business and Management Studies 5, Nr. 1 (01.01.2023): 01–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jbms.2023.5.1.1.
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In the human resource literature, employee engagement and organisational commitment are very vital elements that propel organizational commitment, hence the need to empirically investigate if employee engagement matters for the organizational commitment of the local government service commission in Nigeria. The study was built on the social exchange and job demand-resources theories. A cross-sectional survey design and a sample size of three hundred and ninety-six (396) employees of the local government service commission were employed. The study used four (4) dimensions of employee engagement such as organizational learning, communication, leadership and job empowerment. Data obtained were analysed using simple percentages, frequency counts and Pearson correlation. The Pearson correlation results indicated that all four (4) dimensions of employee engagement employed in the study had a strong positive and significant relationship with organizational commitment. Impliedly, we contended that employee engagement matters for the organizational commitment of the local government service commission in Nigeria. Among others, it was recommended that the local government service commission should promote an effective learning environment, communication culture, and leadership and empower employees’ in-order to improve staff commitment to the council.
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Weyland, Kurt. „The Rise and Fall of President Collar and its Impact on Brazilian Democracy“. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 35, Nr. 1 (1993): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166101.
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In May 1992, Pedro Collor de Mello accused his brother and then-president of Brazil, Fernando Collor de Mello, of involvement in an extensive corruption scheme operated and directed by his former campaign manager, Paulo César Farias. Pressured by opposition forces, the Brazilian Congress set up a commission of inquiry to investigate the widely publicized charges. Despite a combination of both passive resistance and active harassment on the part of government, the commission began a searching probe into Farias' diverse and shady dealings. Following leads uncovered by investigative journalists, the commission found conclusive evidence that Farias had, indeed, paid for many of the president's personal expenses, up to and including a $2.5 million landscaping job for the Collor mansion grounds. Much of this money came from the private enterprise sector in return for favors, like government contracts, which Farias was able to obtain by using his influence with the Collor administration.
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Stanton, Kim. „Looking Forward, Looking Back: The Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry“. Canadian journal of law and society 27, Nr. 1 (April 2012): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjls.27.1.081.
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AbstractWhen we talk about truth and reconciliation commissions, we are accustomed to speaking of “transitional justice” mechanisms used in emerging democracies addressing histories of grave injustices. Public inquiries are usually the state response to past injustice in the Canadian context. The Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) is the result of a legal settlement agreement involving the government, representatives of indigenous peoples who attended residential schools for a period lasting more than a century, and the churches that operated those schools. Residential schools have been addressed in a series of public inquiries in Canada, culminating in the TRC. I argue that some of Canada's previous public inquiries, particularly with respect to indigenous issues, have strongly resembled truth commissions, yet this is the first time that an established democracy has called a body investigating past human-rights violations a “truth commission.” This article considers some of the reasons for seeking a truth commission in an established democracy and looks to a previous public inquiry led by Thomas Berger, the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, for some useful strategies for the TRC as it pursues its mandate. In particular, I suggest that a commission can perform a social function by using its process to educate the broader public about the issue before it.
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Crête, Raymonde. „L'enquête publique et les critères de contrôle judiciaire des fonctions exercées par les enquêteurs“. Les Cahiers de droit 19, Nr. 3 (12.04.2005): 643–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042260ar.
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The public inquiry has long been used to gather information of concern to the State in order that the best decisions may be made according to the information thereby obtained. The Quebec legislator has, therefore, foreseen the need for different laws or particular provisions that would enable the government to make use of this procedure. Among these we find the laws governing commissions of inquiry, police, municipal commissions, coroners and arson investigations. The public often follows closely the proceedings of such inquiries, which, consequently, become a means of informing, educating, and establishing a dialogue with, the public. However, certain public inquiries, such as the Quebec Commission of Inquiry on Organized Crime, the commission of inquiry on freedom of unionization and the Keable Commission, run the risk of affecting the rights of citizens, namely those summoned to appear during such hearings as well as those whose names appear in the testimony given. Hence, some individuals may see their reputations tarnished because of facts brought to light during the inquiry, lose their jobs as a result of commission recommendations or many later have to face either civil or criminal prosecution. It is, therefore, important that such persons be given access to the courts, in order to either challenge the jurisdiction of the commission or demand that the inquiry respect the rules of natural justice. In this area, judicial review depends on the characterization of the method of operation of the public inquiry as a whole, i.e. as the exercise by the commissioners of a recommendatory power, or of interlocutory decisions taken during the course of the inquiry. Depending on the judicial or administrative nature of the activity concerned, the courts will decide whether or not to exercise their superintending and reforming powers. Thus, the courts will intervene only if the function exercised is of a judicial nature. In this regard, the courts deem that an administrative body exercises a judicial function, on the one hand when it determines the rights of individuals and, on the other, when such a body has a duty to act judicially. Apart from some rare exceptions, the courts have ruled that the exercise of the power of inquiry generally does not trench on the rights of citizens and that such a power is therefore administrative in nature. At present, the issue as to whether the inquiry determines the rights of individuals is considered by the courts in the light of either one of two theories, which can be labelled the binary and global theories. Supporters of the binary theory feel that the inquiry and the decisions which may proceed therefrom represent two quite distinct stages and the interference with the rights of individuals can only occur when a decision is made. We find an illustration of this reasoning in, among others cases, Guay v. Lafleur and St-John v. Fraser. Proponents of the second theory are agreed that the decision is an integral part of the inquiry process and that interference with rights occurs at the inquiry level itself. This argument is exemplified adequately by the judgement in Saulnier v. Quebec Police Commission. This paper also examines the characterization of interlocutory decisions made by a commission in the course of its proceedings. In this respect, the courts feel that coercive powers are of a judicial nature, while decisions concerning the administration of evidence are seen as administrative. A study of the abundant jurisprudence in this area leads us to conclude that the Quebec legislator should provide for a specific recourse, similar to that existing presently in Ontario, which would allow citizens access to the courts to challenge decisions made by commissions of inquiry.
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Hindle, Don. „Taking health seriously:the Senate inquiry into public hospitals“. Australian Health Review 23, Nr. 2 (2000): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah000003a.
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In July last year, the State and Territory leaders expressed concern over a health system under "unsustainable stress" and suggested that the Federal Government should sponsor a prolongedand detailed inquiry by the Productivity Commission. The Prime Minister rejected thesuggestion, and the Australian Senate therefore decided to conduct its own shorter inquiry.Submissions were invited late last year, and the Senate Community Affairs References Committeeis conducting hearings at the time of writing. The focus here is on my idiosyncratic impressionsof what has happened during the hearings on 11 November 1999 (Canberra), 23 February(Adelaide), 24 February (Darwin), 25 February (Perth), 21 March (Sydney), and 22 March(Brisbane). Transcripts of the hearings are available in Hansard (1999, 2000).
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Stephen Allister Peté. „Commissions of Inquiry as a Response to Crisis: The Role of the Jali Commission in Creating Public Awareness of Corruption (Part 1)“. Obiter 41, Nr. 4 (24.03.2021): 903–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v41i4.10493.
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When the government of a liberal constitutional democracy is confronted by some or other existential crisis that threatens a major institution of state or the very foundations of the democracy itself, it will often appoint a high-level judicial commission of inquiry as part of its response to the crisis. South Africa is no exception to this tendency, as is evidenced in recent years by the appointment of no fewer than four such commissions in response to a series of crises related to ongoing corruption within state institutions – commonly referred to by ordinary South Africans as “state capture”. This has raised questions as to the alleged benefits of such commissions when viewed in relation to their considerable costs. This article seeks to contribute to this general debate by focusing on one of the purported benefits of such commissions that may be somewhat under-appreciated. This is the creation of public awareness, during the life of the commission itself, about the nature and extent of the particular grave threat that confronts the society in question. It is contended that, mediated by a free and vibrant press, the public narrative that emerges during the operation of a commission of inquiry may serve to make a liberal democratic society more resilient in the face of threats to that society’s continued existence. This article seeks to support this contention by focusing on an important precursor to the more recent commissions of inquiry on corruption in South Africa – that is, the Jali Commission of Inquiry into corruption within the South African penal system, which sat in the early years of the new millennium. By analysing the many articles and reports that appeared in a range of South African newspapers during the initial hearings of the Jali Commission, this article documents the emergence of an important public narrative on corruption within South Africa’s prisons, and reflects upon the ultimate significance of this narrative. This article is divided into two parts: the first part deals with the initial hearings of the Jali Commission in KwaZulu-Natal, and the second part with subsequent hearings in the Free State.
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Młynarska-Sobaczewska, Anna, und Jacek Zaleśny. „Porównawcze studium przedmiotu prac komisji śledczych: co leży w interesie publicznym?“ Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 76, Nr. 6 (2023): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2023.06.01.
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The article presents a outline of the tasks performed by committees of inquiry in three countries with a parliamentary system of government and a well-established model of functioning of executive control instruments: Italy, Germany and Poland, also taking into account the context of other European countries. The research concerns the functioning of the commission, and the practice, as well as the effects of its activities. In particular authors analyze subject matters of committees of inquiry in selected countries, regulated in very general way in constitutional law. The conclusions drawn from this comparison can become a contribution to the analysis of the changing functions of parliament and accountability relations.
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Lubis, Dinar Saurmauli, DA Mirah Ardrini, Nitya Nijyoti und Adi Mantara. „Rethinking the Role of Local AIDS Commission in HIV Prevention After the National AIDS Commission Dissolved“. Jurnal PROMKES 11, Nr. 2 (04.09.2023): 218–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jpk.v11.i2.2023.218-228.
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Background: The Indonesian government established a non-structural government agency, named the Indonesian National AIDS Commission (INAC) in 2006 to coordinate HIV prevention programs. However, in 2016, the INAC was dissolved by the Presidential Decree no 124-year 2016. Aims: This research aims to identify the effects and challenges faced by the AIDS commission at the provincial level after the INAC was dissolved. Methods: This research used a qualitative research approach with data collection methods through Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and in-depth interviews. The number of participants was 18 people, representing the AIDS Commission, governments as well and NGO-based HIV. The data were analyzed thematically and then presented by using a narrative approach. Results: The findings indicated that the duty and role of the Bali Provincial AIDS Commission (BPAC) to coordinate, integrate, and synergize HIV prevention in Bali remain unchanged. However, it is challenging to coordinate AIDS programs at the provincial level due to changes in parent organizations and reduced funding. Conclusion: The findings show that the duty and role of BPAC to coordinate, integrate, and synergize HIV prevention in Bali remain unchanged. However, change in the BPAC structure and funding reduction has an impact on its role as the HIV coordination agency in Bali. Therefore, to enhance its role and function as an HIV program coordinator, BPAC needs to be supported by regulation to support the bureaucratic independence of BPAC, to innovate, and to obtain other sources of financial/funding support apart from local government.
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Cohen, Michael J. „The British Mandate in Palestine: The Strange Case of the 1930 White Paper“. European Journal of Jewish Studies 10, Nr. 1 (02.03.2016): 79–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341287.
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After the “Wailing Wall” riots and pogroms that swept Palestine in August 1929, a British Commission of Inquiry reported that the Zionist project in Palestine could not proceed without encroaching upon the rights of the Palestinians, creating a class of landless Arabs. The minority Labour government endorsed these conclusions, in its White Paper of October 1930. But in a period of severe economic crisis, with Britain fearful of the Zionist lobby in the United States, and dependent upon Zionist finance to maintain its rule over Palestine, the government retreated from its own policy, in unique constitutional circumstances.
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Nmaju, Mba Chidi. „Violence in Kenya: Any Role for the ICC in the Quest for Accountability?“ African Journal of Legal Studies 3, Nr. 1 (2009): 78–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736949.
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AbstractThis article examines the violence that broke out in Kenya after the 2007 presidential elections. After weeks of fighting and the establishment of a coalition government made up of the incumbent president and the leader of the opposition, relative calm returned to the country. However, the government has been slow to implement the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry into Post Election Violence (Waki Commission). One key suggestion the Waki Commission made was to call upon the Kenyan government to establish an independent Special Tribunal made up of domestic and international jurists to prosecute those responsible for the crimes committed during the violence. At the time of writing, the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber II had been assigned the matter to determine whether the Office of the Prosecutor could initiate investigations. This article argues that the crimes committed in Kenya during the post election violence do not meet the ICC threshold on jurisdiction and gravity, and do not have the essential legal attributes of genocide and crimes against humanity. However, the manner in which the ICC handles this situation has the potential to influence the way future crimes are tried; thus the ICC must ensure that impunity does not prevail over accountability.
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Sulitzeanu-Kenan, Raanan. „Reflection in the Shadow of Blame: When Do Politicians Appoint Commissions of Inquiry?“ British Journal of Political Science 40, Nr. 3 (24.03.2010): 613–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123410000049.
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Commissions of inquiry play an important role in the aftermath of crisis, by serving as instruments of accountability and policy learning. Yet crises also involve a high-stake game of political survival, in which accountability and learning pose a serious threat to incumbent politicians. The political decision of whether to appoint a commission of inquiry after a crisis thus provides a unique prism for studying the intense conflict between politics, accountability and policy learning. Using data from the United Kingdom, this study develops and tests a choice model for this political decision. The results show that the political decision to appoint inquiries into public crises is strongly influenced by short-term blame avoidance considerations, media salience and government popularity.
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Revelli, F. „Spend more, get more? An inquiry into English local government performance“. Oxford Economic Papers 62, Nr. 1 (27.10.2009): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oep/gpp037.
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Edmundson, Sharon G. „The Role of Partnerships in Strengthening Local Governance: The North Carolina Local Government Commission“. State and Local Government Review 53, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2021): 275–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160323x211067426.
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Harrier, Kirk R., und Dennis A. Randolph. „Factors Associated with Privatization of Winter Maintenance Functions at Local Government Level“. Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 1585, Nr. 1 (Januar 1997): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3141/1585-06.
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With the increasing cost of and dissatisfaction with services provided by government agencies, a new notion has appeared that gives hope to some and instills fear in others. Many believe that privatizing government services is the answer to the ills associated with today’s government-provided services. County road commissions in the state of Michigan are one of the many government entities examining privatization. High cost and poor service are concerns that have thrust road commission operations under the privatization spotlight. Snow and ice removal from roads is one operation currently under scrutiny. To come to conclusions about privatization and the winter maintenance services that road commissions perform, one must fully understand the road commission concept and how it functions within the state of Michigan as well as the idea of privatization. The nonquantitative factors that affect privatization at the local government level are described. Two road commissions in the state of Michigan and their winter maintenance operations are examined so that judgments can be made about the value of private delivery.
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Varfolomeev, Y. V. „G. E. Rasputin and «Rasputiniada» in Russia’s Destiny Early XX Century (According to the Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry of Provisional Government)“. Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 11, Nr. 2(2) (2011): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2011-11-2-2-34-40.
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The article attempts to define the role and impact of GE Rasputin on domestic and foreign policies of the last Russian emperor. Emphasis is placed on the study materials of Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry of Provisional Government, engaged «survey of the dark forces». The author concludes that the result of political and criminal adventures of Rasputin at the royal court was to discredit the royal family and the destruction of the sacredness of the Russian monarchy.
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Varfolomeev, Y. V. „«Leprous Court Camarilla»: Investigation of Activity of «Dark Forces» of Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry of Provisional Government“. Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 10, Nr. 1 (2010): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2010-10-1-3-15.
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The paper addresses the problem of the influence of the camarilla of internal and external policies of the last Russian emperor. Based on the analysis of materials of the Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry of Provisional Government, and other sources in the article assesses the role and importance of the camarilla in policy decisions Nicholas II. The article concludes that the camarilla, the so-called «dark forces», along with other negative factors, have played a fateful role in the fate of the country.
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DOLLERY, BRIAN, JOE WALLIS und LIN CRASE. „ABOUT TURN: POLICY REVERSALS AND THE QUEENSLAND LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORM COMMISSION“. Economic Papers: A journal of applied economics and policy 26, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2007): 360–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-3441.2007.tb01020.x.
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Burga, Barry, Stephen McDonald und Norm Thomson. „Grants Commission Assessment of Local Government Debt Servicing and Capital Expenditures“. Economic Analysis and Policy 21, Nr. 1 (März 1991): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0313-5926(91)50002-3.
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