Zeitschriftenartikel: „Liberty of“

1

Kersch, Terry. „Liberal Liberty Misunderstood“. Chesterton Review 21, Nr. 1 (1995): 271–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton1995211/267.

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2

Schmitz, Kenneth L. „Liberal Liberty and Human Freedom“. Chesterton Review 20, Nr. 2 (1994): 213–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton1994202/386.

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3

Pettit, Philip. „Negative Liberty, Liberal and Republican“. European Journal of Philosophy 1, Nr. 1 (April 1993): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0378.1993.tb00022.x.

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4

Sochoń, Jan. „LIBERTY IN LIBERAL THOUGHT – PAST AND PRESENT“. Studia Philosophiae Christianae 56, S2 (31.12.2020): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/spch.2020.56.s2.13.

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The article presents history of liberty in the past and contemporary liberal thought. This article grounds that creators of liberalism passed by a long way to define precisely the phenomenon of liberty. When creators were closer to the present day, they tried to separate liberty from metaphysics and morality with reference to the ideals of democracy. However, they confused the cult of equality with the liberty to show that the truth always must be at liberty’s service. But the liberty should be understood like a competence to realize person’s rights. Not till then, liberalism will conceal the historic and present–time demons.

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5

Libiszowska, Zofia, Joseph Klaits und Michael H. Haltzel. „Liberty/Liberte: The American and French Experiences.“ Journal of American History 79, Nr. 2 (September 1992): 616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080055.

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6

Miller, Joshua, Joseph Klaits und Michael Haltzel. „Liberty/Liberte: The American and French Experiences“. Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25, Nr. 1 (1994): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206138.

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7

Sullivan, Charles Robert. „Liberty/Liberté: The American and French Experiences“. History: Reviews of New Books 20, Nr. 4 (Juni 1992): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950661.

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8

McCarthy, Michael. „Lonergan, Liberty, and the Liberal Arts“. Method: Journal of Lonergan Studies 34, Nr. 1 (2020): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/method20201113.

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9

Thigpen, Robert B., und Lyle Downing. „Liberty and Community: A Liberal Resolution“. Perspectives on Political Science 20, Nr. 3 (Juli 1991): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457097.1991.9944487.

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10

Schaller, Walter E. „Liberal neutrality and liberty of conscience“. Law and Philosophy 24, Nr. 2 (März 2005): 107–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02743250.

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11

Norman, W. J. „The Revisionist Challenge: Can the liberal do without “liberty”?“ Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 3, Nr. 1 (Januar 1990): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s084182090000103x.

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It seems a truism that,(1) the liberal believes in liberty.But, even ignoring the vagueness of “believes in”, this tells us even less about liberalism than,(2) the Catholic believes in God,tells us about Catholicism. Neither statement distinguishes one creed from its rivals. Socialists, conservatives, anarchists and Buddhists can all believe in liberty (sometimes, but not always, different concepts of liberty); just as Protestants, Jews, Muslims and Hindus all believe in God (sometimes, but not always, different gods). (2), though, has at least the virtue of conveying one definite, fundamental and necessary belief of the Catholic: that there exists a supreme being. It is agreed, even by sympathizers, that (1) gives the liberal no such thing. “By definition, a liberal is a man who believes in liberty,” says Professor Cranston, “but because different men at different times have meant different things by liberty, ‘liberalism’ is correspondingly ambiguous.” If Liberty be its god, it should come as no surprise that liberalism is a schismatic church.

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12

Kienpointner, Manfred. „Viva la libertà!“ Journal of Argumentation in Context 11, Nr. 1 (08.03.2022): 110–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.21019.kie.

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Abstract Few of the central concepts of political discourse are as controversial as “freedom”/“liberty”. However, although “freedom” definitely belongs to the so-called “essentially contested concepts”, even “a contested concept has an uncontested core” (Lakoff 2006: 23–24). This uncontested core can be described as the core meaning of language-specific lexemes such as English freedom, liberty, German Freiheit, French liberté or Italian libertà. The core meaning can be established as the common ground underlying all more specific controversial uses and definitions. Within political discourse, the context-specific uses of these lexemes can be described as persuasive definitions, that is, as instances of strategic maneuvering (cf. van Eemeren 2010), which try to establish one’s own use of these words as the politically dominant one and the one most widespread in the media. With this theoretical background in mind, I would like to provide an overview of how libertà is persuasively defined and strategically used within contemporary Italian political discourse. In order to do this, I have compiled a small corpus of party programs, political speeches, interviews, newspaper editorials and posts. From this empirical basis a list of argumentative strategies concerning explicit and implicit definitions of libertà will be compiled and critically evaluated.

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13

Harden, J. David. „LIBERTY CAPS AND LIBERTY TREES“. Past and Present 146, Nr. 1 (1995): 66–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/146.1.66.

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14

Rogowski, Waldemar. „Myślenie w żywiole wolności . Józefa Tischnera wizja wolności jako determinanty liberalnej demokracji“. Świat Idei i Polityki 9, Nr. 1 (2009): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip200901.

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Retrospective consideration of the Józef Tischner’s political writing permits us to think about him as a philosopher of liberty. He considered this idea as connected with man’s ability and activity in work altering world. The idea of liberty always was a subject of livery discussions. Tischner understood that liberal formulation of liberty is the most important and basic social value. However, philosopher from Cracov perceived that a freedom defined as an opportunity of unembarrassed man acting, it can also be a cause of his dilemmas, problems or fear, particularly during the political system transformation. The Tischner’s Homo sovieticus caused the man nostalgia for power of communism and simultaneous the lack of responsibility for his own life. Liberty turned out with unfortunate gift. Also the representants of Catholic Church hierarchy distrustfully treated the liberal conception of liberty. Józef Tischner criticized these fears, defining his vision of liberty as way of the existence of good. The Tischner’s conception of positive liberty was an answer for a negative liberty presented by classic liberals. Cracovian thinker’s view enrolls in Christian thought, connected with objective norms as well as idea of common good. The good state idea should base on freedom instead of anarchy nor the negation of constitutional values, political orders introduced in man’s life. It is necessary to build the social structures leaning on membership in social community and political structures based on law and idea of liberty.

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15

Stojadinović, Višnja. „Positive vs. negative understanding of liberty: Political implications“. Srpska politička misao 82, Nr. 4 (2023): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm82-46749.

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The subject of this paper is the analysis of the political implications of the distinction between positive and negative understanding of liberty. The author first explains the relevance of this topic within the framework of contemporary theoretical and political discussions. The starting point of this paper is Berlin's distinction between the concepts of positive and negative liberty. In the first part of the paper, the author will deal with the implications of this difference regarding the type of socio-political system and political culture. In this sense, the author will try showing the democratic concept of liberty is positive liberty, while the classical liberal understanding of liberty is negative. In other words, the relationship between positive and negative liberty reflects on the relationship between democracy and liberalism; this relationship implies possible compatibility, but also potential opposition. In the second part of the paper, the author deals with the implications of the difference between the two concepts of liberty concerning distinctive models of democracy. Referring to Riker's thesis, the author's goal is to show how a positive understanding of liberty leads to a populist model of democracy. On the other hand, a negative understanding leads to a liberal model. The difference between these models of democracy is also reflected in the attitude about whether democracy has instrumental or intrinsic value.

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16

Biasi, Marco. „An Essay on Liberty, Freedom and (Decent) Work“. International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 38, Issue 3 (01.09.2022): 359–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2022016.

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The essay seeks to frame the issue of Decent Work for All by means of Hannah Arendt’s conception of freedom and liberty. In Arendt’s view, liberty was the proper rationale for early labour legislation, which purported to liberate the individual from the chattels of slavery and exploitation by preserving the voluntary nature of the agreement to provide labour. In the stage of full development of labour law, a primary need in both Liberal Market Economies (such as the US) and Social Market Economies (such as Germany) was to strike a difficult but necessary balance between the employer’s liberty to conduct the business and the workers’ collective freedom. With the promotion of Decent Work, as a broad guideline for policymakers and not a binding regulation of any kind, labour law is reconsidering its focus on the person, with the aim of granting individuals the possibility to achieve their (neo)liberation from basic economic needs, as well as from the domination of others. Once liberated from those two constraints, individuals are in a position to effectively aspire to the collective dimension of freedom, which, in Arendt’s terms, consists of the possibility of the individual to contribute on an equal footing to societal development. Liberty, Freedom, Decent Work, Neo-Liberation

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17

Kates, Carol A. „Reproductive Liberty and Overpopulation“. Environmental Values 13, Nr. 1 (Februar 2004): 51–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096327190401300104.

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Despite substantial evidence pointing to a looming Malthusian catastrophe, governmental measures to reduce population have been opposed both by religious conservatives and by many liberals, especially liberal feminists. Liberal critics have claimed that ‘utilitarian’ population policies violate a ‘fundamental right of reproductive liberty’. This essay argues that reproductive liberty should not be considered a fundamental human right, or certainly not an indefeasible right. It should, instead, be strictly regulated by a global agreement designed to reduce population to a sustainable level. Three major points are discussed: 1) the current state of the overpopulation problem; 2) the claim of a fundamental human right of reproductive liberty; 3) an outline of a global agreement to address overpopulation as a ‘tragedy of the commons’.

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18

Dufek, Pavel, und Sylvie Bláhová. „Equal Respect, Liberty, and Civic Friendship. Why Liberal Public Justification Needs a Dual Understanding of Reciprocity“. Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 28, Nr. 1 (2021): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2021-1-3.

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This paper critically discusses the generally recognized dualism in the interpretation of the moral basis of public reason. We argue that in order to maintain the complementarity of both liberal and democratic values within the debate on public reason, the arguments from liberty and from civic friendship cannot be considered in isolation. With regard to the argument from liberty, we contend that because the idea of natural liberty is an indispensable starting point of liberal theory, no explanation of the justification of political power can do without it. In particular, we focus on the requirement of reasonableness and show that we should retain the epistemic aspect of the reasonableness of persons. Perhaps the main reason for this is to be found in the criterion of reciprocity which provides the deepest justification of the respect for people’s liberty – that is, the liberal aspect of liberal democracy. At the same time, however, we argue that reciprocity also provides the grounds for responding to the criticism that the essentially liberal approach fails to adequately take into consideration the role of political community. Because reciprocity may also be interpreted as being based on civic friendship, it provides the resources to respond to such criticism. It thus supplies the normative background also for the second, democratic pillar of public reason. We then critically examine the newly emerging approach built predominantly on the argument from civic friendship, arguing that by prioritising the civic friendship interpretation and, at times, tending to completely abandon the liberty-based one, it overlooks the indispensability of liberty-based considerations for the criterion of reciprocity. We conclude that in order to adequately capture the common liberal-democratic basis of public reason, both interpretations of reciprocity must be linked within a comprehensive account.

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19

Cha, Jeh-Soon. „Liberty and Liberal Education from Aristotle’s Perspective“. JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES STUDIES 108 (30.09.2017): 303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.46346/tjhs.108..11.

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20

Kalicki, Konrad. „Trading Liberty: Assisted Repatriation in Liberal Democracies“. Government and Opposition 55, Nr. 4 (27.07.2020): 711–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2020.15.

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AbstractSurging flows of international migrants challenge the state's capacity to control borders. This problem is especially acute when it involves unwanted, yet often the most vulnerable, incomers. In liberal democracies, policymakers are caught in the dilemma of how to block their presence without contravening the state's fundamental liberal principles. Against the backdrop of these realities, this article traces the development of monetized means of inducing the voluntary repatriation of such migrants. In contrast to the conventional view that associates this political phenomenon with the neoliberal marketization of belonging, I contend that the growing practice of incentivizing migrants to leave is better conceptualized as a subset of immigration control policies rooted in the liberal ideals that imbue the institutional orders of liberal democracies. From the state's perspective, such post-arrival measures pay greater attention to the individual rights of migrants. This argument is advanced with special reference to the underexplored case of Japan.

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21

Jordan, Sara R. „Liberty“. Administrative Theory & Praxis 36, Nr. 1 (März 2014): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10841806.2014.11008513.

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22

Feilacher, Johann. „liberty.!“ Psychiatrie und Psychotherapie 5, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2009): 180–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11326-009-0072-2.

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23

SANBORNSCOTT, D. „Liberty“. International Journal of Hydrogen Energy 19, Nr. 4 (April 1994): 313–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0360-3199(94)90062-0.

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24

Nelson, Eric. „Liberty: One or Two Concepts Liberty“. Political Theory 33, Nr. 1 (Februar 2005): 58–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591704268179.

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25

Westmoreland, Robert. „The Liberty of the Liberty Principle“. Res Publica 26, Nr. 3 (21.01.2020): 337–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-019-09447-y.

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26

Tebble, Adam James. „LIBERTY AGAINST PROGRESS“. Social Philosophy and Policy 34, Nr. 2 (2017): 237–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052517000280.

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Abstract:The epistemic approach to liberalism not only clarifies some of the core features of progress-based arguments for liberty. For two reasons it provides grounds for doubting those arguments’ persuasiveness. The first reason emerges from the epistemic liberal explanation of economic recessions and of social regress as necessary consequences of our enjoying the individual liberty to adapt to our circumstances. Precisely because it secures personal choice with respect to the ends of life and the means to pursue them, liberty must be construed as at best necessary for the imperfect and costly realization of the interest individuals may have in personal advancement. Second, and in revealing the underlying logic of the economic and cultural processes that liberty makes possible, epistemic liberalism shows that it is to the notion of complex adaptation that we must look when seeking to evaluate the overall or aggregate results of liberty. Crucially, however, this means rejecting the notion of progress as fit to perform this ethico-historical evaluative role.

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Goldsmith, M. M. „Hobbes on Liberty1“. Hobbes Studies 2, Nr. 1 (1989): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502589x00041.

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AbstractIt has become common to view Hobbes as a 'liberal', indeed as one of the founders of liberalism. Despite this characterization, there are few works which examine his views on liberty closely. The first part of this paper attempts to explicate what Hobbes says about liberty, mainly in Leviathan, especially in relation to recent philosophical analysis of the subject. In the second part, I examine the relation between Hobbes's views about liberty and other aspects of his political views.

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Barwicka-Tylek, Iwona, und Dorota Pietrzyk-Reeves. „Liberty in Jean-Jacques Rousseau: between the Ancient and the Modern“. Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 9, Special Issue (2017): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.16.034.6972.

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Rousseau’s philosophy can be situated as a continuum between the ancient and the modern traditions; we argue that it does not fully belong to either and this is particularly evident in his discussion of liberty. Our point of departure is a view that in order to grasp peculiarity of Rousseaus’ understanding of liberty we need to go beyond the liberal tradition and its scheme of thinking about freedom as well as beyond the intuitive understanding of liberty. The second part of the article presents an analysis of the four different meanings of liberty that we find in Rousseau’s theory: natural, social, moral and civil. The most important for political philosophy is his discussion of the shift from the natural to social and civil liberty and the insistence that true freedom cannot be totally separated from morality. Finally, we discuss some of the contemporary interpretations of Rousseau’s political thought which often emphasize one of the different meanings of liberty that we find in his writings.

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Brown, Susan Love. „Law, Liberty and Psychiatry:Law, Liberty, and Psychiatry“. PoLAR: Political html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii=""/ Legal Anthropology Review 18, Nr. 2 (November 1995): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.1995.18.2.121.

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30

Springborg, Patricia. „Liberty Exposed: Quentin Skinner'sHobbes and Republican Liberty“. British Journal for the History of Philosophy 18, Nr. 1 (Januar 2010): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608780903339277.

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31

Ballingrud, Gordon. „TWO-DIMENSIONAL CONCEPTIONS OF POLITICAL LIBERTY“. Public Affairs Quarterly 33, Nr. 4 (01.10.2019): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26897028.

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Abstract The objective of this paper is to combine two orthogonal conceptions of political liberty into one heuristic. The liberal and republican conceptions of liberty are the dominant explanations of political liberty: the former consisting in the absence of restraint, and the latter in the absence of domination. I argue that neither of these conceptions is adequate on its own. Using either in isolation leads to gaps, occasions in which we might wish to describe a person as unfree without the resources from either conception allowing us to do so. Therefore, I provide a heuristic that allows combining both conceptions into one conceptual plane. I hope also to describe the underlying dimension on which I place both the liberal and republican conceptions, invoking Nussbaum’s and Sen’s conceptions of capabilities.

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Stankovic-Pejnovic, Vesna. „Freedom, liberalism, multiculturalism“. Filozofija i drustvo 22, Nr. 2 (2011): 191–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1102191s.

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In this article author proves connection between liberalism and multiculturalism in individual?s political freedom. Individual freedom connected with political participation, in multicultural contexts, can be shown as means to achieve group recognition demands. Liberal conception of liberty in multicultural context shows that a major interest of multicultural groups through political participation necessary respect individual?s liberty. Multiculturalism follows liberal demand for freedom of choice and participation as preconditions for self determination determined by the reason, but through politics of difference, because for multiculturalism is not acceptable liberal thesis of cultural homogenous society.

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Ahdar, Rex Tauati. „The Vulnerability of Religious Liberty in Liberal States“. Religion & Human Rights 4, Nr. 2-3 (2009): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103109x12459002443574.

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AbstractReligious liberty enjoys a large measure of protection in liberal democratic states. This historically hard-won right will nevertheless always remain somewhat vulnerable. This article examines the relationship between liberalism and religionists who challenge key liberal tenets. The limits of liberal tolerance are seen when the state confronts those devout believers who behave or speak in the public domain in a manner that secular liberals perceive to be intolerant or bigoted. The courts and legislatures cannot be relied upon to protect the exercise of religion in situations where fundamental liberal premises are at stake.

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Bishai, Linda S. „Liberal internationalism and the law vs liberty paradox“. Journal of International Relations and Development 15, Nr. 2 (21.10.2011): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jird.2011.20.

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35

McWilliams, Susan. „The Liberal Arts and the Arts of Liberty“. Perspectives on Political Science 42, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2013): 217–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457097.2013.829343.

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36

Meadowcroft, John. „ARE THE LIBERAL DEMOCRATS THE PARTY OF LIBERTY?“ Economic Affairs 28, Nr. 2 (Juni 2008): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.2008.00835.x.

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37

Sen, Sudipta. „Liberalism and the British Empire in India“. Journal of Asian Studies 74, Nr. 3 (August 2015): 711–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815000637.

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It is hard to argue against the view that liberalism and empire have historically shared the same terrain of political ideas. If Raymond Williams is correct, then there is indeed an older set of implications attached to the words “liberal” and “liberalism” dating back to uses of the word “liberty,” commonly known in Shakespearean England, especially as expressed in “liberties of the subject,” that is, to a far more limited construction of the word “liberty” than its modern usage would allow (Williams 1976, 180). Liberty in this instance was the recognition of certain rights granted to subjects of a sovereign authority. In this brief essay on how historians and political theorists in recent years have debated the tortuous relationship between the ideas of empire and liberty in British India, I would like to pause on this constricted and negative definition of liberty rather than its widest possible connotation in terms of human freedom and reflect on how the British Empire in India provided a critical arena for the exercise of sovereign power in the name of both freedom and responsibility. It might be worth stressing that the term “liberal” itself, with its various connotations ranging from licentious to the humane, predates the narrower body of ideas typically attributed to political liberalism, and moreover, that liberalism by far precedes imperialism as a coherent doctrine.

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38

Chesterton, G. K. „Remembering Liberty“. Chesterton Review 25, Nr. 1 (1999): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton1999251/232.

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39

Green, Kevin, und Jon Luckett. „Performative Liberty“. Afterimage 28, Nr. 4 (Januar 2001): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aft.2001.28.4.7.

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40

Brennan, Rory, R. B. McDowell und Jane Hayter Hames. „Fair Liberty“. Books Ireland, Nr. 247 (2002): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20632410.

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41

Shuster, Arthur, und Adriana Cappelletti. „Cognitive liberty“. University of Western Ontario Medical Journal 84, Nr. 1 (04.09.2015): 13–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/uwomj.v84i1.4329.

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42

Sen, Amartya. „Minimal Liberty“. Economica 59, Nr. 234 (Mai 1992): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2554743.

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43

Crowther, Thomas. „Omniversal Liberty“. Essays in the Philosophy of Humanism 22, Nr. 2 (05.12.2014): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/eph.v22i2.21475.

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44

Parrish II, Richard H. „Defining liberty“. American Journal of Health-System Pharmacy 42, Nr. 8 (01.08.1985): 1711–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajhp/42.8.1711a.

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45

Fishkin, James S. „Justifying Liberty“. Bowling Green Studies in Applied Philosophy 7 (1985): 176–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/bgstudies1985714.

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46

Dworkin, Ronald. „Devaluing Liberty“. Index on Censorship 17, Nr. 8 (September 1988): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534496.

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47

Fisher, Mark. „Virtual liberty“. Index on Censorship 24, Nr. 2 (März 1995): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229508535891.

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48

Ciresi, Rita, und Joseph Bathanti. „East Liberty“. MELUS 28, Nr. 3 (2003): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3595272.

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49

Fallen, Stephen M. „Reviving Liberty“. Milton Quarterly 25, Nr. 2 (Mai 1991): 66–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1094-348x.1991.tb00444.x.

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50

Dunn, James D. G. „Christian Liberty“. Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 5, Nr. 3 (August 1996): 372–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129600500314.

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Liberty of“

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