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1
Gilbert, Alan. „Democracy and Individuality“. Social Philosophy and Policy 3, Nr. 2 (1986): 19–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000297.
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For many contemporary liberals, Anglo-American democracy seems unimpeachably the best political form. In contrast, adherence to democratic values seems an area in which most Marxian regimes, and perhaps Marx himself, are strikingly deficient. Further, Marxian theory insists on the existence of oppressive ruling classes in all capitalist societies and on the need for class struggle and violent revolution to achieve a more cooperative regime – theses which liberal social theories tend to dismiss peremptorily. From the perspective of modern liberal democratic theory, Marxian arguments seem prima facie outlandish and even morally objectionable.
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Martynov, Andriy. „US-Germany Relations Development Trends Under the Presidency of Donald Trump“. American History & Politics Scientific edition, Nr. 9 (2020): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.2.
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The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a variant of foreign policy realism, in contrast to classical republican neo-conservatism or democratic liberal interventionism. The German foreign policy course in the time of the Bundes Chancellor A. Merkel is a manifestation of liberal-democratic globalism. Under President Obama and Chancellor A. Merkel, German-American relations remained at a high allied level. President Trump abolishes talks on Transatlantic Free Trade Area. German elites see the populist and nationalist policies of D. Trump as a challenge to European integration. They consider US European policy an attempt to split the European Union. In the domestic political dimension, German liberals consider the Alternative to Germany party as Trump’s ideological counterparts. The American liberal political elite accused A. Merkel of failing to prevent the spread of anti-American sentiment in Germany. Political sentiment in the US and Germany after the pandemic is unpredictable. A noticeable trend was the aggravation of the crisis of liberal globalization. This outlines the tendency for further political polarization of American and German societies.
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Turner, Liz. „PCCs, neo-liberal hegemony and democratic policing“. Safer Communities 13, Nr. 1 (07.01.2014): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sc-07-2013-0016.
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Purpose – This paper aims to explore the recent introduction of directly elected police and crime commissioners (PCCs) in England and Wales, and to consider to what extent this new innovation should be considered as a positive contribution to the achievement of democratic policing. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on a range of key sources of academic literature on police accountability and the sociology of policing, as well as considering the content of government pronouncements and legislation. Findings – The central argument of the paper is that the introduction of PCCs needs to be examined within the context of the hegemony of neo-liberal logic in public services reform. It is argued that some enduring myths of policing, including the myth that the police impartially uphold an impartial law, lend themselves to the depoliticisation of policing which is necessary in order to facilitate neo-liberal colonisation of the service, which is inimical to democratic policing. Originality/value – The paper builds upon and contests some of the early critiques of the introduction of PCCs which have emerged and proposes a new direction for the development of critique in this area. It will be of interest to policing scholars as well as anyone concerned about the relationship between democracy and policing under current conditions of deep public service cuts and the colonisation of service provision by neo-liberal values.
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Dyson, Kenneth. „Benign or Malevolent Leviathan? Social Democratic Governments in a Neo‐Liberal Euro Area“. Political Quarterly 70, Nr. 2 (April 1999): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00221.
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et al., Seo. „Analysis of influence factors on the virtues of democratic citizenship according to individual variables of adolescents“. International Journal of ADVANCED AND APPLIED SCIENCES 9, Nr. 8 (August 2022): 118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21833/ijaas.2022.08.015.
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To lay the foundation for the development of democratic citizens for the youth who will become the leaders of the future society, major areas of democratic civic education have been selected and research conducted on factors affecting the democratic citizenship of the youths of K city located in Gyeonggi-do. In this study, we selected 32 questionnaires from 4 areas based on previous research and carried out a survey on 219 students. The final statistical processing was performed using the SPSS 21 program, and the results were as follows. We analyzed the effects of each of the students’ personal variables such as gender, school performance, parents’ academic background, and interest in social issues, on “human dignity,” “law-abiding spirit,” “rational decision making,” and “sense of community” that are in the realm of democratic citizenship. As a result of the analysis, first, human dignity has a significant effect according to gender and parents' educational background. Second, in the area of law-abiding spirit, only parents' educational background had a significant effect. Third, in the area of rational decision-making, gender and interest in social issues had an effect, and finally, in the area of community consciousness, parents' educational background and interest in social issues had significant effects. This study is meaningful as it found the factors that should be applied when conducting education for the cultivation of democratic citizenship in the future. The justification for practicing democratic citizenship education can be found in democracy itself. No matter how democratic a country is, if it fails to continue cultivating its roots by educating democratic ideals, its democracy will be shaken. Simple indoctrination should be avoided, but it should help students (members of society) develop the determination to uphold the liberal democratic and humanitarian values of human dignity, law-abiding spirit, rational decision-making, and a sense of community.
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Roliak, Angelina, Olena Matiienko, Elvira Manzhos, Olena Shamanska und Nelya Burlaka. „Management of teacher education: danish democratic discourse in postmodern era“. Independent Journal of Management & Production 12, Nr. 6 (01.11.2021): s463—s477. http://dx.doi.org/10.14807/ijmp.v12i6.1754.
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In postmodern area, flexible and innovative management should become an integral part of the European education system as every knowledge-based society demands to educate high-quality specialists. The present research combines two dimensions: structural and administrative, including a dual fringe of both management and teacher education environments in the Nordic democratic space. The article offers a comparative analysis of the structural model, administrative principles, and new management initiatives in teacher professional training within the tertiary education system of neo-liberal Denmark. The Danish context is the most essential because this country has gained a unique experience in creating an effective system of self-governing teacher education institutions existing on a relevant background of centralized and decentralized management principles. The methodological contribution of this research is based on a case study approach that includes methods of qualitative analysis, critical induction, information reinterpretation, and generalization. Neo-liberal management initiatives of the Danish democratic state aimed at improving pedagogical education after postmodern period are considered to be a part of the response to the ongoing need for high-quality professional training of teachers based on a solid foundation of autonomy and effective innovative practices.
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Odža, Ivana. „Democratism of Dragojla Jarnević on the Example of her Diary“. Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, Nr. 17 (06.11.2019): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2019.17.11.
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The paper analyses, in the context of Dragojla Jarnević’s Diary, the concept of democratism from the authoress’ viewpoint of the world regarding the liberal values that represent foundation of democracy. Considering the problems related to the issue of contemporary democracies eminent intellectuals of the 20th and 21st century have expressed a line of doubts and objections, thereby threatening the concept of democracy, or twisting democracy in its own contradictions. In retrospect, during Dragojla Jarnević’s lifetime and work, there was an evident complexity and ambivalence of disseminating liberal ideas in the area of today´s Croatia. Shaping and expressing of Dragojla Jarnević’s democratic views shows that it is possible to interpret democracy from different points of view – on the one hand, it is the best social model, on the other hand, it sometimes transforms in its contradiction. Certain contradictions are observed in Jarnević’s personality, however, her personality eventually reveals a brave and democratic (literature) subject.
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Berg-Schlosser, Dirk. „Comparative Area Studies: Epistemological and Methodological Foundations and a Practical Application“. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, Nr. 2 (15.12.2020): 288–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-2-288-302.
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In recent decades, area studies have been transformed from mostly descriptive ethnographic and historical accounts to theory-oriented and analytical approaches. They retain some of their depth and cultural specificity, but have been widened in a comparative sense to come up with some broader social scientific explanations. This has been enhanced by more recent systematic comparative methods such as “Qualitative Comparative Analysis” (QCA) and related procedures, which are particularly suitable for medium-N studies of specific regions at the macro-level and cross-area analyses in contrast to more common statistical approaches. This paper discusses the epistemological background of this approach as well as recent methodological developments. As an illustration, it provides an example of an ongoing large international “cross-area” research project concerned with successful democratic transformations in different world regions and more recent threats to democratic stability and some of their underlying causes. Here, in particular, the relationships between level of socio-economic development and liberal democracy (the “Lipset hypothesis”) and the effects of “good governance” in terms of the World Bank indicators on democratic stability are investigated. This is done on the basis of selected “cross-area” cases with the help of both crisp-set and fuzzy-set QCA. In this way, both the utility of this approach for “medium-range theorizing” in the social sciences and possible practical-political applications are demonstrated.
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Lee, Nae Kwan, und Young Jo Lee. „Regional Status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement for Fostering Democratic Citizens“. Liberal Arts Innovation Center 11 (01.04.2023): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54698/kl.2023.11.63.
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In this study, the spirit of the times and the regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement were examined. As is well known, the 3·8 Democratic Movement occupies a very important position not only in the Daejeon region but also in the history of democratization in Korea in that it became the mother of the 4·19 Revolution. Above all, this study discusses that it was a voluntary student movement triggered by students' anger against the Liberal Party regime, and this acted as a premise to create a regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement. The peculiarity of the 3·8 Democratic Movement is that it was not just a specific high school in the Daejeon area, but a coalition of several schools.
In addition, the regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement is related to fostering democratic citizens. The 3·8 Democratic Movement was not an impromptu movement by high school students at the time, but contained the identity of a planned and voluntary uprising. It is also an incident that implies both the uniqueness of student-led initiatives for freedom, democracy, and justice, and the identity of Daejeon local residents. Based on this regional status, the 3·8 Democratic Movement can be used as an educational source for fostering democratic citizens.
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Niesen, Peter. „Kant and Rawls on Free Speech in Autocracies“. Kantian Review 23, Nr. 4 (21.11.2018): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1369415418000420.
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AbstractIn the works of Kant and Rawls, we find an acute sensibility to the pre-eminent importance of freedom of speech. Both authors defend free speech in democratic societies as a private and as a public entitlement, but their conceptions markedly differ when applied to non-liberal and non-democratic societies. The difference is that freedom of speech, for Kant, is a universal claim that can serve as a test of legitimacy of all legal orders, while for Rawls, some legal orders are owed full recognition even if they do not in principle guarantee freedom of speech. I explain Kant’s account of free political speech and argue that the defence of individual rights should be seen as its core feature, both in republican and in autocratic states. I then argue that a much-overlooked shift in Rawls’s development to Political Liberalism likewise ties his account of free speech in democratic societies to issues concerning rights and justice. In a next step, I discuss Rawls’s perspective on some non-democratic regimes in his Law of Peoples, regimes that he understands as well-ordered but which do not guarantee freedom of speech. I criticize Rawls’s account from Kant’s perspective and suggest to introduce a ‘module’ from Kant’s pre-republican thought into Rawls’s conception, aiming to secure a core area of rights- and justice-related speech. My claim is that under Kant’s view of autocratic legitimacy, an important extension of speech rights is called for even in non-liberal, non-democratic states, and that a Rawlsian account should and can adopt it.
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Silva, Augusto. „The repositioning of the euro area in the world system: Political and economic dimensions“. Panoeconomicus 61, Nr. 5 (2014): 571–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan1405571s.
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This article advocates a comprehensive approach to the current crisis in the Euro Area - and, namely, the joint consideration of the economic and political issues at stake. The European integration - whose greatest development is, to present time, the Monetary Union - is a political project: a matter of will and action. Surely, this political project has a strong and specific economic component. Still, it is political. Therefore, political variables are critical. They must be included in any analysis of the financial and economic circumstances, and they must be considered in any strategy to overcome the current roadblock. The Euro Area has to cope, not only with excessive indebtedness, fiscal unbalances and financial markets, but also with the democratic restrictions to austerity and economic recession, and with the democratic requirement to respect social rights, to look for public support and to engage in political dialogue and compromise. In liberal democracies, as ours, the employment, social protection, citizenship and the right to believe and hope are full goals for the public policies, including the economic and fiscal ones.
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Comisso, Ellen. „Is the Glass Half Full or Half Empty?: Reflections on Five Years of Competitive Politics in Eastern Europe“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 30, Nr. 1 (01.03.1997): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(96)00020-7.
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This article explores the causes for the pervasive sentiment in contemporary Eastern Europe to the effect that “it is democratic but it isn't”. It begins with a discussion of the differences between “procedural” and “substantive” democracy, and finds that the institutions of procedural democracy have proven surprisingly robust in the post-communist period. It then examines three variants of substantive democracy: liberal, national, and egalitarian. Each links democratic government to a particular social and economic order, none of which fully describes the actual situation within most states in the area. Finally, these distinctions between types of democracy are employed to illuminate the dynamics of both policy choices regarding restitution and privatization and electoral outcomes in the past half-decade.
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Share, Michael. „GHOSTS OF AN EMPIRE: BRITISH LEGACIES IN ASIA“. Journal of International Analytics, Nr. 1 (28.03.2018): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-1-45-51.
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One hundred years ago, the British Empire controlled a quarter of the world’s area and population. Today only a dozen tiny islands remain of this once great empire. However, the British left a huge and permanent legacy behind in terms of the English language, a rule of law, banking, Protestantism, team sports, and parliamentary institutions. While some historians, notably Niall Ferguson, hold that the British legacy was a positive one, most historians believe the legacy was a negative one. Instead of being liberal and democratic, the British Empire was anti-democratic. Instead of fostering free trade, the Empire was protectionist toward the outside world. Notions of class and hierarchy were crucial. This article examines the British legacy in two former colonies in Asia--one huge and one tiny: India and Hong Kong. While in Hong Kong, Britain’s legacy has been fairly positive, in India it is quite negative. The British Empire was not a prelude to a modern 21st century Western world of democracy, multiculturalism, and liberal economics. The British Empire was something different– snobbery, hierarchy, and individualism, and must be understood on its own terms.
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COX, GARY W., FRANCES McCALL ROSENBLUTH und MICHAEL F. THIES. „Electoral Reform and the Fate of Factions: The Case of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party“. British Journal of Political Science 29, Nr. 1 (Januar 1999): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123499000022.
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For years, scholars and pundits have blamed Japan's single, non-transferable vote (SNTV) electoral system for the factions that divide and organize the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). In January 1994, Japan abandoned SNTV, and the first election under the new rules occurred in October 1996. If SNTV did in fact sustain the factions, it makes sense that the factional structure ought to have weakened under the new rules. In this article, we provide an informal model of what the old factional exchange between leaders and followers was like and investigate the extent to which the terms of this exchange, and hence the characteristics of Japanese factionalism, have begun to change under the new rules. We expect and find the largest decline in factional leaders' role in the area of nominations, and the slightest changes, at least in the short run, in the allocation of posts. On the other side of the exchange, we find that followers appear less willing to march to their leaders' tunes in LDP presidential elections.
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Dr. Gaurav Agrawal. „Liberal Feminism and Ruskin Bond: An Exploration of Bond’s Women World“. Creative Launcher 5, Nr. 6 (28.02.2021): 217–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2021.5.6.30.
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Indian history has been a deponent of ups and downs in the position of women. In the Vedic era, they attained the highest place in society. Later in post-Vedic era they were accused of many disabilities and their freedom was banned. In middle age their position became very pathetic. So a necessity is felt for reconsideration of women's condition with the angle of Indian attitude. In contemporary age, many efforts are being done to resolve this social injustice. Indian intellectuals have been advocating for equal rights, equality, and co-operation between both genders for long ages, but it was in the British period when women uplift started. The result of all efforts made in this direction is that women have started to establish new dimensions in various areas, e.g., in education, politics, social, economic, administration, and in games and sports. In the literary area their contribution can also not be underestimated. Many female writers such as Arundhati Roy, Jhumpa Lahri, Shashi Despande, Shobha De and many others are raising their voices for women rights and women empowerment. Today women-deliberation has become a vivid question in every area of life so much that prominent male writers are also giving them a special niche in their writings. In male stream, Ruskin Bond is carrying this trend forward to maintain a balance between the two genders. The present paper is an endeavor to prove that Ruskin’s literature searches the way for women empowerment within democratic system.
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Schotel, Bas. „Administrative Law as a Dual State. Authoritarian Elements of Administrative Law“. Hague Journal on the Rule of Law 13, Nr. 1 (April 2021): 195–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40803-021-00156-4.
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AbstractScholars have recently shown how in Europe regimes in democratic decay (e.g. Poland, Hungary) take all sorts of measures targeting and marginalizing political opponents. Although they are authoritarian by nature, the measures are cast in a legal form. According to some scholars this kind of authoritarian rule of law can be best understood as a dual state, namely a combination of the normative state (the rule of law) and the prerogative state (the pure—political or arbitrary—will of those in power). Building on these insights, the present paper makes two new observations. First, administrative law is distinctively well suited to cater for the creation of a dual state. By distinctively I mean better than civil and criminal law. In fact, I argue that administrative law constitutes a dual state in and of itself combining normative and prerogative state elements within a single area of law, in ways that cannot be done under civil and criminal law. Second, not only regimes in democratic decay but also liberal democracies make use of the dual state nature of administrative law. The paper illustrates this point with two techniques whereby liberal democracies use administrative law to circumvent or pervert the normal operation of criminal law, namely crimmigration and the alien detention of citizens. My underlying normative point is to draw attention to the inherent authoritarian potential of administrative law.
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Frohlich, Norman, und Irvin Boschmann. „Partisan Preference and Income Redistribution: Cross-National and Cross-Sexual Results“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, Nr. 1 (März 1986): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057978.
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AbstractThe relationships between attitudes toward income redistribution and partisan preferences are examined and contrasted in Canadian and American samples of college students. In both samples evidence is found that there is a strong relationship between the variables among males and an absence of a relationship among females. In Canada, support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the New Democratic party, positively correlated with support for the Liberal party, and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Progressive Conservative party. In the United States support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the Democratic party and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Republican party. Cross-national differences are also found between Canadian and American subjects, Canadian subjects having significantly lower variance among party supporters regarding this issue. Some implications of the results for research in the area of sex differences in politics and the influence of economic concerns on political behaviour are discussed briefly.
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Sardarnia, Khalil, und Yalda Bahrampour. „Islam and Democracy: A Critical Reappraisal of Adaptation and Contrast Theories“. Journal of Politics and Law 10, Nr. 3 (20.04.2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n3p1.
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With the expansion of Islamism, a wave of Islam phobia was launched by western Orientalists and intensified subsequent to September 11 Attacks. Theoretically, the subject of adaptation and compatibility or contrast between Islam and democracy has drawn the attention of academic circles. Using a comparative and analytical research procedure, the current article seeks to provide an answer to this question: In the area of Adaptation and Contrast Theories, what is the nature of the relationship between Islam and democracy? The research’s hypothesis is that: from Contrast perspective, adaptation between democracy and Islam is not possible due to ontological and epistemological differences. In contrast, given the existing rational and democratic potentials within the framework of genuine Islamic fundamentals, democratic empirical examples such as democratic attitudes and demands in Islam world and democratic governance in the Middle East countries and Islam world, adaptation oriented parties believe in the existence of contextualized democracy within the framework of Islam. Using a critical reappraisal, it must be noted that, in spite of some deficits, Adaptation is more tenable, while Contrast and Essentialism are not sufficiently tenable due to some causes including failure to make a distinction between Islam’s basic fundamentals and history of Islam, the performance of authoritarian regimes and radical Islamists, universalization of liberal-secular democracy discourse and its combination with western ethnic chauvinism and propaganda of Islam phobia and defamation to Islam.
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Niedźwiecki, Artur. „Downturn of the European project in the light of the liberal theory of international relations“. Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 29 (08.04.2021): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.29.1.
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The article presents selected sources of crisis of the European integration process and the potential consequences of the collapse of unification tendencies in Europe. It elucidates the reasons for contesting projects of deepening cooperation within this supranational community, with particular emphasis on the problems affecting various areas of unification tendencies. The outcomes of undermining confidence in the liberal paradigm of world politics are debated, as well as the background of superficial imitation of the process of Europeanization, leading to the reconstruction of the former center-peripheral divisions. The consequences of democratic deficit phenomenon in the context of the collapse of legitimacy of the integration regime are also discussed. The work includes comments on the possible effects of decomposition tendencies in the area of civic rights, as well as the impact of disintegration in the sense of security in Europe. According to the author, the above phenomena may initialize a split in the Western world, leading to break in its political unity, and starting an era of fear and uncertainty as a prelude to the creation of a new order in the continent.
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BAMBRA, CLARE. „Cash Versus Services: ‘Worlds of Welfare’ and the Decommodification of Cash Benefits and Health Care Services“. Journal of Social Policy 34, Nr. 2 (15.03.2005): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279404008542.
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Welfare state models have focused almost exclusively on the study of cash benefits, and typologies established on this limited basis have been used to generalise about all forms of welfare state provision. This ignores the fact that welfare states are also about the actual delivery of services and/or that countries vary in terms of the relative emphasis that they place upon cash benefits and welfare state services. This article explores the cash and services mix in, and between, welfare states with reference to recent welfare state typologies, most notably Esping-Andersen's decommodification-centred ‘worlds of welfare’. It compares the decommodification levels of the main cash benefits with the main area of service provision: health care. The resulting analysis suggests that when services are added into the comparative analysis of welfare state regimes there are five welfare state clusters: Social Democratic, Liberal, Conservative, and sub-groups within both the Liberal and Conservative regimes. The article concludes that, in order to maintain integrity or generalisability, future welfare state typologies need to reflect more adequately the role of services in welfare state provision.
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Gorodnia, N. „THE U.S. – JAPAN RELATIONS UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF DONALD TRUMP“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, Nr. 148 (2021): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.5.
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This paper describes and discusses the major developments in the U.S.-Japan relations under the administration of Donald Trump (January 2017–January 2021) in political, commercial and economic, and energy areas. In political sphere, the research focuses on continuity and changes in the U.S. policy towards bilateral security alliance with Japan. The research has revealed that D. Trump's statements on security relations with allies and trade during his presidential campaign were cause for concern in Japan. To avoid their implementation, the prime-minister Shinzo Abe (Liberal Democratic Party) managed to establish close personal relations with Donald Trump and successfully navigated them until his resignation in September 2020. Importantly, Abe succeeded in separating issues of security and trade in a bilateral dialogue with the U.S. As a result, Trump's preelection statements on security with Japan had not been implemented. Moreover, the U.S.-Japan security cooperation strengthened based at the mutual support of "free and open Indo-Pacific" strategy. In commercial and economic area, new trade policies of Trump administration since 2018 had an impact on Japan. Abe failed to persuade D. Trump to return to multinational Trans Pacific Partnership free trade agreement. A large U.S. deficit in trade with Japan caused bilateral negotiations on trade issues. Their first stage was completed in September 2019. However, the trade agreement did not cover cars and auto parts, which composed 75 percent of Japan's export to the U.S. In energy sector, the focus of bilateral cooperation shifted from clean energy and environmental initiatives of Obama administration to energy security and integration of regional energy market in the Indo-Pacific. Two countries prioritized cooperation in Liquefied natural gas (LNG) sector, in which they had complementary interests. The policy of Shinzo Abe with respect to the U.S. was continued by the new government of Japan by Yoshihide Suga (Liberal Democratic Party).
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Osborne, Geraint, und Shauna Wilton. „“Defenders of perversion”: Professing Same-Sex Marriage Rights in the Local Press“. Engaged Scholar Journal: Community-Engaged Research, Teaching, and Learning 8, Nr. 3 (22.12.2022): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15402/esj.v8i3.70358.
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This case study provides an important socio-historical snapshot of the same-sex marriage debate in a small city in central Alberta between December 2004 and August 2005. We explore the relationship between professors and small-town newspapers in fostering democratic dialogues on key social issues through an analysis of faculty columns and the responding Letters to the Editor in a local paper. In so doing, this research focuses on two social groups located in a particular social environment, each representing a particular frame: the professors working in the local university who maintained an op-ed column in the local paper and supported a equality frame; and the general public living in Camrose and the surrounding rural area who supported a morality frame. This article contributes to our understanding of scholarly engagement in the town-gown context, the democratic role of the press, and how a particularly contentious social and political issue—same-sex marriage—was experienced and framed by concerned citizens in a small conservative rural city that is also the home to a liberal arts and sciences university campus.
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Zinchenko, V. V. „INSTITUTIONAL GLOBALIZATION AND POSTMODERNIZATION OF ECONOMY IN SYSTEM DINAMICS OF TRANSITIVE TRANSFORMATIONS“. Economic innovations 19, Nr. 2(64) (07.07.2017): 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31520/ei.2017.19.2(64).106-112.
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It is analyzed trends in the global system and the institutionalization of post-modernization processes in the context of global development, their levels and forms. The influence of globalization trends in the transformation of transitive systems is investigated. For civilization cardinal feature is the treatment of the person as the subject of history. Hence the need for the development of civilization to increase the degree of subjectivity in an economy where people can Express themselves freely and responsibly through a system of private property relations: economic entity is the subject of property. Policy enhancing the role of human rights and the development of the principle of subjectivity means deepening the democratic foundations of the state structure. In the social sphere of subjectivity is expressed in the individualization of the social existence of man and the personification of public relations and is implemented through the mechanisms of liberal institutions. It seems to us that the civilizational unity of the economy, democratic state and liberal society has now the value of a scientific paradigm. Whatever great cultural peaks of the postmodern, the main processes of a new society formed at its foot: in the area of formation of public consciousness and public preferences with the mass participation of the individual in the economy (involving the mass of the individual in social production on the level of financial relations, which allow the maximum extent possible to include in the economy of free choice), in the field of state-building and the formation of social institutions on the principles of Amateur participation.
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Schubert, Sophia. „On the Assessment of ‘Civilizations’ in Political Culture Research. Criticism and Alternative“. Comparative Sociology 13, Nr. 5 (26.11.2014): 556–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341325.
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Since Huntington proclaimed the political relevance of ‘civilizations’, the concept has been popular in political culture research. However, it lacks precision and is used inconsistently in interpreting global cultural (dis)similarities. This article aims to illustrate how these flaws can be avoided. First, the broad rubric of civilization is specified and differentiated from political culture. Then, the (dis)similarities of 39 countries in terms of political culture are visualized in a two-dimensional space using data from the World Values Survey (2005–08). The description of the countries’ configuration reveals a specific ‘liberal-democratic culture area’ and the configuration’s additional visual interpretation with both the civilization rubric and two of its core elements is more informative than the use of ‘civilization’ alone.
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Harell, Allison, und Dietlind Stolle. „Diversity and Democratic Politics: An Introduction“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, Nr. 2 (28.05.2010): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391000003x.
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Abstract.In recent years, there has been increasing popular and academic debate about how ethnic and racial diversity affects democratic politics and social cohesion in industrialized liberal democracies. In this introduction, different interdisciplinary theoretical approaches for understanding the role of diversity for intergroup relations and social cohesion are reviewed and four extensions to the current literature are proposed. These include taking advantage of a comparative framework to understand how generalizable the consequences of diversity are. A comparative country approach also helps to reveal which policies might be able to mitigate any potential negative consequences of diversity. Most importantly, we propose that the research in this area should include other aspects of social cohesion beyond measures of generalized trust, such as solidarity, attitudes about the welfare state and redistributive justice, as well as political and social tolerance. Finally, research on the effects of diversity might gain more insights from taking less of a majority-centric approach to include the effects on various minority groups as well.Résumé.Ces dernières années ont procuré un sol fertile au débat populaire et universitaire autour des effets de la diversité ethnique et raciale sur la politique démocratique et sur la cohésion sociale dans les démocraties libérales industrialisées. Dans cette introduction, nous passons en revue diverses approches théoriques interdisciplinaires permettant de clarifier le rôle de la diversité dans les relations entre les groupes et dans la cohésion sociale et nous proposons quatre ajouts à la littérature courante. Nous suggérons, entre autres, de tirer profit d'un cadre comparatif pour comprendre à quel point les conséquences de la diversité sont généralisables. Une étude comparative des pays aide également à cerner les politiques qui pourraient atténuer les conséquences négatives potentielles de la diversité. Par-dessus tout, nous avançons que la recherche dans ce domaine devrait inclure d'autres aspects de la cohésion sociale à part les mesures de la confiance généralisée, des aspects tels que la solidarité, les attitudes envers l'État-providence et la justice redistributive, ainsi que la tolérance politique et sociale. Finalement, la recherche sur les effets de la diversité pourrait devenir plus instructive en adoptant une approche moins centrée sur la majorité afin d'inclure également les effets sur divers groupes minoritaires.
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Jakimiec, Dawid. „The origin of the emergence of political parties and the evolution of the party system and legal regulations regarding the financing of political activities in Japan“. Journal of Modern Science 57, Nr. 3 (20.08.2024): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.13166/jms/189568.
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The article presents the stages of creation and development of the party system and political parties in Japan, as well as various definitions of the party system, and assesses the directions of evolution of the Japanese political system. In addition, the genesis and activities of the Liberal Democratic Party were outlined, as well as the topic of transparency and legal regulations in the area of financing political activities in Japan. In order to present the evolution of Japan's political system, one must deal not only with legal regulations regarding the party, electoral and political system, but also with issues such as political culture, history and various conditions, i.e. everything that influenced the evolution of a given political system. countries. Party systems remain closely related to the political systems within which they operate, which results in the observable difficulty with which their comparative analyzes or broader and more general characteristics are created.
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Kells, Sara. „A conceptual understanding of civics education in Spain and the United States: a systematic review“. Bordón. Revista de Pedagogía 74, Nr. 1 (26.03.2022): 63–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.13042/bordon.2022.90636.
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INTRODUCTION. How does one learn to live with others? What does it mean to be a citizen in a liberal democracy? How do we ensure the future of fragile democratic institutions? Civics education, the formative activity of training young generations to take part in society by way of encouraging active and informed participation in their democratic society, is an area of study long tied to the quest of answering these questions. METHOD AND RESULTS. Through a systematic review, the current article describes the conceptual evolution of civics education in Spain and the United States in the years 2000-2020. Eighty-four articles were included in the revision and were analyzed and coded qualitatively. Momentous events in both countries are juxtaposed with the academic publications in an effort to track shifts, inflection points, and changes of foci within the fields of study. DISCUSSION. The current article outlines the historical events in each country, such as the anti-austerity movement in Spain and the events of September 11th, as potential milestones within the conceptual evolution of the literature on civics education. This article represents the first phase of a larger research project contextualizing relevant historical events within the body of research in the fields of education, political science, and sociology as it relates to the study of civics education.
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Šmidrkal, Václav. „They Shall—or Shall Not—Pass? Communist State Borders in the Czech Culture of Remembrance after 1989“. East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, Nr. 2 (19.04.2017): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416679693.
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This article is part of the special section titled From the Iron Curtain to the Schengen Area, guest edited by Wolfgang Mueller and Libora Oates-Indruchová. This article analyses the formation of the two mutually opposing memory poles of the communist past that crystalized in Czechia after 1989. To this end, it focuses on the issue of communist state borders, which slowly developed into one of the most controversial memory conflicts. Anti-communist Iron Curtain discourse established a new mainstream “national memory” using the previous border regime as a prime example of the non-democratic rule that violated values that were constitutive of liberal democratic order after 1989. Nevertheless, the Communists’ border discourse did not fade away after 1989. It was sustained by communist politicians, party members and former Border Guards. It still influences the public memory of state borders by stressing their legitimacy, legality, and ultimately the inevitability of protecting them. The search for unequivocal heroes and evil-doers of the communist state border regime strengthens this split memory and makes embracing its complexity hardly possible. The existence of these two opposing memory discourses, which refute one another, is not just an example of group conflict over the “right” memory. It also illustrates deep postcommunist divides in Czech society going beyond the watershed events of 1989.
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Gottlieb, Nanette. „Language and Politics: The Reversal of Postwar Script Reform Policy in Japan“. Journal of Asian Studies 53, Nr. 4 (November 1994): 1175–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059238.
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The period since the end of the Allied Occupation of Japan has seen a number of attempts to reverse several Occupation policies. Some, such as the revoking of administrative decentralization of education and the police force, have been successful, while others, such as constitutional revision, have not. In general, the period since the 1950s has seen a pattern of conservative social change backed by the Liberal Democratic Party. An area that illustrates this trend is that of language policy, specifically the policy toward script. The partial revision of the immediate postwar script reforms that occurred over a twenty-year period from the mid-1960s to the end of the 1980s, most notably the revision of the 1946 list of recommended characters, is an example of a policy that, while not imposed by the Occupation authorities, had been arrived at during the Occupation and was later reversed to some extent in a conservative direction through direct LDP intervention.
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Osterberg-Kaufmann, Norma, und Kay Key Teo. „Uncoupling Conceptual Understandings and Political Preferences: A Study of Democratic Attitudes among Singapore's Highly Educated Young People“. Pacific Affairs 95, Nr. 3 (01.09.2022): 497–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2022953497.
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Democracy is subject to constant and seemingly interminable contestation in academic and policy contexts, and yet, empirically and methodologically robust analysis of what the term means in practice for actual citizens has remained an area of relative lacuna. Admittedly, large-N surveys have attempted to address this research gap by examining attitudes to numerous components of democracy, but without the fine-grained detail required to overcome simply reproducing the focus on liberal procedural, Western precedent-based, top-down approaches to understanding such a complex and varied political system. This article proposes a methodological approach, based on the requirements of comparative political theory and research into how people view democracy. This allows us to explore political attitudes and the meaning of democracy with a bottom-up approach using the methods of repertory grid and in-depth interviews. Singapore is a particularly exciting case for comparative political science: although it has all the advantageous conditions that, according to classic modernization theory, promote the development of democracy, it is still not a democracy.<br/> To what extent will the conceptualization of democracy by citizens in a country like Singapore resemble theoretical definitions, and how suitable do they consider democracy to be for Singapore? What are their expectations for a good government or regime? This article examines what highly educated Singaporeans, ranging in age from their twenties to their forties, think about democracy. In doing so, the article also pursues the goal of comparing methods between repertory grid interviews and in-depth interviews in order to work out potential interfaces, and points of connection, between the two methods to allow for the most productive research outcomes. We find that, conceptually, these Singaporeans' perceptions of democracy appeared very similar to what is usually discussed as electoral democracy in established literature. When evaluating the performance of a government or a regime, however, liberal ideas of freedom and fairness competed with more pragmatic approaches that reflect the principles of progress and success as well as community and performance-focused orientations. As a result, our respondents did not prioritize democratic practices as much as other aspects of governance like e ciency. Our findings on the influence of state ideology on highly educated young people in Singapore strengthen the arguments of political myth as an integration and legitimization strategy in autocratic regimes and democratizing strong states or regimes with a particularly pronounced ideological hegemony.
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Korgunyuk, Yu G. „The Soviet Past Theme in the 2021 Duma Campaign“. Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 106, Nr. 3 (09.09.2022): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-106-3-105-129.
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The article is devoted to the theme of the Soviet past in the 2021 Duma elections. The author shows that, in comparison with 2016, the relevance of this topic has not decreased, but has in fact increased. While in the previous Duma elections the confrontations on the issues of the Soviet past dissolved into broader cleavages, this time they manifested themselves very clearly. The author documents the change in the structure of the confrontations on the issues of the Soviet past. If a year earlier such confrontations ran along the lines of “Communists vs. Anti-Communists” and “Liberals vs. Statists”, in 2021 they rather went along the lines of “Defenders of the Soviet period vs. its Critics” and “Reds vs. Whites”, with communists surpassing liberals and assuming the leading role in such confrontations. The author explains this shift by the growing importance of the topic of the Soviet past in the interparty discussion, because it is the communists who are its main promoters and beneficiaries. The article reveals that the confrontation “Defenders of the Soviet period vs. its Critics” quite convincingly explains the second electoral cleavage. In one of the models, it even displaces the general confrontation between liberals and conservatives in the worldview issues. The use of an alternative methodology based on a double factor analysis allowed the author to detect the opposition “Communists vs. Liberals”, as well as an additional one associated with the special position of the Liberal Democratic Party on the issues of the Soviet past. These confrontations colored a number of electoral cleavages, including some of those that otherwise would be impossible to interpret politically. The author interprets an increase in the importance of the Soviet past in the mass consciousness as the evidence that the process of “Left vs. Right” confrontation shifting from the socio-economic area to the socio-cultural one, which is typical for the European and North American democracies, has partially affected Russia.
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Izzati, Fathimah Fildzah. „The Problem of “Women’s Work” and the Idea of Work Democratization for the Liberating Empowerment of Women“. Jurnal Perempuan 24, Nr. 2 (31.05.2019): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v24i2.319.
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<p class="p1">Women never make choices about their work democratically. In patriarchal society, “women’s work” is constructed as work that is in the area of social reproduction and is “natural” for women. Consequently, women are increasingly in a vulnerable position in the labor market. In addition, women also face obstacles to being actively involved in various democratic spaces such as unions and women’s movements, and wider social movements because they bear a double workload that is life-consuming. However, various women’s empowerment programs launched by a number of development institutions to overcome the problems faced by women turned out to be far from women’s interests. Empowerment, also known as “liberal empowerment”, actually depoliticized and atomized women. Feminist scholars also call for the importance of realizing “liberating empowerment”. Related to that, this paper sees that the process of democratization of work on women’s work is an effort that can be done to pave the way for women’s liberation.</p><p class="p1"> </p>
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Press, Frances, Christine Woodrow, Helen Logan und Linda Mitchell. „Can we belong in a neo-liberal world? Neo-liberalism in early childhood education and care policy in Australia and New Zealand“. Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood 19, Nr. 4 (14.06.2018): 328–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463949118781909.
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Since the 1990s, neo-liberal economics has profoundly altered the nature and delivery of early childhood education and care in both Australia and New Zealand through the creation of childcare markets. Accompanying the rise of the market has been a discourse of childcare as a commodity – a commodity marketed and sold to its consumers (read parents) as a private benefit. The stratifying impact of neo-liberalism in education policy has been argued by numerous scholars of education. Arguably, in both Australia and New Zealand, early childhood education and care is more commodified and subject to the market than any other area of education. Thus, the authors consider whether early childhood education and care has shifted away from being understood as a social good, a site for social cohesion and democratic practice – all of which the authors consider to be implicated in a conceptualisation of belonging appropriate to the project of early childhood education and care. This article considers the impact of neo-liberal policies on early childhood education and care in Australia and New Zealand, especially in relation to understandings and manifestations of ‘belonging’. The authors trace the impact of neo-liberalism in early childhood education and care policy and examine the ways in which the discourse of early childhood education and care provision has changed, both in policy and in how the market makes its appeal to parents as consumers. The authors argue that appeals to narrowly defined, individualised self-interest and advancement threaten understandings of belonging based on social solidarity and interdependence.
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Blauvelt, Robert P. „State Environmental Expenditures in New England and Their Relationship to Other Programmatic and Political Metrics“. Journal of Environment and Ecology 11, Nr. 2 (05.08.2020): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jee.v11i2.17110.
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State environmental agencies have developed into one of the primary mechanisms by which public health and quality of life is managed and protected within the United States. This analysis attempts to provide some understanding of what economic and political factors may be influencing funding for state environmental agencies in six New England states: Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont. The demographic makeup of New England, an area that is relatively well-off, highly educated, socially liberal, and diverse, make it the ideal place to test the relationships between state environmental agency spending and other key economic and political metrics.Financial data sets evaluated as part of this study include state spending on 11 common programmatic areas. Non-financial data sets in this analysis include the percentage of voters casting ballots by political party for Democratic presidential candidates, U.S. Senators, U.S Representatives, and Governors, as well as the composition by political party of the upper and lower houses of state legislatures. A Pearson’s product moment correlation coefficient was used to compare each state’s environmental expenditures with the 17 independent variable data sets.Natural Resource spending was positively correlated with Education spending in five states. Total (state) Expenditures also correlate positively with Natural Resource spending. General Revenues, similar to Total Expenditures, positively correlate with Natural Resource spending in five states, suggesting that state environmental agencies are effective bureaucratically in lobbying for and obtaining needed funding. State environmental agencies funding correlated positively with the percent of the electorate voting for the Democratic Presidential candidate in Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. This correlation is similar to those noted by other researchers, but the remaining state-level political data sets were less useful in establishing potential relationships.
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Morales Giraldo, Juan Francisco. „Brasil nuclear: dos interpretaciones opuestas sobre la orientación de su programa atómico“. Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Internacional 6, Nr. 2 (08.12.2020): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.18847/1.12.5.
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The analysis of the Brazilian nuclear program from different theoretical approaches shed light on differences regarding its orientation and purposes. Optimistic views, from a liberal standpoint, emphasize the idea that States’ foreign policy should be asses in a favorable fashion according to certain aspects such as democratic values, compliance with international norms and legitimacy from public opinion. But in opposition to perspectives based on normative arguments, a power politics perspective emphasizes least idealist aspects: the reconfiguration of international power hierarchy and the aspirations of an emergent global power as subjacent motivations for the technical developments of the atomic program. This work ponders the relative utility of both perspectives focusing on situations, developments and discourses from recent past that make possible to infer the political orientation of Brazilian nuclear program. The study proceeds by contrasting the evidence available with theoretical elements from each perspective. First, Brazilian foreign policy regarding the Nonproliferation Regime is compared with assumptions from Liberal thesis about State conduct. In that sense, aspects such as the weight-normative international institutions, domestic democracy and legitimacy provided by these principles, would have an important explanatory importance. In the second part, an opposed view is adopted: the liberal thesis applied to the problematic of Brazilian nuclear program are seen critically from the standpoint of an interpretation about its orientation based on a revisionist policy and pragmatism related to major objectives of international status and power relations with Great Powers. An important evidence in that sense is the ambiguity of the nuclear program and its military purposes, which suggest that the second perspective offers a better explanation of Brazilian objectives in this area. Conclusions are focused on three distinctions between both perspectives that give answers to the problems of the study: the absence of a nuclear program in contrast with the militarization of the nuclear technology and its applications; the acceptance of international institutions in contrast with the pragmatism and selectiveness of the compliance of certain principles; and finally, the unclear conceptual frontiers exposed by the Brazilian nuclear program.
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Schimmelfennig, Frank. „How Substantial Is Substance? Concluding Reflections on the Study of Substance in EU Democracy Promotion“. European Foreign Affairs Review 16, Issue 5 (01.12.2011): 727–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2011048.
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These concluding reflections deal with three arguments that could be put forward against the research agenda of this special issue: that substance is either trivial or non-existent or not consequential. The article argues that, whereas substance has clearly been shown to be non-trivial, the 'substance of substance' and its effects are open issues. It also suggests areas for further research: subtypes of liberal democracy and alternative templates such as democratic governance, the inputs and processes that generate the substance of democracy promotion, and the link between substance and instruments. The contributions to this special issue tackle an important dimension of EU democracy promotion. As Anne Wetzel and Jan Orbie rightly point out in their introductory article, research on EU democracy promotion has focused predominantly on strategies and instruments, on the one hand, and effects and results, on the other. Substance has mainly played a role with regard to the consistency, or rather inconsistency, of EU democracy promotion but has not been an important research area in its own right. This special issue goes a long way in filling this gap. By disentangling the broad notion of democracy according to several partial regimes and by studying the content of EU democracy promotion at the level of regions and even individual countries, the contributors provide a nuanced and differentiated picture of what the EU promotes.
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Diec, Joachim. „The Hamburg Circle: A Thoroughly Structured Expression of the German Conservative Revolution in the Weimar Republic“. Politeja 18, Nr. 3(72) (05.06.2021): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.72.06.
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The members of the Hamburg Circle: W. Stapel (the leading figure), H. Bogner, A.E. Günther, G. Günther, are usually attributed to the ‘young conservative’ trend of the conservative revolution in the Weimar Republic. The main platform of their expression was the Deutsches Volkstum, a monthly published in Hamburg between 1898 and 1938. The activists of the circle opposed the realities of the Weimar Republic, negating the foundations of a democratic and liberal society as it did not express the ‘national will’ of Germans. Their ideal was not exactly in the revival of monarchy but they proposed a national state which was supposed to promote the traditionally structured society. In the area of religious policy, Stapel and his colleagues aimed at a non-secular state with a form of traditionalistic church life in spite of the religious diversity in Germany. Christianity was not perceived from a purely spiritual perspective, but as a doctrine that should be a strong pillar of the state. The Hamburg Circle claimed that to achieve these goals Germans ought to reject liberalism and pacifism, which appeared to be a dangerous consequence of the ideological pressure from assimilated Jewry.
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Hayao, Kenji. „Ending the LDP Hegemony: Party Cooperation in Japan. By Ray Christensen. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000. 228p. $52.00 cloth, $27.95 paper.“ American Political Science Review 95, Nr. 1 (März 2001): 231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401552016.
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The Japanese party system has been in flux in recent years. In 1993, two groups defected from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and joined with the opposition to form a broadly based coalition government. A year later, the LDP regained power by creating a coalition government with its ideological opponent, the Japan Socialist Party (JSP). Both events shocked virtually everyone at the time. The LDP had been in power for so long-almost 40 years-that it seemed almost inconceivable that it could lose power. For just as long, the JSP had been the main opposition. By the 2000 election, a dozen parties had come and gone, the JSP's strength dropped to a very small fraction of what it was a decade earlier, and the LDP had to turn to various coalition partners to maintain its control of government. All this is quite puzzling to even close watchers of Japanese politics, because party politics, especially the role of opposition parties, has been a relatively understudied area. For those who want to make sense of how these events came to pass, Ray Christensen's Ending the LDP Hegemony will be very helpful.
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Cveticanin, Neven. „Two faces of global open society“. Filozofija i drustvo 19, Nr. 3 (2008): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0803059c.
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The Essay considers 'the rule' of the so called post-civil political centre that corresponds to the familiar concept of open society, questioning the good as well as the bad sides of such 'rule'. The research is in the first place about global open society stability and attention is addressed to its present enemies - from terrorism, over organized crime, all the way to the so called local legitimates that are confronting the universal and global legitimates represented by the followers of the open society from the post civil political centre area. The Essay presents the debate with Fukuyama's thesis about the 'end of history' considering that open society, i.e. global post civil political centre has visible enemies who do not allow for dialectics of history to stand still as Fukuyama believed. Instead of Fukuyama's 'end of history' the Essay comes to the conclusion that present global situation is marked by post-modern opposition of liberal-democratic post civil centre and extreme anti civil margins, with reference to the opposition of open society and its enemies, which will put under limits further steps of history towards new socio-historical forms.
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Kumankov, Arseniy D. „Kantian Project of Perpetual Peace in the Context of Modern Ethical and Political Concepts of War“. Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 63, Nr. 1 (27.05.2020): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2020-63-1-85-100.
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The article considers the modern meaning of Kant’s doctrine of war. The author examines the context and content of the key provisions of Kant’s concept of perpetual peace. The author also reviews the ideological affinity between Kant and previous authors who proposed to build alliances of states as a means of preventing wars. It is noted that the French revolution and the wars caused by it, the peace treaty between France and Prussia served as the historical background for the conceptualization of Kant’s project. In the second half of the 20th century, there is a growing attention to Kant’s ethical and political philosophy. Theorists of a wide variety of political and ethical schools, (cosmopolitanism, internationalism, and liberalism) pay attention to Kant’s legacy and relate their own concepts to it. Kant’s idea of war is reconsidered by Michael Doyle, Jürgen Habermas, Ulrich Beck, Mary Kaldor, Brian Orend. Thus, Doyle tracks democratic peace theory back to Kant’s idea of the spread of republicanism. According to democratic peace theory, liberal democracies do not solve conflict among themselves by non-military methods. Habermas, Beck, Kaldor appreciate Kant as a key proponent of cosmopolitanism. For them, Kant’s project is important due to notion of supranational forms of cooperation. They share an understanding that peace will be promoted by an allied authority, which will be “governing without government” and will take responsibility for the functioning of the principles of pacification of international relations. Orend’s proves that Kant should be considered as a proponent of the just war theory. In addition, Orend develops a new area in just war theory – the concept of ius post bellum – and justifies regime change as the goal of just war.
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Ковалев, Д. В., Н. А. Казарова, С. П. Костриков, Н. А. Омельченко und Л. В. Селезнева. „THE PROBLEM OF RUSSIAN NATIONAL-CIVILIZATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE DISCOURSES OF RUSSIAN SOCIAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT AND MODERN DOMESTIC POLITICAL SCIENCE (to the historiography of the issue)“. Человеческий капитал 1, Nr. 12 (17.12.2023): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25629/hc.2023.12.04.
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В статье дан историографический анализ философского и научного осмысления концепта российской национально-цивилизационной идентичности в дискурсах русской социально-философской мысли XIX – начала XX вв. и современной политической науки. Актуализировано значение формирования российской национальной (государственной) идентичности, а также существующие проблемы в этой области, нуждающиеся в дальнейшем научном исследовании. Акцентируется внимание на необходимости преодоления в научном дискурсе узкого, «либерального» понимания национальной государственности, трактуемой исключительно в контексте либерально-демократического транзита, который должен быть, по мнению авторов статьи, дополнен и сбалансирован более широким, «консервативным» пониманием русского исторического процесса, подчеркивающим значение культурно-исторического фундамента национальной государственности. Раскрывается трактовка современными авторами содержания российской национально-цивилизационной идентичности и характер обсуждения этой проблемы в современном научном дискурсе. Выявляются факторы, обеспечивающие, по мнению современных исследователей, консолидацию российской нации в исторической ретроспективе и современных условиях. The article provides a historiographic analysis of the philosophical and scientific understanding of the concept of Russian national-civilizational identity in the discourse of Russian social and philosophical thought of the 19th – early 20th centuries and modern political science. The importance of the formation of Russian national (state) identity is updated, as well as existing problems in this area that require further scientific research. Attention is focused on the need to overcome in scientific discourse the narrow, “liberal” understanding of national statehood, interpreted exclusively in the context of liberal-democratic transition, which, according to the authors of the article, should be supplemented and balanced by a boarder, “conservative” understanding of Russian historical process, making emphasis on the importance of the cultural and historical foundation of national statehood. The interpretation by modern authors of the content of Russian national-civilizational identity and the nature of the discussion of this problem in modern scientific discourse are revealed. The factors that, according to modern researchers, ensure the consolidation of the Russian nation in historical and modern conditions are identified.
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Zhang, Xiaodan, und Wenjia Yan. „Forty-Years of the Modernization of Chinese Socialist Legality: Strategy, Lacuna, and Outlook“. German Law Journal 23, Nr. 5 (Juni 2022): 691–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2022.43.
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AbstractIt has been forty years since the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) initiated the modernization project of Post-Mao China. As with other sectors, learning from the West was one of the basic strategies taken by the CCP to achieve the modernization of Chinese socialist legality, even as Chinese law is meant to be grounded in the orthodoxies of Marxism-Leninism. In order to learn from the West, the CCP generally adopted an elastic and dualistic approach to reform that is based on the utilitarian incentives of Deng Xiaoping. In the political sector, for example, the CCP looked back into the past and the CCP’s successful experiences under Marxist-Leninist doctrine. The aim was to immunize politics from the influence of western liberal-democratic ideology. But in the economic area, the CCP moved toward the West by vigorously adopting advanced western rules and institutions for managing the economy. This article examines how this strategy formed the basic contours of Chinese socialist legality in the past forty years. The article identifies the resulting internal lacuna, especially with respect to the realization of the “rule of law.” This article also analyses the possible future of a Chinese-socialist rule of law. That possibility will be affected by changing external circumstances, particularly the deterioration of China-US relations.
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Khalapsis, Oleksiy, Oleh Poplavskyi und Oleh Levin. „Political and constitutional-legal transformations in Central Asia countries (1991–2021).“ Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 3, Nr. 3 (30.09.2021): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2021-3-52-59.
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The aim of the article is to determine the specifics of political processes related to decommunization in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan), to study the variability of the main vectors of post-Soviet transformations of the respective societies. Reforms in Kazakhstan could theoretically pave the way for civil society, but so far they are more of an imitation. Uzbekistan is distinguished by the state's struggle against Islamic fundamentalism, which gave rise to Islam Karimov to pursue a tough internal policy. Democratization shifts after his death, but the prospects and irreversibility of these reforms are now highly questionable. Kyrgyzstan is the only society in which civil protest has real force, but the presence of clan-patriarchal system, ethnic conflicts, the tendency to use force and the weakness of the central government do not allow building a civil society in this country. Turkmenistan is characterized by boundless authoritarianism, and Tajikistan is the only country that has survived a fierce civil war in which the Islamic religion is most powerful. Each of the five Central Asian states has its own unique characteristics, but none of them has built a civil and democratic society, and the transformation cause of political regimes into democracies remains at the level of rhetoric. In these countries, political alterations have affected mainly the area of institutions, without changing the semi-feudal procedures and practices, and the process of democratization itself has been limited to pseudo-reforms. Civilizational and local-cultural features make the values of civil society unattractive not only for political elites, but also for the majority of the population, thus in the near future we can hardly expect significant progress in this direction. Moreover, Central Asian countries are under the influence of three powerful regional leaders –Russia, China and Iran – whose cultural and historical values are far from Western liberal-democratic ones. The situation is further complicated by the factor of Islamic fundamentalism, which will almost certainly intensify after the Taliban's victory in Afghanistan.
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Fedorowicz, Krzysztof. „System rządów parlamentarnych na obszarze poradzieckim: casus Mołdawii i Łotwy“. Przegląd Politologiczny, Nr. 2 (02.11.2018): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.2.9.
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The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova’s adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President’s endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state’s appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova’s shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.
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Weiss, Manfred. „Enlargement and Industrial Relations: Building a New Social Partnership“. International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 20, Issue 1 (01.03.2004): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2004002.
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Abstract: This paper argues that the accession of 10 new Member States in 2004 represents the greatest challenge the EU has ever faced, since the considerable enlargement in surface area and population, along with the increase in the number of countries and languages, is not matched by a commensurate rise in GDP. In the countries of Central and Eastern Europe the development of industrial relations has not managed to keep pace with the emergence of democratic freedoms and the market economy, with highly individualistic neo-liberal values tending to prevail. The weakness of the trade unions is matched by that of the employers’ associations, and collective bargaining is largely confined to company or plant level. In Central and Eastern Europe a legalistic approach is common, with a wide gap between legislative provisions and day-to-day practice, but EU Directives increasingly rely on the active participation of the social partners for their implementation, that varies widely from country to country. The impact of the single currency on working conditions and collective bargaining is discussed, some cases of cross-border collective bargaining are examined, and the fundamental role of employee participation in company decision-making is underlined. Without the involvement of social partners and/or workers’ representatives, the most recent Directives cannot be implemented in a satisfactory manner. The challenge is therefore for the EU as a whole to build an integrated system of industrial relations, and for the new Member States in particular to play an active part in this transformation.
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Pal, Lal Ji, und Sandeep E. „Expansion of Russia-China Duo in Asian Region and the Future of Democracy“. International Journal of Research and Review 10, Nr. 12 (01.01.2024): 854–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/ijrr.20231286.
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The world has become multi-polar with the emergence of Russia and China into the forefront of world politics toward the beginning of the twenty-first century. Within a couple of decades, they have acquired considerable economic and military might. As part of fulfilling their expansionist ambitions both Moscow and Beijing have succeeded in establishing political and economic grips in many parts of the world including Africa and Asia. Apart from possessing economic and political clout, they have been offering an alternative model of governance instead of liberal democracy championed by the West. Critics claim that this phenomenon is detrimental to the future of democracy. However, the alternative models of governance along with their underlying principles seem to be more acceptable to many national governments across the globe. They consider them suitable and pragmatic for the local environment. The Asian region has become a pivotal area of the expansion of Russia and China. The West also tries to build a democratic coalition in the region to check the progress of Russia and China. Against this backdrop, the present paper discusses the impact of increasing Russian and Chinese footprints in the contemporary period on the prospect of democracy in the Asian region with a special focus on Central and East Asia. The paper is divided into two major sections. The first part will discuss the impact of China on democracy and the second section with deal with the Russian influence. Keywords: Democracy Promotion, Russia, China, Neo-Liberalism, Central Asia, East Asia
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Rafique, Dr Sadia, und Ahsan Shah. „Quadrilateral Security Dialogue: India’s Strategic Ambiguities in the Indo-Pacific Region“. UCP Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences (HEC Recognized-Y Category) 2, Nr. 2 (06.05.2024): 19–33. https://doi.org/10.24312/ucp-jhss.02.02.048.
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The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD) involving Australia, India, Japan, and the United States of America began in 2017 following a decade-long gap, with the objective of ensuring a liberal Indo-Pacific area. These prolonged constraints temporarily harmed Quadrilateral cooperation, but they are not permanent due to the four countries' shared interests in preserving a regional balance of influence, access to the seas, a free economic order based on laws, combating political debt trapping, and reining in China’s assertiveness to claim territories. China's new leadership has been more aggressive and stronger, actively promoting its interests in South China and East China seas and also developing the BRI in order to display hegemonic ambitions. On the other hand, the QUAD States have already responded to China's growing aggressiveness by strengthening their collaboration in a variety of sectors, therefore multiplying the Allied States' capabilities. Despite the enormous harm caused by the Covid-19 epidemic, which presented a serious threat to the member states' economic development, coordination is likely to continue in order to fulfil common goals. The study discusses QUAD's response as well as India's strategic uncertainties in the Indian Ocean owing to China's growing influence in the blue waters. Due to the differing analyses of the threats faced by China, the paper reflects the view that India plays a critical role in the dialogue between the four countries. However, this does not prevent the QUAD Alliance from cooperating more closely on standards, strategic communications, economic policies, and military cooperation in order to preserve the democratic order that has benefited all of them.
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Pétry, François. „The Party Agenda Model: Election Programmes and Government Spending in Canada“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 28, Nr. 1 (März 1995): 51–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900018370.
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AbstractMultiple regression analysis is used to test the existence of a link between the programmes of the Progressive Conservative, Liberal and New Democratic parties and subsequent government spending priorities. The analysis shows that the programme of the governing party is a poor predictor of government policies. Instead, public expenditures have been sensitive to changes in the programmes of opposition parties. The analysis also shows that government spending priorities in some important policy areas have been more sensitive to opposition party programmes when the popularity of these parties was rising. While public support has favoured the Liberals for most of the period of analysis, the fragile nature of this support has left the governing Liberals uncertain about their prospects of subsequent victory at the polls. This uncertainty has led the governing Liberals to compromise with the Progressive Conservatives on some issues and to mirror the proposals of the New Democratic party on other issues.
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Opašinova Šundovska, Marijana. „Security Implications of Fake News and Disinformation in Nato Member and Partner Countries“. Međunarodne studije 22, Nr. 2 (19.12.2022): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46672/ms.22.2.1.
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Misuse of digital platforms for the dissemination of fake news and disinformation online is becoming an increasingly serious problem both for individual states and multilateral organizations. Alternative facts presented under the veil of awakening critical thinking, or false and purported information placed in the social media environment by state and non-state actors for their own purposes, have been disturbing the credibility of traditional fact-checking media outlets to present actual information to the public. Grasping the notion of parrhesia as part of the democratic free expression in a liberal society via social networks is now seriously questioning the common objective standards of truth. Deliberate interference with fake news and disinformation in contemporary democracies, especially during election campaigns, the use of anti-NATO narrative, particularly in countries with former communist regimes, and recent promotion of a false sense of security or insecurity about the Covid-19 pandemic, became an issue of major concern for the entire Alliance and its field work. Although in essence being a military organization with the aim to secure peace and stability in its wider area and promote its values globally, what the NATO has witnessed in the last decade is that peace and security in the traditional sense cannot be taken for granted. The emergence of modern non-military tactics by adversaries to destabilize member and partner countries require specific methods and approaches for deterrence and defense. This paper will analyze how these alternative facts affect both state and overall Alliance stability, possible implications on the diminishing public trust in state institutions, and actions needed to mitigate their effects.
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Acosta, Daniel Román. „Leadership style in the self-development unit of the Faculty of Economic and Social Sciences of the University of Zulia“. Seminars in Medical Writing and Education 3 (30.12.2024): 629. https://doi.org/10.56294/mw2024629.
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This work was aimed to analyze the dominant leadership in the self-unit of the Faculty of Economics and Social Sciences of the University of Zulia, in Maracaibo. The study is based and supported by experts in the area of leadership such as Krieger (1996), Maxwell (1998), Bravo (1999) and Rodriguez Hernandez (2006), Chiavenato (2007), Covey (1992), among others. Giving contributions to define, characterize, formulate and develop research. The research was descriptive with a field design, not experimental. Transversal. The population consisted of 17 subjects of the aforementioned institution. Climb a questionnaire comprised of 36 items and five answer choices designed: always, almost always, often, sometimes and never; validated through technical trial of eight experts in the field. Reliability was calculated by Cronbach's alpha coefficient, obtaining a reliability score of 0.962 thus obtaining a highly reliable result. The contributed data were analyzed by means of graphics. It resulted that the leadership provided by the head of this unit are not referring to a particular leadership, in fact, the most striking and most widely accepted reference a democratic and liberal leadership, since each actor assumes leadership where All opinions and participate but is itself the final decision according to their abilities and aptitudes. Also, it is noted that the leader has a positive impact and add value to people within the unit, emphasizing the participatory decision making where it was shown that always involved at all of the decisions that are assumed in the unit but is rare a time when taking majority decisions but never and rarely gave him one or more awards at the end of each school day.