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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Liberal democratic area“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Liberal democratic area"
1
Gilbert, Alan. „Democracy and Individuality“. Social Philosophy and Policy 3, Nr. 2 (1986): 19–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000297.
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For many contemporary liberals, Anglo-American democracy seems unimpeachably the best political form. In contrast, adherence to democratic values seems an area in which most Marxian regimes, and perhaps Marx himself, are strikingly deficient. Further, Marxian theory insists on the existence of oppressive ruling classes in all capitalist societies and on the need for class struggle and violent revolution to achieve a more cooperative regime – theses which liberal social theories tend to dismiss peremptorily. From the perspective of modern liberal democratic theory, Marxian arguments seem prima facie outlandish and even morally objectionable.
2
Martynov, Andriy. „US-Germany Relations Development Trends Under the Presidency of Donald Trump“. American History & Politics Scientific edition, Nr. 9 (2020): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.2.
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The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a variant of foreign policy realism, in contrast to classical republican neo-conservatism or democratic liberal interventionism. The German foreign policy course in the time of the Bundes Chancellor A. Merkel is a manifestation of liberal-democratic globalism. Under President Obama and Chancellor A. Merkel, German-American relations remained at a high allied level. President Trump abolishes talks on Transatlantic Free Trade Area. German elites see the populist and nationalist policies of D. Trump as a challenge to European integration. They consider US European policy an attempt to split the European Union. In the domestic political dimension, German liberals consider the Alternative to Germany party as Trump’s ideological counterparts. The American liberal political elite accused A. Merkel of failing to prevent the spread of anti-American sentiment in Germany. Political sentiment in the US and Germany after the pandemic is unpredictable. A noticeable trend was the aggravation of the crisis of liberal globalization. This outlines the tendency for further political polarization of American and German societies.
3
Turner, Liz. „PCCs, neo-liberal hegemony and democratic policing“. Safer Communities 13, Nr. 1 (07.01.2014): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sc-07-2013-0016.
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Purpose – This paper aims to explore the recent introduction of directly elected police and crime commissioners (PCCs) in England and Wales, and to consider to what extent this new innovation should be considered as a positive contribution to the achievement of democratic policing. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on a range of key sources of academic literature on police accountability and the sociology of policing, as well as considering the content of government pronouncements and legislation. Findings – The central argument of the paper is that the introduction of PCCs needs to be examined within the context of the hegemony of neo-liberal logic in public services reform. It is argued that some enduring myths of policing, including the myth that the police impartially uphold an impartial law, lend themselves to the depoliticisation of policing which is necessary in order to facilitate neo-liberal colonisation of the service, which is inimical to democratic policing. Originality/value – The paper builds upon and contests some of the early critiques of the introduction of PCCs which have emerged and proposes a new direction for the development of critique in this area. It will be of interest to policing scholars as well as anyone concerned about the relationship between democracy and policing under current conditions of deep public service cuts and the colonisation of service provision by neo-liberal values.
4
Dyson, Kenneth. „Benign or Malevolent Leviathan? Social Democratic Governments in a Neo‐Liberal Euro Area“. Political Quarterly 70, Nr. 2 (April 1999): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00221.
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5
et al., Seo. „Analysis of influence factors on the virtues of democratic citizenship according to individual variables of adolescents“. International Journal of ADVANCED AND APPLIED SCIENCES 9, Nr. 8 (August 2022): 118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21833/ijaas.2022.08.015.
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To lay the foundation for the development of democratic citizens for the youth who will become the leaders of the future society, major areas of democratic civic education have been selected and research conducted on factors affecting the democratic citizenship of the youths of K city located in Gyeonggi-do. In this study, we selected 32 questionnaires from 4 areas based on previous research and carried out a survey on 219 students. The final statistical processing was performed using the SPSS 21 program, and the results were as follows. We analyzed the effects of each of the students’ personal variables such as gender, school performance, parents’ academic background, and interest in social issues, on “human dignity,” “law-abiding spirit,” “rational decision making,” and “sense of community” that are in the realm of democratic citizenship. As a result of the analysis, first, human dignity has a significant effect according to gender and parents' educational background. Second, in the area of law-abiding spirit, only parents' educational background had a significant effect. Third, in the area of rational decision-making, gender and interest in social issues had an effect, and finally, in the area of community consciousness, parents' educational background and interest in social issues had significant effects. This study is meaningful as it found the factors that should be applied when conducting education for the cultivation of democratic citizenship in the future. The justification for practicing democratic citizenship education can be found in democracy itself. No matter how democratic a country is, if it fails to continue cultivating its roots by educating democratic ideals, its democracy will be shaken. Simple indoctrination should be avoided, but it should help students (members of society) develop the determination to uphold the liberal democratic and humanitarian values of human dignity, law-abiding spirit, rational decision-making, and a sense of community.
6
Roliak, Angelina, Olena Matiienko, Elvira Manzhos, Olena Shamanska und Nelya Burlaka. „Management of teacher education: danish democratic discourse in postmodern era“. Independent Journal of Management & Production 12, Nr. 6 (01.11.2021): s463—s477. http://dx.doi.org/10.14807/ijmp.v12i6.1754.
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In postmodern area, flexible and innovative management should become an integral part of the European education system as every knowledge-based society demands to educate high-quality specialists. The present research combines two dimensions: structural and administrative, including a dual fringe of both management and teacher education environments in the Nordic democratic space. The article offers a comparative analysis of the structural model, administrative principles, and new management initiatives in teacher professional training within the tertiary education system of neo-liberal Denmark. The Danish context is the most essential because this country has gained a unique experience in creating an effective system of self-governing teacher education institutions existing on a relevant background of centralized and decentralized management principles. The methodological contribution of this research is based on a case study approach that includes methods of qualitative analysis, critical induction, information reinterpretation, and generalization. Neo-liberal management initiatives of the Danish democratic state aimed at improving pedagogical education after postmodern period are considered to be a part of the response to the ongoing need for high-quality professional training of teachers based on a solid foundation of autonomy and effective innovative practices.
7
Odža, Ivana. „Democratism of Dragojla Jarnević on the Example of her Diary“. Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, Nr. 17 (06.11.2019): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2019.17.11.
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The paper analyses, in the context of Dragojla Jarnević’s Diary, the concept of democratism from the authoress’ viewpoint of the world regarding the liberal values that represent foundation of democracy. Considering the problems related to the issue of contemporary democracies eminent intellectuals of the 20th and 21st century have expressed a line of doubts and objections, thereby threatening the concept of democracy, or twisting democracy in its own contradictions. In retrospect, during Dragojla Jarnević’s lifetime and work, there was an evident complexity and ambivalence of disseminating liberal ideas in the area of today´s Croatia. Shaping and expressing of Dragojla Jarnević’s democratic views shows that it is possible to interpret democracy from different points of view – on the one hand, it is the best social model, on the other hand, it sometimes transforms in its contradiction. Certain contradictions are observed in Jarnević’s personality, however, her personality eventually reveals a brave and democratic (literature) subject.
8
Berg-Schlosser, Dirk. „Comparative Area Studies: Epistemological and Methodological Foundations and a Practical Application“. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, Nr. 2 (15.12.2020): 288–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-2-288-302.
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In recent decades, area studies have been transformed from mostly descriptive ethnographic and historical accounts to theory-oriented and analytical approaches. They retain some of their depth and cultural specificity, but have been widened in a comparative sense to come up with some broader social scientific explanations. This has been enhanced by more recent systematic comparative methods such as “Qualitative Comparative Analysis” (QCA) and related procedures, which are particularly suitable for medium-N studies of specific regions at the macro-level and cross-area analyses in contrast to more common statistical approaches. This paper discusses the epistemological background of this approach as well as recent methodological developments. As an illustration, it provides an example of an ongoing large international “cross-area” research project concerned with successful democratic transformations in different world regions and more recent threats to democratic stability and some of their underlying causes. Here, in particular, the relationships between level of socio-economic development and liberal democracy (the “Lipset hypothesis”) and the effects of “good governance” in terms of the World Bank indicators on democratic stability are investigated. This is done on the basis of selected “cross-area” cases with the help of both crisp-set and fuzzy-set QCA. In this way, both the utility of this approach for “medium-range theorizing” in the social sciences and possible practical-political applications are demonstrated.
9
Lee, Nae Kwan, und Young Jo Lee. „Regional Status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement for Fostering Democratic Citizens“. Liberal Arts Innovation Center 11 (01.04.2023): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54698/kl.2023.11.63.
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In this study, the spirit of the times and the regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement were examined. As is well known, the 3·8 Democratic Movement occupies a very important position not only in the Daejeon region but also in the history of democratization in Korea in that it became the mother of the 4·19 Revolution. Above all, this study discusses that it was a voluntary student movement triggered by students' anger against the Liberal Party regime, and this acted as a premise to create a regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement. The peculiarity of the 3·8 Democratic Movement is that it was not just a specific high school in the Daejeon area, but a coalition of several schools.
In addition, the regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement is related to fostering democratic citizens. The 3·8 Democratic Movement was not an impromptu movement by high school students at the time, but contained the identity of a planned and voluntary uprising. It is also an incident that implies both the uniqueness of student-led initiatives for freedom, democracy, and justice, and the identity of Daejeon local residents. Based on this regional status, the 3·8 Democratic Movement can be used as an educational source for fostering democratic citizens.
10
Niesen, Peter. „Kant and Rawls on Free Speech in Autocracies“. Kantian Review 23, Nr. 4 (21.11.2018): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1369415418000420.
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AbstractIn the works of Kant and Rawls, we find an acute sensibility to the pre-eminent importance of freedom of speech. Both authors defend free speech in democratic societies as a private and as a public entitlement, but their conceptions markedly differ when applied to non-liberal and non-democratic societies. The difference is that freedom of speech, for Kant, is a universal claim that can serve as a test of legitimacy of all legal orders, while for Rawls, some legal orders are owed full recognition even if they do not in principle guarantee freedom of speech. I explain Kant’s account of free political speech and argue that the defence of individual rights should be seen as its core feature, both in republican and in autocratic states. I then argue that a much-overlooked shift in Rawls’s development to Political Liberalism likewise ties his account of free speech in democratic societies to issues concerning rights and justice. In a next step, I discuss Rawls’s perspective on some non-democratic regimes in his Law of Peoples, regimes that he understands as well-ordered but which do not guarantee freedom of speech. I criticize Rawls’s account from Kant’s perspective and suggest to introduce a ‘module’ from Kant’s pre-republican thought into Rawls’s conception, aiming to secure a core area of rights- and justice-related speech. My claim is that under Kant’s view of autocratic legitimacy, an important extension of speech rights is called for even in non-liberal, non-democratic states, and that a Rawlsian account should and can adopt it.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Liberal democratic area"
1
Panebianco, Maria Grazia. „Cospirare per la nazione. Democratici e liberali di Sicilia nella lotta per l'Unità“. Doctoral thesis, Università di Catania, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/1166.
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Raccontare il passato di generazioni di giovani spinti alla ribellione, alla eversione da qualcosa che allora era solo un ideale, cioè la «nazione», risulta alquanto interessante, soprattutto se si guarda alla Sicilia, dove tali aspirazioni vengono a maturare alla presenza di una forte tradizione patria, quale era quella della nazione siciliana. Giuseppe Berti aveva segnalato la complessità della storia del Risorgimento in Sicilia in quanto realtà contraddistinta da elementi non esistenti in nessun altra regione italiana: solo l isola era stata per lungo tempo una regione-nazione; solo in Sicilia si erano registrate forti tendenze autonomistiche. Ma chi in Sicilia cospirava per la nazione una ed indipendente , e soprattutto come l ideale unitario venne poi a coniugarsi sempre più in filo-piemontesismo? Questa la domanda di fondo alla quale si è cercato di rispondere riattraversando quel passato vissuto dai patrioti e dal popolo di Sicilia in direzione della futura nazione italiana, in un contesto territoriale e ideologico complesso, non privo di contraddizioni, per dare un contributo alla conoscenza delle caratteristiche e delle differenze all interno del movimento risorgimentale, che fu giocato sì per un obiettivo comune, ma da una collettività variegata.
2
Alfonso, Romero Rebeca. „Enjeux politiques de la création/rénovation des musées nationaux de société. Étude comparative : le Musée de la civilisation de Québec, le Musée des civilisations de l'Europe et de la Méditerranée (MuCEM) de Marseille et le Tropenmuseum d'Amsterdam“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024SORUL154.
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Le musée national est défini comme pilier de la construction de l'imaginaire national de l'État moderne. Parmi ces musées, les musées de société abritent des collections (ethnologiques, historiques, d'art populaire) et élaborent des discours qui sont le reflet des valeurs légitimes de la vie en société. Depuis les années 1990, un phénomène de création/rénovation de musées se développe dans le cadre de la haute mondialisation et de l'évolution administrative et politique des États. Notre recherche analyse trois processus récents de création/ rénovation de musées nationaux de société : le Musée de la civilisation de Québec, Canada ; le Musée des civilisations de l'Europe et de la Méditerranée (MuCEM) de Marseille, France ; et le Tropenmuseum d'Amsterdam, Pays-Bas. Nous comparons ces processus en nous appuyant sur l'étude des archives nationales et selon quatre axes : historique, attributs politiques, dynamiques spatiales, rénovation/création. Nous proposons trois nouvelles approches de la construction de l'imaginaire national : patrimonial, stratégique ou symboliqueNational museum is defined as a pillar in the construction of the national imaginary of the modern State. Among these museums, museums of society take in charge collections (ethnological, historic, folk art) and develop discourses that reflect the legitimate values of society. Since the 1990s, a phenomenon of museum creation/renovation has been developing in the context of Late Globalisation and the administrative/political evolution of the State. Our research analyses three recent processes of creation/renovation of national museums of society: the Museum of civilization in Quebec, Canada; the Museum of European and Mediterranean Civilizations (MuCEM) in Marseille, France; and the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam, in the Netherlands. We compare these processes on the base of the study of national archives and following four axes (history, political issues, spatial dynamics renovation/creations). We propose three new approaches of the construction of the national imaginary (patrimonial, strategic or symbolic)
3
Henry, Colin, und edu au jillj@deakin edu au mikewood@deakin edu au wildol@deakin edu au kimg@deakin. „CASE STUDIES IN HUMAN RIGHTS EDUCATION AND CRITICAL EDUCATIONAL SCIENCE“. Deakin University. School of Education, 1995. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20041214.144057.
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This thesis offers an account of the history and effects of three curriculum projects sponsored by the Australian Human Rights Commission between 1983 and 1986. Each project attempted to improve observance of human rights in and through Australian schools through participatory research (or critical educational science). That is, the research included, as a conscious feature, the effort to develop new forms of curriculum work which more adequately respect the personal and professional rights of teachers, especially their entitlement as persons and professionals to participate in planning, conducting and controlling the curriculum development, evaluation and implementation that constitutes their work. In more specific terms, the Australian Human Rights Commission's three curriculum projects represented an attempt to improve the practice and theory of human rights education by engaging teachers in the practical work of evaluating, researching, and developing a human rights curriculum.
While the account of the Australian Human Rights Commission curriculum project is substantially an account of teachers1 work, it is a story which ranges well beyond the boundaries of schools and classrooms. It encompasses a history of episodes and events which illustrate how educational initiatives and their fate will often have to set within the broad framework of political, social, and cultural contestation if they are to be understood. More exactly, although the Human Rights Commission's work with schools was instrumental in showing how teachers might contribute to the challenging task of improving human rights education, the project was brought to a premature halt during the debate in the Australian Senate on the Bill of Rights in late 1985 and early 1986. At this point in time, the Government was confronted with such opposition from the Liberal/National Party Coalition that it was obliged to withdraw its Bill of Rights Legislation, close down the original Human Rights Commission, and abandon the attempt to develop a nationwide program in human rights education. The research presents an explanation of why it has been difficult for the Australian Government to live up to its international obligations to improve respect for human rights through education. More positively, however, it shows how human rights education, human rights related areas of education, and social education might be transformed if teachers (and other members of schools communities) were given opportunities to contribute to that task. Such opportunities, moreover, also represent what might be called the practice of democracy in everyday life. They thus exemplify, as well as prefigure, what it might mean to live in a more authentically democratic society.
4
Hess, Martin Christopher. „The Australian Federal Police as an International Actor: Diplomacy by Default“. Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144278.
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Under traditional International relations theory, diplomacy
relates to relations between sovereign nations. There have been
two broad schools of thought on the dynamics behind these
relations: the ‘realist’ school, which tends to consider
power and conflict as the major lens through which such should be
viewed, and the ‘idealist’ school which tended to focus on
cooperation rather than conflict. Between these two extreme
views, a third school, the English School of International
Relations, also known as the British Institutionalists, provides
somewhat of a compromise view, acknowledging the merit of both
realism and idealism, by accepting that power remains an
important element but also advocating that acceptance of common
norms and institutions plays a significant role in determining
relations, or the International Society between states.
In 1977 Hedley Bull offered the following definition of
International Society when he stated that International Society
… exists when a group of states, conscious of certain common
interests and common values, form a society in the sense that
they conceive themselves to be bound by a common set of rules in
their relations with one another, and share in the working of
common institutions.
This thesis is not specifically related to International
Relations theory, which deals with inter-state relations. Whilst
inter-state conflict and international relations remain important
drivers of foreign and military policy, there is a growing
recognition that it is intra-state conflict avoidance and
post-conflict reconstruction which increasingly mitigate the risk
to the safety, security, peace and prosperity of nations and
regions. Much of this disquiet has its roots in
maladministration, poor governance and a lack of justice. These
are areas in which traditional approaches to foreign intervention
via trade, aid and military force have limited effect, and in
which effective consent-based policing and justice can play a
significant part in building sustainable and peaceful outcomes.
This thesis discusses the role played by a non-traditional actor
in the international arena, the police, specifically the
Australian Federal Police (AFP), in addressing some of these
intra-state justice and governance issues in a constantly
changing, unstable and unpredictable global and regional
environment. The thesis is intended to outline the diversity and
versatility of AFP activities and to contextualise them in terms
of non-traditional New Diplomacy. The aspects of diplomacy of
most significance relate to diplomatic qualities or traits of the
individual police officer, diplomatic behaviours of these
members, and diplomatic outcomes of their activities. As such
the thesis does not relate directly to International Relations
theory or to International Society, as espoused by Hedley Bull.
There are, however, some interesting intersections which are
worthy of note. There are some critics of the English School who
argue that it is Eurocentric. Today’s International Relations
originated in the 19th century when a number of European nations
formed a club of ‘civilised’ states bound by international
law, which expanded around the globe to involve all nations. This
concept has been used to explain the lack of imperative for a
supra-state or world government to maintain orderly inter-state
relations, as the force which binds them is consent to agree to
common interest and values within a global rules-based order.
In terms of policing on an international scale, global government
is simply too unwieldy. There are a number of global,
consent-based institutions such as the United Nations and
INTERPOL, which fulfil this requirement to a certain extent. The
AFP has had long involvement with both of these global
institutions, as well as several regional policing institutions.
In terms of conflict-oriented ‘realism’ and cooperative
‘idealism’, policing walks both sides of the street. As this
thesis will discuss, the whole posture of liberal-democratic
policing is conflict prevention, and the means by which such
police carry out their daily duties is by cooperation. This is
the context in which replication or expansion of International
Society should be considered in relation to the activities of the
AFP internationally and regionally.
This thesis is by definition Eurocentric, or more specifically
Anglo-centric, due to the historical fact that the AFP draws all
of its principles from Australia’s British antecedents and
adheres to a largely ‘western’ or European notion of human
rights values.
This thesis explores the role of the AFP as an international
actor. The thesis asserts that effective international policing
has never been more important in linking the international with
the domestic. The way the AFP operates in a landscape where
traditional policing paradigms are rapidly changing, due to
ever-changing, political, diplomatic, and transnational issues,
is examined in the context of the ‘globalisation paradox’, of
both needing and fearing, global governance simultaneously, as
raised by Anne-Marie Slaughter in her book, A New World Order.
The way the organisation has evolved from its origins, based on
Western liberal-democratic policing values, approaches and
skills, to an organisation involved in international policing and
diplomacy at the highest levels, while still retaining its
liberal-democratic credentials is explained. It is argued that in
the contemporary international and Australian context, the AFP is
an effective and experienced agency. It is further argued that
this is a distinctive form of new diplomacy, appropriate to an
increasingly globalised world.
The AFP has established an extensive international network in
more than 30 countries, has been a consistent contributor to
national security, has participated in numerous international
deployments over half a century, and continues to play a
meaningful role in Australian foreign policy efforts. The thesis
provides evidence to show how AFP officers exhibit diplomatic
qualities similar to those listed by Daryl Copeland in his book
Guerrilla Diplomacy , as well as those mentioned by Christopher
Meyer in his book Getting Our Way.
In all of its international endeavours, AFP members have
demonstrated, in varying degrees, the three enduring elements of
diplomacy as outlined by Jonsson and Hall in their book The
Essence of Diplomacy. They have communicated and negotiated in
some very challenging circumstances and they are representatives
of the Australian Government and its humanitarian values. The
AFP, as part of broader efforts with institutions such as the UN,
have not so much sought a replication of international society,
as mentioned by Jonsson and Hall, but have provided a supplement
to international society, by effective networking, thereby
addressing in large part, Slaughter’s ‘globalisation
paradox’. It is not so much universal police homogeneity which
is sought by such endeavours, as a balance between it, and the
heterogeneity which is inevitably associated with cultures
transitioning from custom and tradition, to 21st century
expectations of nationhood. The way the AFP’s transnational
operations, activities, and deployments, not only serve perceived
national interests, but result in more effective regional
governance, is identified as ‘diplomacy by default’, because
formal Track I diplomacy is not their primary objective. It will
be demonstrated how international diplomacy, while generally
conducted with perceived national interests as its primary goal,
has a secondary benefit, good international citizenship, and that
the AFP has a credible history of serving both.
It is argued that the AFP is well positioned within government,
law and intelligence and security circles, in the Australian and
international contexts, through an extensive liaison officer
network in South-East Asia, the South-West Pacific as well as
more broadly. It will be demonstrated how the AFP has shown
itself as capable and ready to respond effectively to extant and
emerging challenges, and as such, has earned a place in foreign
policy discussions and considerations at the highest diplomatic
levels, including the UN. The AFP provides a distinctive and
direct link between the global, the regional, and the domestic,
which matches the rapidly globalised community it represents. The
thesis confirms that international policing acts as a distinctive
aspect of Australian ‘firm’ diplomacy, and supplements the
more traditional elements of international engagement, between
the ‘soft’ or traditional diplomacy, and the ‘hard’ form
of military intervention. The evidence provided shows how it is
by this form of whole-of-government activity, inclusive of
policing, that stability and security are enhanced, and peace and
prosperity are encouraged. Overall, the thesis affirms the AFP as
a transnational agency, which is well placed to link the
international with the domestic, the contextual with the
aspirational, and the theoretical with the practical, in a period
of strategic uncertainty in international affairs at the dawn of
the Third Millennium.
Bücher zum Thema "Liberal democratic area"
1
Aligica, Paul Dragos, Peter J. Boettke und Vlad Tarko. Public Governance and the Classical-Liberal Perspective. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190267032.001.0001.
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Classical liberalism entails not only a view about the proper scope of government and its relationship with the market but also a distinct theory about how government should operate within its proper area. This book presents the basic governance theory and political economy principles underpinning this vision. Building upon the works of diverse authors such as Friedrich Hayek, James Buchanan, and Vincent and Elinor Ostrom, the book offers a profound challenge to how public governance is commonly understood, by shifting the focus along several dimensions. First, it challenges the technocratic-epistocratic perspective in which social goals are set and experts simply provide the means to attain them. Instead, the focus is on the diversity of opinions in any society regarding “what should be done,” and on the design of democratic and polycentric institutions capable of limiting social conflicts and satisfying the preferences of as many people as possible. Second, the book explains the knowledge and incentive problems associated with technocratic-epistocratic governance. This has deep implications for how public governance itself should be construed. The book’s three parts reconstruct the theoretical foundations of the position, then explore its nature and development at the interface between public choice and public administration, and finally illustrate via a set of concrete governance issues how it operates at the applied level. The book thus fills a large gap in the academic literature, as well as the public discourse, about the ways decision makers understand the nature and administration of the public sector.
2
Bader, Veit. Secularisms or Liberal-Democratic Constitutionalism? Herausgegeben von Phil Zuckerman und John R. Shook. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199988457.013.21.
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This chapter begins with the concepts “secular,” “secularity,” “secularization,” and “secularism” and summarizes core results of social science studies into the changing role of religions in contemporary societies, Then it discusses problems with the construction of models of the governance of religious diversity in the social sciences and presents some empirically grounded normative models of relations between (organized) religions and societies, cultures, politics, law, and the state in order to draw some normative lessons. The chapter provides a critical discussion of first- and second-order normative principles that should govern the these relations. For rich empirical descriptions and explanations in the social sciences, grand narratives or umbrella concepts such as secularization, secularism, and postsecularism fail to capture different complexities, configurations, and trade-offs. The different meanings of “the principle of secularism” are discussed and a proposal to replace them by rights and principles of liberal-democratic constitutionalism offered.
3
Sorell, Tom, und John Guelke. Liberal Democratic Regulation and Technological Advance. Herausgegeben von Roger Brownsword, Eloise Scotford und Karen Yeung. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199680832.013.5.
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This chapter considers an array of new technologies developed for bulk collection and data analysis that are sometimes connected by critics with mass surveillance. While the use of such technologies can be compatible with democratic principles, the NSA’s system of bulk collection has been likened to that practised by the Stasi in the former German Democratic Republic. Drawing on Pettit’s concept of domination, we dispute the comparison, conceding nevertheless that bulk collection carries risks of intrusion, error, and damage to trust. Allowing that some surveillance is bound to be secret, we insist that secrecy must be limited, and subject to democratic oversight. Even if NSA-type surveillance is not a modern reincarnation of Stasi oppression failures of oversight make it objectionable from the perspective of democratic theory. More generally, surveillance technologies interfere with individual autonomy, which liberal democratic states are committed to protecting, whether the agent making use of them is a state or private company.
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Smith, Tony. Eisenhower and His Legacy, 1953–1977. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0007.
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This chapter examines Dwight D. Eisenhower's legacy in the area of liberal democratic internationalism during the period 1953–1977. Until 1947, the American foreign policy choice had been between a Wilsonian advocacy of democracy and a Rooseveltian preference for nonintervention. A third option had emerged since then: intervention for dictatorships, even against indigenous political forces that might be seeking to create constitutional, democratic regimes. The chapter first provides an overview of American realism and mass politics in the twentieth century, with emphasis on the modernity of fascism, communism, and democracy, before discussing American foreign policy during the Eisenhower years. In particular, it considers the Eisenhower administration's policy decisions with respect to Iran, Guatemala, and Vietnam. It also explores the geopolitical realism of American support for democratic governments abroad.
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Hartley, Christie. The Moral Foundation of Public Justification and Public Reason. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190683023.003.0003.
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This chapter discusses the moral foundation of public justification for political liberals. Two conceptions of liberal democracies are contrasted together with their distinctive accounts of public justification. It is argued that political liberals view liberal democracies as a shared project among persons with the end of living on terms of mutual respect with others and that this leads to a shared reasons view of public justification. This view is shown to be superior to the convergence account of public justification on the grounds that (1) convergence accounts of public reason fail to capture what is distinctive about democratic decision-making, namely, that it represents a kind of collective willing, and (2) convergence accounts lack normative stability. Political liberalism offers both.
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Schupmann, Benjamin A. Carl Schmitt's State and Constitutional Theory. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791614.001.0001.
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This book analyzes Carl Schmitt’s state and constitutional theory and shows how he conceived it in response to the Weimar crisis. Schmitt modeled his theory on past state theory, particularly Hobbes’ Leviathan. Schmitt sought to address the unique problems posed by mass democracy. Extremists recognized a path to legal revolution lay in the constitution’s combination of democratic procedures, total neutrality toward political goals, and positive law. To prevent the subversion of the state and civil war, Schmitt theorized ways to depoliticize conflicts and restore the state’s authority. He argued the constitution imposed absolute limits on democratic will. And he insisted those limits were determined by the liberal democratic constitution’s prior commitment to basic rights. Schmitt’s state and constitutional theory remains important today because the problems he identifies within liberal democratic states have not gone away. Schmitt’s thought anticipated “constrained” or “militant” democracy, a type of constitution that guards against subversive expressions of popular sovereignty and whose mechanisms include the entrenchment of basic constitutional commitments and party bans. Although today’s political challenges are not identical to those Weimar faced, the threat of constitutional democracy committing suicide has not gone away. Liberal democrats can learn from Schmitt’s analysis and theory to address today’s challenges.
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Dorrien, Gary. American Democratic Socialism. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300253764.001.0001.
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The USA has a rich tradition of democratic socialism despite its long tradition of denigrating democratic socialism as un-American. The former American tradition has sought to Americanize democratic socialism by speaking the language of individual liberty, trying to build a coalition party of the democratic left, and grappling with American racism, cultural diversity, exceptionalist mythology, and activist religion. Democratic socialists founded the nation’s first industrial unions, proposed every plank of what became the New Deal, and played leading roles in the civil rights movement. Today democratic socialists are leading the struggles for economic equality and the Green New Deal, unsettling the convention that democratic socialism is un-American.
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Leuprecht, Christian, und Hayley McNorton. Intelligence as Democratic Statecraft. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893949.001.0001.
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Democracy needs to be defended, and intelligence is the first line of defence. However, the liberal-democratic norm of limited state intervention in the lives of citizens means that security and accountability are in tension insofar as their first principles are diametrically opposed: whereas openness and transparency are hallmarks of democratic governance, operational secrecy—in relation to other states, to democratic society, and to other parts of government—is the essence of intelligence tradecraft. Intelligence accountability reconciles democracy and security through transparent standards, guidelines, legal frameworks, executive directives, and international law. Evolving executive, legislative, judicial, and bureaucratic mechanisms for intelligence oversight and review have become a distinct feature of democratic regimes. Over recent decades legislative and judicial components have been added to complement administrative and executive accountability. Using a most-similar systems design to compare intelligence accountability in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, this book expands compliance as the sine qua non of intelligence to gauge effectiveness, efficiency, and innovation across the intelligence community. In the context of changing technology and threat vectors that have significantly affected, altered, and expanded the role, powers, and capabilities of intelligence, this book compares the institutions, composition, practices, characteristics, and cultures of intelligence accountability systems across the world’s oldest and most powerful intelligence alliance. In an asymmetric struggle against unprincipled adversaries, accountability has to reassure a sceptical public that the intelligence and security community plays by the same rules that democracies are committed to defend.
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Pappas, Takis S. Populism and Liberal Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837886.001.0001.
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Based on an original definition of modern populism as “democratic illiberalism” and many years of meticulous research, Takis Pappas marshals extraordinary empirical evidence from Argentina, Greece, Peru, Italy, Venezuela, Ecuador, Hungary, the United States, Spain, and Brazil to develop a comprehensive theory about populism. He addresses all key issues in the debate about populism and answers significant questions of great relevance for today’s liberal democracy, including: • What is modern populism and how can it be differentiated from comparable phenomena like nativism and autocracy? • Where in Latin America has populism become most successful? Where in Europe did it emerge first? Why did its rise to power in the United States come so late? • Is Trump a populist and, if so, could he be compared best with Venezuela’s Chávez, France’s Le Pens, or Turkey’s Erdoğan? • Why has populism thrived in post-authoritarian Greece but not in Spain? And why in Argentina and not in Brazil? • Can populism ever succeed without a charismatic leader? If not, what does leadership tell us about how to challenge populism? • Who are “the people” who vote for populist parties, how are these “made” into a group, and what is in their minds? • Is there a “populist blueprint” that all populists use when in power? And what are the long-term consequences of populist rule? • What does the expansion, and possibly solidification, of populism mean for the very nature and future of contemporary democracy? Populism and Liberal Democracy will change the ways the reader understands populism and imagines the prospects of liberal democracy.
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Dixon, Rosalind, und David Landau. Abusive Constitutional Borrowing. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893765.001.0001.
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We live in a golden age of comparative constitutional law. Liberal democratic ideas have diffused readily around the world, and certain features such as judicial review and constitutional rights are now nearly universal. At the same time, recent years have seen a pronounced trend toward the erosion of democracy. This book argues that the rhetorical triumph of liberal democratic constitutionalism, and the tendency toward democratic retrenchment, are fully consistent phenomena. Legal globalization has a dark side: norms intended to protect and promote liberal democratic constitutionalism can often readily be used to undermine it. Abusive constitutional borrowing involves the appropriation of liberal democratic constitutional designs, concepts, and doctrines to advance authoritarian projects. Some of the most important hallmarks of liberal democratic constitutionalism—including constitutional rights, judicial review, and constituent power—can be turned into powerful instruments to demolish rather than defend democracy. The book offers a wealth of examples, selected both to shed new light on well-known cases such as Hungary, Poland, and Venezuela, as well as to expand discussions by considering contexts such as Cambodia, Rwanda, and Fiji. It also discusses the implications of the phenomenon of abusive constitutional borrowing for those who study and promote liberal democracy and related fields like human rights. It suggests ways in which the construction of norms might be improved to protect against abuse (what we call ‘abuse-proofing’), as well as ways in which monitoring regimes might be more attuned to the threat. Finally, it suggests recasting debates about liberal democracy to emphasize contestation, rather than mimicry.
Buchteile zum Thema "Liberal democratic area"
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Falk, Petter. „Towards a Public Sector Data Culture: Data as an Individual and Communal Resource in Progressing Democracy“. In The Data Shake, 35–45. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63693-7_3.
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AbstractAn increased use of data has swept through many policy areas and shaped procedural and substantive policy instruments. Hence, citizens and governments, as both producers and consumers of data, become intertwined in even more complex ways. But the inherent logic of data-driven services and systems sometimes challenges the prerequisites and ideals of liberal democracy. Though a democratically sound data-practice and data-culture is crucial for ensuring a democratic usage of citizens data, discourse tends to overlook these aspects. Drawing on insights from the project Democracy Data, this chapter explores the opportunities and obstacles for establishing democratically oriented public sector data cultures.
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Ferrara, Alessandro. „Why Political Liberalism?“ In Sovereignty Across Generations, 19–62. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871077.003.0002.
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Abstract Chapter 1, ‘Why Political Liberalism?’, elucidates some reasons that support the choice of the constitutional theory embedded in John Rawls’s Political Liberalism for answering the question at the centre of Sovereignty Across Generations—how should the constituent power of the popular democratic sovereign relate to that of the currently living segment of ‘the people’? For that purpose, in the first section three breakthroughs of Rawls’s paradigm are reconstructed: (i) the normative twist impressed by him on Bruce Ackerman’s ‘democratic dualism’, (ii) the liberal principle of legitimacy or ‘legitimation by constitution’, and (iii) the standard of ‘the most reasonable’ and its innovative quality. Then in the second section Rawls’s paradigm is compared to some leading paradigms for democratic theory (Habermas, Dworkin, Pettit, Bellamy, Mouffe, Tully, Gray, Williams, Honneth, and deconstructionism). Finally, in the third section, areas of the paradigm are highlighted that are most urgently in need of further elaboration, especially in the area of constitutional theory and in connection with the rise of the populist challenge to liberal democracy.
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Sim, Stuart. „Introduction: Addressing the Politics of Dissent“. In A Call to Dissent, 1–8. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474494946.003.0001.
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This chapter introduces the main themes of the book, emphasising that it will be defending a 'woke', that is socially liberal, attitude to counter right-wing populism and extremism. It argues that the prejudice and bigotry that drives such populism and extremism puts democracy severely at risk. The Covid pandemic has emboldened many governments to marginalise dissent and political opposition, claiming that emergency powers are necessary to deal with the outbreak. This has helped to entrench an anti-democratic culture in political life that the book will go on to critique in detail. The overall concern of the project will be to confront authoritarianism in whatever area of life we find it asserting itself.
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Cummins, Ian. „Welfare, punishment and neoliberalism“. In Poverty, Inequality and Social Work. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447334804.003.0005.
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This chapter examines the broader impact of neoliberalism on welfare and penal policy, arguing that there has been an ideological and culture shift, which can be summarised as follows: the War on Poverty to a War on the Poor. It first considers three types of welfare states — liberal welfare states, conservative/corporatist welfare states, and social democratic welfare states — and the neoliberal argument against welfare systems before discussing the government's policy of welfare retrenchment known as austerity. It also analyses the rise of the penal state, the trend called ‘governing through crime’, some of the inherent contradictions within the penal state, issues surrounding penal policy, and prison conditions as a key area of concern for social work as a profession.
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Polonsky, Antony. „Jews in Eastern Europe and Russia since the End of Communism“. In Jews in Poland and Russia: A Short History, 424–62. Liverpool University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764395.003.0012.
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This chapter highlights how the collapse of communism in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union initiated a new period in the history of the Jews in the area. Poland was now a fully sovereign country, and Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, and Moldova also became independent states. Post-imperial Russia faced the task of creating a new form of national identity. This was to prove more difficult than in other post-imperial states since, unlike Britain and France, the tsarist empire and its successor, the Soviet Union, had not so much been the ruler of a colonial empire as an empire itself. All of these countries now embarked, with differing degrees of enthusiasm, on the difficult task of creating liberal democratic states with market economies. For the Jews of the area, the new political situation allowed both the creation and development of Jewish institutions and the fostering of Jewish cultural life in much freer conditions, but also facilitated emigration to Israel, North America, and western Europe on a much larger scale.
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Baglioni, Simone, und Stephen Sinclair. „Social innovation and employment“. In Social Innovation and Social Policy. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447320104.003.0005.
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This chapter discusses examples of social innovations which address unemployment: an issue of long-standing concern for many governments and an area of considerable policy activity. The chapter begins by outlining the growing incidence of precarious and low paid employment in many developed economies. Governments have been particularly concerned about the problem of youth unemployment and ‘NEETs’: young people who are not in employment, education or training. A favoured response to these problems have been so-called ‘active’ labour market programmes and initiatives which intended to enhance the ‘employability’ of unemployed people by improving their skills, experience and qualifications. The chapter describes examples of such initiatives which social innovations have developed with public and private sector with partners. The chapter discusses variations in the approaches and roles which social innovations take in employment policy between neo-Corporatist, Social Democratic and Liberal/Pluralist welfare regimes
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Clarke, Scott, und John Curtice. „The Liberal Democrats and European Integration“. In Britain For and Against Europe, 88–107. Oxford University PressOxford, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198280781.003.0005.
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Abstract When the Liberal Democrats were formed in 1989, the party inherited from the Liberal Party a long tradition of consistent and enthusiastic support for European unification. The Liberals were amongst the first in Britain to back the European Coal and Steel Community, a European Defence Community, the Western European Union, the European Free Trade Area, and the European Economic Community (EEC). This chapter asks why this should be so. Although support for closer European integration was not inconsistent with the party’s ideological and historical traditions, neither did these point unambiguously towards such a position. Further, there is little evidence that its position has been electorally advantageous to the party or that it has come under strong pressure from its membership to maintain a strongly pro-European stance.
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Häusermann, Silja, und Reto Bürgisser. „Family Policy“. In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, 733–52. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.38.
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Abstract Family policy has become an increasingly important policy area in Switzerland since the 1990s. Benefits and services to families have undergone profound transformations. Some reforms became possible because family policy was increasingly defined not only as social policy but also as social investment policy promoting employment and human capital formation. This ambiguity enabled reforms to be supported by heterogeneous reform coalitions, even if long-term coalitions remain unstable and depend on the specific reform proposal. Despite these changes, Swiss family policy is still underdeveloped and falls behind that of other continental European countries. Government spending on family policy is low by international standards, and the use of formal childcare is strongly stratified by income. Important factors contributing to this slow pace of family policy modernization in Switzerland are the decentralized distribution of competences with different levels of government and the use of various direct democratic instruments to prevent or delay reform initiatives at different levels of governance. Moreover, the party system’s increasing political polarization slows down reform efforts and undermines reform coalitions between socially progressive and economically liberal forces. In the face of these challenges, the adaptation of family policy to changing social and economic needs has become a litmus test for the reform capacity of the Swiss welfare state.
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Gleason, Philip. „Assimilative Tendencies and Curricular Crosscurrents“. In Contending with Modernity. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195098280.003.0018.
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Besides its massive impact on the institutional side of Catholic higher education, World War II affected the thinking of Catholic educators. We have already touched upon this dimension in noting how the war and postwar growth required them to expand their horizons and redouble their efforts in research, fundraising, and administration generally. Here we look more closely at how Catholics were affected by the great ideological revival of democracy that accompanied the war. This kind of influence was sometimes explicitly noted by Catholic leaders, as when Archbishop Richard Gushing of Boston called attention to the “neo-democratic mentality of returning servicemen and the university-age generation generally”; others recognized that it created problems since the Catholic church was so widely perceived as incompatible with democracy and “the American way of life.” We shall postpone examination of controversies stemming from this source to the next chapter, turning our attention in this one to the assimilative tendencies reflected in Catholics’ new appreciation for liberal democratic values, and to the major curricular concerns of the era which were also affected by the war. In no area did the democratic revival have a more profound long range effect than in the impetus it lent to the movement for racial equality and civil rights for African Americans. The publication in 1944 of Gunnar Myrdal’s An American Dilemma marked an epoch in national understanding of what the book’s subtitle called “the Negro problem and modern democracy.” Myrdal himself stressed the importance of the wartime context, which made it impossible to ignore racial discrimination at home while waging war against Nazi racism. At the same time, increasing black militance, the massive migration of African Americans to northern industrial centers, and above all the great Detroit race riot of 1943—reinforced by the anti-Mexican “Zoot Suit” riots in Los Angeles the same summer—suddenly made the improvement of race relations an imperative for American society as a whole. By the end of the war, no fewer than 123 national organizations were working actively to “reduce intergroup tensions,” and the civil rights movement began a steady advance that led directly to the great judicial and political victories it won in the fifties and sixties.
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Kauth, Jasper Theodor. „Illiberalism in Liberal Democracies“. In The Oxford Handbook of Illiberalism. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197639108.013.7.
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Abstract How can we account for the persistence of illiberalism in liberal democracies? This chapter first offers a taxonomy of illiberalism to bring clarity to the empirical and theoretical aspects of the concept. Illiberal political practices in liberal democracies can be ordered along three dimensions relating to their relevant actors, targets, and sources: illiberal practices by private and state actors; disruptive illiberalism targeting democratic institutions (democratic backsliding) or liberal values (ideological illiberalism); and illiberalism originating from within the liberal democratic order or imported from outside its boundaries. Such an analytical schema allows researchers to investigate the logics causing illiberalisms as well as their consequences. The chapter then shows that illiberal practices by state actors emerge not only from anti-liberal political ideologies but also from conflicts over societal membership within political liberalism itself. Specific policy areas—illiberal pockets like migration, welfare, and security—are particularly prone to illiberal incursions.
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Liberal democratic area"
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Kambovski, Vlado. „Kuda idu međunarodno i nacionalno kazneno pravo“. In Relation between International and National Criminal Law, 249–75. University of Belgrade, International Criminal Law Assotiation, 2024. https://doi.org/10.51204/zbornik_umkp_24114a.
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At the time of the civilizational crisis that is escalating towards the third world war, aggressive wars and genocide are entering the international scene again, without real condemnation due to the increasingly sharp antagonism and hypocrisy of the big states and their geopolitical and geostrategic aspirations. The consequence of the collapse of the international order is the global decline of democracy and the erosion of human rights, general corruption and the strengthening of global populism, particularism and authoritarianism. In the context of global changes, with completely uncertain prospects for the creation of a new international order, which will stabilize universal civilizational values, the international criminal law, having reached the level of codification of the most serious international crimes and a high degree of harmonization of national criminal justice systems, is losing its importance as a “crisis discipline” day by day. Its deepening crisis is manifested by the neutralization of the permanent ICC, which, in contrast to ad-hoc international criminal courts, formed to dispense justice to the victors, should function as an instrument of universal justice for both the victors and the vanquished. From the vortex in which the world is falling, the only future for the rehabilitation of international criminal law and the ICC is the establishment of peace and a new sustainable world order, based on democratic principles and respect for the universal body of human rights. Under the influence of global factors, the crisis of the universal human rights and the weakening of the power of states to overcome the internal problems of the decline of democracy, the rule of law and the strengthening of populism, kleptocracy and authoritarianism, modern criminal law is faced with a crisis of its own legitimacy as an “ultima ratio” in combating crime. Analyzing criminal law reforms, especially in countries from our region, leads to the conclusion that the liberal criminal law concept of protection of individual and social values based on the principles of a rational balance between effective protection of human freedoms and rights and limited criminal law repression is exposed to an unstoppable surge of utilitarianism. Its containment is not possible without deep reforms of the national political, economic and legal system, which will transfer the fight against crime from the use of criminal law as the only means, to the area of functioning of political power and authority guided by the principles of the democratic rule of law.
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W. Pidluzny, Jonathan. „The Roots of Self-Doubt (and Self-Loathing) in the West“. In Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100193.
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Democratic self-doubt is manifest in many ways, some of them a threat to the perpetuation of the very political orders responsible for the exceptional appeal of life in Western societies. This paper begins by defining the phenomenon and proceeds to examine its roots. Five contributing factors are identified, all of them in some way a constituent element of the very way of life, our confidence in which they threaten to erode. The factors discussed are the following: first, the value neutral nature of experimental natural science and its effect on the liberal arts; second, European romanticism and its suffusion through the entire cultural life of the West; third, a mania for equality which, although a fundamental principle of healthy republicanism, can (when pushed to the extreme) erode citizens’ pride in their own regime; fourth, materialism and material abundance, which distract citizens from the innately human longings and cut them off from participation in public life; fifth, egalitarianism desiccates the liberal arts—one of the greatest legacies of the West—and enervates the democrat’s capacity to be moved by them. The paper ends by considering a more insidious form of self-hatred that emerged from the thought of Friedrich Nietzsche and Karl Marx.
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Raheem, Luqman, und Nasir Durid. „The impact of the regional factor in the democratic transition A comparative study between the experiences of Spain 1975 and Iraq 2003“. In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp126-148.
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The regional factor has always played an important role in the political developments of various countries and political experiences, as this factor constituted the role of the direct incubator for all the successful and failed experiences of political development throughout our time. The process of democratization is considered one of the most important political experiments of our time, which gained wide momentum after the Second World War. Especially after the peoples of the world realized the importance and preference of this system compared to the rest of the political systems. After the end of the Cold War, the world witnessed a remarkable trend towards liberal democracy, exhilarated by the euphoria of the victory of the Western camp led by the United States of America over its eastern historical opponent (led by the Soviet Union). Liberal democracy and its sovereignty over the world, rather they unleashed an unbridled optimism that says: ""The peoples and societies of the world are moving towards adopting the model of liberal democracy, because it is the model most responsive to the aspirations of human freedom and the release of his energies.
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Egresi, Katalin. „THE ROLE OF THE POLITICAL CULTURE IN DEMOCRATISATION. (BLOCKS AND CHALLENGES IN THE "ILLIBERAL" POLITICAL SYSTEM(S).“ In 11th SWS International Scientific Conferences on ART and HUMANITIES - ISCAH 2024. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscah.2024/fs03.15.
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At the beginning of the 1990s, Ralf Dahrendorf outlined that political or constitutional changes can be made in 6 months, economic reforms over 6 years, and solid democratic foundations, in the form of an active civil society in 60 years. The political culture of consensus or its absence critically influence the way that transformations are made, the formation of political structures. Why did illiberal political systems emerge in Central Europe, especially in Hungary? The paper will mainly try to analyse the social/cultural factors behind the political institutional changes. Can the democracy be learned? What factors influence the learning-capacity of post-communist societies? Can a democratic political system that negates liberal values be reconciled with contemporary theories of democracy?
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Zawadzka-Pąk, Urszula K., und Paweł Jamróz. „Can Democracy Harm Public Finance? Some Evidences from Europe“. In The XX International Scientific Conference "Functioning of Investments Financed from State Resources and from Other Sources in The Countries of Central And Eastern Europe". Temida 2, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/ipf.2022.21.
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James Buchanan and Richard Wagner in their famous book “Democracy in Deficit” note that democracy has not enough fiscal discipline because the citizens’ representatives are chosen in the election and they take the budgetary decisions seeking the re-election. Their theory of public choice may suggest the existence of a positive relationship between the democracy’s quality and the public debt level reflecting the long-lasting consequences of the budgetary decisions of policy-makers. Thus, we formulate the following research question: Is democratic system harmful for public finance? To operationalize the democratic system, we use five democracy indices (i.e., electoral, liberal, participatory, deliberative, and egalitarian), and the public debt to operationalize the threat for public finance. Conclusions put in a new light the theory, as first the study confirmed that there are statistically significant relationships between democracy’s quality and public debt and, however not in case of every democracy index and every European country.
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ASTVATSATUROVA, ASTVATSATUROVA M. A. „ETHNIC IDENTIFICATION PROJECTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN RUSSIAN POLITICAL CONSERVATIVE-TRADITIONALIST DOCTRINE“. In FORTUNES OF NATIONAL CULTURES IN GLOBALIZATION CONTEXT: BETWEEN TRADITION AND THE NEW REALITY, 270–75. Chelyabinsk State University Publishing House, 2024. https://doi.org/10.47475/9785727120088_270.
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The article is devoted to the study of the meanings and functional manifestations of the ethno-identi-fication interests of Russian citizens and ethnic communities in a situation of change in the top political doctrine - from liberal-democratic to conservative-traditionalist. Successful processes of civil consolidation of Russians within the framework of the Russian multi-ethnic nation and the ethnocultural model of civil society are noted. At the same time, an objective basis for competition between ethnic groups, as well as interethnic contradictions and possible ethnic conflicts, is postulated. Possible ways to further optimize ethno-identifica-tion projections are proposed.
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Cantori, Louis J. „FETHULLAH GÜLEN: KEMALIST AND ISLAMIC REPUBLICANISM AND THE TURKISH DEMOCRATIC FUTURE“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/xgns5949.
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To put it bluntly, the claim that liberal democracy is a universal concept is false. Its prerequi- sites of individualism, equality, secularism, pluralism etc. have a minority status in the world. On the other hand, what can be termed Islamic conservatism does apply to Islamic societies: 1) the past incorporates within it the revelations of God as expressed in the Qur’an as the spiritual centre of gravity; 2) community and family take precedence over the individual and 3) the goal of society is the enjoining of that which is good and the prohibition of that which is evil. Islamic conservatism can also be analytically attached to republicanism as an alterna- tive to democracy. Referred to here is the republicanism of ancient Rome which argues for (a) the limitation of the powers of a strong and benevolent and moral state, (b) an elite pledged to serve the public good (maslahah), (c) a citizenry also pledged to serve society, and (d) an embedded law respected and upheld by all. Kemalism in contemporary Turkey represents the principles of republicanism as formulated in the famous ‘Six Arrows’, which centred more on the need for a strong centralised state than on the obligations of the state to its citizens. If measured against the four criteria of the ancient Roman republican ideal, the Turkish state clearly falls far short. By contrast, this paper argues, the Gülen movement does, rather remarkably, meet those high standards. As a consequence, there are present in Turkey today, two interacting modes of republicanism that are increasingly beginning to overlap with and resemble one another.
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Minosian, Andrii, und Oleksiy Varypaev. „Russian aggression and existential challenges of the modern world: Ukrainian context“. In VI International Conference on European Dimensions of Sustainablе Development, 466–73. National University of Food Technologies, 2024. https://doi.org/10.24263/edsd-2024-6-52.
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The article examines issues related to the existential challenges of the modern world in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The emphasis is placed on the consistency and insidiousness of the use of methods and forms of influence in the introduction of imperial narratives that are directed not only against the Ukrainian identity, the sovereign right of the Ukrainian people to have its own state, but also against the entire civilized world. According to the researchers, this was largely due to complacency of democratic countries with the liberal democracy achievements, the existing confidence in the benefits of the acquired economic stability and the inexpediency of major wars in modern conditions. The current state of Russian society, bellicose Russian diplomacy and the aggressive policy of the Russian leadership contradict the existing basic European values and democratic freedoms. The scenario of Russia's disintegration into separate independent states, which would deprive it of its imperial status and reduce its aggressive potential, is crucial for improving the political situation in the world and ensuring Ukraine's own strategic security. In this way, the entire civilized world will be liberated from the permanent threat of a new war which will have a positive impact on creating the necessary conditions for Ukraine's political and economic development in the context of building a sovereign European state.
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Matic, Andreea Elena, und Florin Tudor. „THE RIGHT TO LIBERTY AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY � BETWEEN LIMITS AND IDEAL“. In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2022/s02.019.
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The right to liberty is one of the fundamental human rights. Over time, obtaining the right to liberty for people from different social categories (men, women, slaves, etc.) was in many occasions hard and it was achieved at the end of difficult ideological and political struggles. In this article we aim to analyze the equilibrium that exists in contemporary democratic society, between the liberty of each person on the one hand and, on the other hand, the exercise and protection of the other fundamental human rights: the right to life, health, physical and mental integrity and so on. We will analyze aspects related to the individual liberty in the matter of expressing opinions, the freedom in the choices we make, the freedom of conscience and religion, freedom of movement. For example, in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic our liberty has been severely limited in order to protect the right to life and the right to health. We will analyze the concept of liberty in relation to legal and moral norms and taking responsibility for one's own decisions and their consequences. The idea of individual liberty is very important for each person, as it is one of the elements that allow us to think and believe that we are the masters of our lives. The right to liberty and the fundamental freedoms can be limited only in exceptional circumstances established through national and international legal provisions and we will refer to these limitations in our paper. Concluding, it is our opinion that the right to liberty and the fundamental freedoms must be respected for every individual and its restriction have to be seriously weighed.
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Markopoulos, Evangelos, Alisia Jordanou, Hannu Vanharanta und Jussi Kantola. „Co-opetitive Management and Leadership Methodology for Democratic Organizational Change“. In 14th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2023). AHFE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1003731.
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If change is constant, then change management is constant, but maintaining successful change management programs and strategies can be challenging, especially if the impact of the change is big or the time between the changes is small, or the frequency of changes is high. Organizational changes can be seen as mandatory route for the adaptation of new markets trends, client expectations or response to social and geopolitical situations and events that demand structural and radical changes for the organization to move on. However organizations are composed of humans and change management tends to be more related with human resource management than operations management. It is the degree of effective human involvement that defines and drives a successful change, even if this change has limited human input such as technological changes, supplier changes, etc.Over the years several change management theories have been evolved and adapted in the market. Some use more aggressive and X type or management practices, such as the Kotter’s model for change, while others use more democratic and Y type of management practices such as the ADKAR model for change. In either case, or in the ones that are more in the middle such as the Lewin’s forces for change, the participation of the employees needs to be secured with their willingness to engage constructively and not disruptively. Change is more likely to be adopted, and last longer, if intentionally or unintentionally is conceived as the right thing to do, with individual benefits. Therefore, the management objectives in a change management strategy can be directed under a new leadership type that integrates the democratic, participative, situational and transformational leadership theories.This paper presents a critical and comparative analysis between the Kotter’s Model for change, the ADKAR Model and the Lewin’s Forces for change. The result of this analysis highlights the leadership type that is primarily used and its distance from other the leadership types. It also indicates the switch of the management and leadership practices during the change management process, and the challenges related to that. The result of these analysis attempt to identify the degree of democracy used in the change management process which is essential for the effective and long lasting implementation of a change strategy. Democratic change programs can be implemented with less resistance regardless the impact of the change or the frequency they are executed. Therefore the paper identifies the change management model that is closer related to the Company Democracy Model used primarily for innovation based organizations strategies, and extends the application of this change management model to such type of organizations which are also characterized from their non-hierarchical structures and organizational cultures. These type of neo-liberal organizations are the most difficult to change as their degree or democracy and freedom to operate does not favour change management strategies driven mostly by logic, order and authority. For this a new leadership type is introduced that promotes co-opetitition instead of competition, an non-competitive collective effort to go through a change.The research conducted for this paper is based on an extensive literature review on change management theories, primary research with surveys and interviews but also analysis of case related studies to indicate the need for the critically analyse the two models studied and set the base for a new change management and leadership theory. Furthermore, the paper presents the pre and post-condition for adopting the new theory, highlights research limitations, and identifies areas of further research to be conducted for the optimization of the new theory and its contribution to the science of management and leadership.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Liberal democratic area"
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Meret, Susi. Denmark’s Populism at the Crossroads: Insights into the 2024 European Parliament Election Results. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Oktober 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0067.
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The populist moment that defined Danish politics from 2001 to 2019 has recently transitioned into what can be described as mainstream populism. Two concurrent developments drive this shift: first, the Social Democrats’ strategy to reclaim (white) working-class support by adopting populist right-wing stances on immigration and integration, and second, the existential crisis confronting the Liberals (Venstre, V) and the Conservative party (Det Konservative Folkeparti, KF), whose electoral support reached historic lows. The 2024 European Parliament elections differed significantly from those of 2019, marked by the emergence of new political entities and pressing global issues such as the Russia–Ukraine and Israel–Hamas conflicts, along with the existential threat of climate change and the lingering effects of the post-pandemic time. Traditional populists are exploiting these issues to regain support, advocating for greater national sovereignty and cohesion in the face of perceived global threats. This paper examines the evolving dynamics of Danish politics, focusing on how the intersection of domestic and international changes is reshaping EU-related positions and the role of populism. Keywords: populism, European Parliament elections, Danish People’s Party, Denmark Democrats, Socialist People’s Party
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Tyson, Paul. Orchestrated Irrationality: Why It Exists and How It Might Be Resisted. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, Mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp13en.
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Orchestrated irrationality in our public discourse is produced by technologically enhanced and commercially purposed atomization and tribalism. Public discourse now leans away from a humane, free, and reasoned political rationality and towards self-interested, calculative, herd conformism. The bulls and bears of consumer society have largely displaced the civic logic of the liberal democratic pursuit of the common good. The power interests that govern global consumerism are enhanced by subordinating the common good ends of genuinely political life to the self-interested and profit driven dynamics of the market. Orchestrated irrationality in our public discourse makes politics into a meaningless theatre of incommensurate tribal interest narratives, which is a convenient distraction from the collaborative consolidation of market power and state control. This orchestrated irrationality can only be combatted by seeking to de-atomize citizens and de-tribalize the public square in order to recover the priority of political life over market and authoritarian power in our public discourse. That is, a postcapitalist civilization that is oriented to a genuinely political and universally moral rationality must replace the present global order. Once we can identify the problem and the direction of cure for orchestrated irrationality, we can then take steps towards a different civilizational life-world.
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Tyson, Paul. Climate Change Mitigation and Human Flourishing: Recovering Teleology, Avoiding Tyranny. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp5.
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It is most unlikely that adjusting to a 1.5 to 2 degree hotter world is possible within the prevailing political and economic norms of our times. In our post-capitalist times we need to modify modern technological market “liberalism” (which has become, actually, techno-feudalism). If we do not modify our present norms, the collapse of the natural means of power and privilege native to our present world order makes it almost inevitable that democratic liberalism will devolve further into a distinctly anti-liberal species of techno-tyranny. To avoid such a dystopian future, this paper explores how we might re-imagine our global politico-economic norms without embracing techno-tyranny. The argument put forward is that modern liberalism makes the means of personal wealth accumulation and private freedom, the end of public life. This confusion of means with ends implies, ironically, that if our means become unviable, we have no way of aiming at valuable human ends by different means. We have a culturally assumed faulty teleology in political economics and in our philosophy of technology. A revised form of Aristotle’s teleology is proposed whereby an understanding of common human flourishing defines human ends, and where a range of new means could then be pursued to achieve that end, respecting the natural limitations on means that are now upon us.
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Cvijic, Srdjan, Kristina Nikolic und Veljko Miladinovic. Non-Malign Influence: What Does the Russian Community in Serbia Think and Do? Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, Februar 2025. https://doi.org/10.55042/jyhy7785.
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This study examines the political views of the Russian immigrant community in Serbia who relocated following the beginning of a full-scale Russian agression against Ukraine in February 2022. It reveals the primary reasons for leaving Russia, the willingness to engage in political and civic activism, and their adaptation to Serbian society and plans for the future. The research methodology combines a public opinion survey with in-depth structured interviews with a representative sample of Russian nationals living in Serbia. The study confirms prevailing assumptions that this group tends to hold liberal, pro-democratic views, and is largely opposed to Vladimir Putin’s regime and its military aggression in Ukraine. These results counter concerns about the potential for this community to destabilize the region or serve as a vehicle for propagating Moscow's influence. A significant majority of participants report feeling safe in their new country of residence and well-adapted to the local environment, with 40.2% planning to stay in Serbia for at least the next five years. Despite the widespread opposition to Putin and the war, however, most respondents (72.8%) express limited interest in engaging more actively in political affairs. This research concludes that Russians in Serbia prioritize their safety and economic well-being, and are hesitant to jeopardize these by participating in political activities that might draw attention to their opposition to the regime in Russia.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail und Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail und Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Relationship Between ‘Civil Society’ and ‘Democratic Freedoms’. Institute of Development Studies, Juni 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.086.
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Notwithstanding the point that definitions of ‘civil society’ and ‘democracy’ are themselves actively debated, this rapid review defines democracy as ‘liberal democracy’, which goes beyond elections to include liberal components such as equality before the law, individual liberties, rule of law, and independent judiciary and legislature that constrains the executive (Grahn and Lührmann, 2020, p.8). Civil society is defined as “an organizational layer of the polity that lies between the state and private life composed of voluntary associations of people joined together in common purpose” (Coppedge et al. 2016, p.413). Thus, this rapid review seeks to find out what evidence is there on the relationship between civil society and democratic freedoms? The overall sense from the vast array of literature that looks at the relationship between civil society and democratic freedoms is that civil society is important for democracy, but there is no “automatic flow” from one to the other. Rather, the relationship is contingent on the nature of civil society, in addition to other dynamic, context-specific factors. Most of the evidence found during this rapid review was in studies that break down this broad topic into smaller sub-questions. They tended to be case studies that look at specific elements of ‘democratic freedoms’ (e.g., human rights, or anti-corruption), focus on specific countries, or were related to specific mechanisms (e.g., collective action) or processes (e.g., democratic regression). Each of these sub-topics is itself a large and contested area of research. According to some scholars, these case studies are overwhelmingly positive about civil society’s relationship to liberal democratic norms and practices. Some studies show that democratic regression occurs where the demands of a highly mobilised civil society cannot be effectively channelled by the party system or occur in contexts characterised by ethnic and regional differences or socio-economic inequalities.