Inhaltsverzeichnis
Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Liberal democratic area“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Liberal democratic area"
1
Gilbert, Alan. "Democracy and Individuality." Social Philosophy and Policy 3, no. 2 (1986): 19–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000297.
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For many contemporary liberals, Anglo-American democracy seems unimpeachably the best political form. In contrast, adherence to democratic values seems an area in which most Marxian regimes, and perhaps Marx himself, are strikingly deficient. Further, Marxian theory insists on the existence of oppressive ruling classes in all capitalist societies and on the need for class struggle and violent revolution to achieve a more cooperative regime – theses which liberal social theories tend to dismiss peremptorily. From the perspective of modern liberal democratic theory, Marxian arguments seem prima facie outlandish and even morally objectionable.
2
Martynov, Andriy. "US-Germany Relations Development Trends Under the Presidency of Donald Trump." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.2.
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The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a variant of foreign policy realism, in contrast to classical republican neo-conservatism or democratic liberal interventionism. The German foreign policy course in the time of the Bundes Chancellor A. Merkel is a manifestation of liberal-democratic globalism. Under President Obama and Chancellor A. Merkel, German-American relations remained at a high allied level. President Trump abolishes talks on Transatlantic Free Trade Area. German elites see the populist and nationalist policies of D. Trump as a challenge to European integration. They consider US European policy an attempt to split the European Union. In the domestic political dimension, German liberals consider the Alternative to Germany party as Trump’s ideological counterparts. The American liberal political elite accused A. Merkel of failing to prevent the spread of anti-American sentiment in Germany. Political sentiment in the US and Germany after the pandemic is unpredictable. A noticeable trend was the aggravation of the crisis of liberal globalization. This outlines the tendency for further political polarization of American and German societies.
3
Turner, Liz. "PCCs, neo-liberal hegemony and democratic policing." Safer Communities 13, no. 1 (2014): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sc-07-2013-0016.
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Purpose – This paper aims to explore the recent introduction of directly elected police and crime commissioners (PCCs) in England and Wales, and to consider to what extent this new innovation should be considered as a positive contribution to the achievement of democratic policing. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on a range of key sources of academic literature on police accountability and the sociology of policing, as well as considering the content of government pronouncements and legislation. Findings – The central argument of the paper is that the introduction of PCCs needs to be examined within the context of the hegemony of neo-liberal logic in public services reform. It is argued that some enduring myths of policing, including the myth that the police impartially uphold an impartial law, lend themselves to the depoliticisation of policing which is necessary in order to facilitate neo-liberal colonisation of the service, which is inimical to democratic policing. Originality/value – The paper builds upon and contests some of the early critiques of the introduction of PCCs which have emerged and proposes a new direction for the development of critique in this area. It will be of interest to policing scholars as well as anyone concerned about the relationship between democracy and policing under current conditions of deep public service cuts and the colonisation of service provision by neo-liberal values.
4
Dyson, Kenneth. "Benign or Malevolent Leviathan? Social Democratic Governments in a Neo‐Liberal Euro Area." Political Quarterly 70, no. 2 (1999): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00221.
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5
et al., Seo. "Analysis of influence factors on the virtues of democratic citizenship according to individual variables of adolescents." International Journal of ADVANCED AND APPLIED SCIENCES 9, no. 8 (2022): 118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21833/ijaas.2022.08.015.
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To lay the foundation for the development of democratic citizens for the youth who will become the leaders of the future society, major areas of democratic civic education have been selected and research conducted on factors affecting the democratic citizenship of the youths of K city located in Gyeonggi-do. In this study, we selected 32 questionnaires from 4 areas based on previous research and carried out a survey on 219 students. The final statistical processing was performed using the SPSS 21 program, and the results were as follows. We analyzed the effects of each of the students’ personal variables such as gender, school performance, parents’ academic background, and interest in social issues, on “human dignity,” “law-abiding spirit,” “rational decision making,” and “sense of community” that are in the realm of democratic citizenship. As a result of the analysis, first, human dignity has a significant effect according to gender and parents' educational background. Second, in the area of law-abiding spirit, only parents' educational background had a significant effect. Third, in the area of rational decision-making, gender and interest in social issues had an effect, and finally, in the area of community consciousness, parents' educational background and interest in social issues had significant effects. This study is meaningful as it found the factors that should be applied when conducting education for the cultivation of democratic citizenship in the future. The justification for practicing democratic citizenship education can be found in democracy itself. No matter how democratic a country is, if it fails to continue cultivating its roots by educating democratic ideals, its democracy will be shaken. Simple indoctrination should be avoided, but it should help students (members of society) develop the determination to uphold the liberal democratic and humanitarian values of human dignity, law-abiding spirit, rational decision-making, and a sense of community.
6
Roliak, Angelina, Olena Matiienko, Elvira Manzhos, Olena Shamanska, and Nelya Burlaka. "Management of teacher education: danish democratic discourse in postmodern era." Independent Journal of Management & Production 12, no. 6 (2021): s463—s477. http://dx.doi.org/10.14807/ijmp.v12i6.1754.
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In postmodern area, flexible and innovative management should become an integral part of the European education system as every knowledge-based society demands to educate high-quality specialists. The present research combines two dimensions: structural and administrative, including a dual fringe of both management and teacher education environments in the Nordic democratic space. The article offers a comparative analysis of the structural model, administrative principles, and new management initiatives in teacher professional training within the tertiary education system of neo-liberal Denmark. The Danish context is the most essential because this country has gained a unique experience in creating an effective system of self-governing teacher education institutions existing on a relevant background of centralized and decentralized management principles. The methodological contribution of this research is based on a case study approach that includes methods of qualitative analysis, critical induction, information reinterpretation, and generalization. Neo-liberal management initiatives of the Danish democratic state aimed at improving pedagogical education after postmodern period are considered to be a part of the response to the ongoing need for high-quality professional training of teachers based on a solid foundation of autonomy and effective innovative practices.
7
Odža, Ivana. "Democratism of Dragojla Jarnević on the Example of her Diary." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 17 (November 6, 2019): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2019.17.11.
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The paper analyses, in the context of Dragojla Jarnević’s Diary, the concept of democratism from the authoress’ viewpoint of the world regarding the liberal values that represent foundation of democracy. Considering the problems related to the issue of contemporary democracies eminent intellectuals of the 20th and 21st century have expressed a line of doubts and objections, thereby threatening the concept of democracy, or twisting democracy in its own contradictions. In retrospect, during Dragojla Jarnević’s lifetime and work, there was an evident complexity and ambivalence of disseminating liberal ideas in the area of today´s Croatia. Shaping and expressing of Dragojla Jarnević’s democratic views shows that it is possible to interpret democracy from different points of view – on the one hand, it is the best social model, on the other hand, it sometimes transforms in its contradiction. Certain contradictions are observed in Jarnević’s personality, however, her personality eventually reveals a brave and democratic (literature) subject.
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Berg-Schlosser, Dirk. "Comparative Area Studies: Epistemological and Methodological Foundations and a Practical Application." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 2 (2020): 288–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-2-288-302.
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In recent decades, area studies have been transformed from mostly descriptive ethnographic and historical accounts to theory-oriented and analytical approaches. They retain some of their depth and cultural specificity, but have been widened in a comparative sense to come up with some broader social scientific explanations. This has been enhanced by more recent systematic comparative methods such as “Qualitative Comparative Analysis” (QCA) and related procedures, which are particularly suitable for medium-N studies of specific regions at the macro-level and cross-area analyses in contrast to more common statistical approaches. This paper discusses the epistemological background of this approach as well as recent methodological developments. As an illustration, it provides an example of an ongoing large international “cross-area” research project concerned with successful democratic transformations in different world regions and more recent threats to democratic stability and some of their underlying causes. Here, in particular, the relationships between level of socio-economic development and liberal democracy (the “Lipset hypothesis”) and the effects of “good governance” in terms of the World Bank indicators on democratic stability are investigated. This is done on the basis of selected “cross-area” cases with the help of both crisp-set and fuzzy-set QCA. In this way, both the utility of this approach for “medium-range theorizing” in the social sciences and possible practical-political applications are demonstrated.
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Lee, Nae Kwan, and Young Jo Lee. "Regional Status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement for Fostering Democratic Citizens." Liberal Arts Innovation Center 11 (April 1, 2023): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54698/kl.2023.11.63.
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In this study, the spirit of the times and the regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement were examined. As is well known, the 3·8 Democratic Movement occupies a very important position not only in the Daejeon region but also in the history of democratization in Korea in that it became the mother of the 4·19 Revolution. Above all, this study discusses that it was a voluntary student movement triggered by students' anger against the Liberal Party regime, and this acted as a premise to create a regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement. The peculiarity of the 3·8 Democratic Movement is that it was not just a specific high school in the Daejeon area, but a coalition of several schools.
 In addition, the regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement is related to fostering democratic citizens. The 3·8 Democratic Movement was not an impromptu movement by high school students at the time, but contained the identity of a planned and voluntary uprising. It is also an incident that implies both the uniqueness of student-led initiatives for freedom, democracy, and justice, and the identity of Daejeon local residents. Based on this regional status, the 3·8 Democratic Movement can be used as an educational source for fostering democratic citizens.
10
Niesen, Peter. "Kant and Rawls on Free Speech in Autocracies." Kantian Review 23, no. 4 (2018): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1369415418000420.
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AbstractIn the works of Kant and Rawls, we find an acute sensibility to the pre-eminent importance of freedom of speech. Both authors defend free speech in democratic societies as a private and as a public entitlement, but their conceptions markedly differ when applied to non-liberal and non-democratic societies. The difference is that freedom of speech, for Kant, is a universal claim that can serve as a test of legitimacy of all legal orders, while for Rawls, some legal orders are owed full recognition even if they do not in principle guarantee freedom of speech. I explain Kant’s account of free political speech and argue that the defence of individual rights should be seen as its core feature, both in republican and in autocratic states. I then argue that a much-overlooked shift in Rawls’s development to Political Liberalism likewise ties his account of free speech in democratic societies to issues concerning rights and justice. In a next step, I discuss Rawls’s perspective on some non-democratic regimes in his Law of Peoples, regimes that he understands as well-ordered but which do not guarantee freedom of speech. I criticize Rawls’s account from Kant’s perspective and suggest to introduce a ‘module’ from Kant’s pre-republican thought into Rawls’s conception, aiming to secure a core area of rights- and justice-related speech. My claim is that under Kant’s view of autocratic legitimacy, an important extension of speech rights is called for even in non-liberal, non-democratic states, and that a Rawlsian account should and can adopt it.