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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Les parties“

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Autor: Grafiati
Veröffentlicht am 22. Juni 2024

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1

Szabados. „Transhumanist Parties as Niche Parties“. Journal of Posthuman Studies 2, Nr. 2 (2019): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jpoststud.2.2.0007.

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2

Szabados, Krisztian. „Transhumanist Parties as Niche Parties“. Journal of Posthuman Studies 2, Nr. 2 (01.06.2018): 213–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jpoststud.2.2.0213.

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ABSTRACT Political parties advocating transhumanist ideas have recently sprung up in a great number of countries, supported by rapid technological and scientific progress. This article examines whether any of the various frameworks of niche party theory can adequately describe transhumanist parties. It is discussed how the nicheness of transhumanist parties can be conceptualized. After determining the common set of issues that ideologically diverse transhumanist political organizations accentuate, this article conducts a qualitative analysis to justify the “proto-nicheness” of transhumanist parties within the spatial and salience theories. Two new accounts will be put forward based on Bischof’s consumer market analogy and Hughes’s three-dimensional conceptualization of contemporary politics.
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McMurray, Janice. „Parties“. Activities, Adaptation & Aging 14, Nr. 1-2 (21.12.1989): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j016v14n01_14.

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4

Maeda, Ko. „What Motivates Moderation? Policy Shifts of Ruling Parties, Opposition Parties and Niche Parties“. Representation 52, Nr. 2-3 (02.07.2016): 215–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2017.1288165.

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5

Watson, Harry L., und Joel H. Silbey. „Parties Count“. Reviews in American History 13, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1985): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702585.

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6

Kaebnick, Gregory E. „Third Parties“. Hastings Center Report 50, Nr. 6 (November 2020): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/hast.1190.

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7

Smith, Laura. „Tortoise parties“. BSAVA Companion 2013, Nr. 2 (01.02.2013): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22233/20412495.0213.20.

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8

Coleman, S. „THE PARTIES“. Parliamentary Affairs 49, Nr. 4 (01.10.1996): 666–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a028703.

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9

Bailey, Christopher J. „Political parties“. Contemporary Record 3, Nr. 3 (Februar 1990): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619469008581066.

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10

Victor Yang. „Sardine Parties“. Fourth Genre: Explorations in Nonfiction 20, Nr. 1 (2018): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/fourthgenre.20.1.0025.

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11

Burgess, Neil, und David Webb. „Church Parties“. Theology 92, Nr. 745 (Januar 1989): 35–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x8909200107.

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12

Sayers, Anthony. „Political Parties“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2005): 1061–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905219972.

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Political Parties, William Cross, The Canadian Democratic Audit series; Vancouver, UBC Press, 2004, pp. 218.Political Parties is part of the Canadian Democratic Audit series. The expressed aim of the series is to “examine the way Canadian democracy functions” using three benchmarks, “public participation, inclusiveness and responsiveness,” with the principle output being not so much a report card but the desire to “encourage ongoing discussion of how best to fashion Canada's democratic institutions and practices well into the new century” (http://www.mta.ca/faculty/arts-letters/canadian_studies/cda/pdf/demaudit_overview_15aug.pdf). Cross's short, readable volume achieves these objectives.
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13

JACOBS, MADELEINE. „Birthday Parties“. Chemical & Engineering News 76, Nr. 23 (08.06.1998): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v076n023.p005.

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14

M.B.G. „Working Parties“. Ecclesiastical Law Journal 2, Nr. 9 (Juli 1991): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00001319.

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15

M.B.G. „Working Parties“. Ecclesiastical Law Journal 2, Nr. 11 (Juli 1992): 419–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00001629.

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16

Marume, Dr S. B. M., Dr A. S. Chikasha und Prof D. Ndudzo. „Political Parties“. IOSR Journal of Mechanical and Civil Engineering 13, Nr. 04 (April 2016): 140–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/1684-130407140152.

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17

SAMUELS, DAVID J. „Presidentialized Parties“. Comparative Political Studies 35, Nr. 4 (Mai 2002): 461–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035004004.

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18

Ogata, Sadako. „Guilty Parties“. Foreign Policy, Nr. 132 (September 2002): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3183451.

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19

van Spanje, Joost. „Contagious Parties“. Party Politics 16, Nr. 5 (02.03.2010): 563–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068809346002.

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20

Chhibber, Pradeep. „Dynastic parties“. Party Politics 19, Nr. 2 (05.05.2011): 277–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811406995.

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In the aftermath of the 2009 national elections in India a number of commentators observed that Indian party politics is a dynastic affair. Why is this the case? This paper claims that absence of a party organization, independent civil society associations that mobilize support for the party, and centralized financing of elections has led to the emergence and sustenance of dynastic parties in India. The paper assesses the impact of dynastic parties and shows that not only are party systems more volatile when parties are dynastic but more important, dynastic parties serve to make the political system less representative.
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Brocker, Manfred, und Mirjam Künkler. „Religious parties“. Party Politics 19, Nr. 2 (März 2013): 171–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068812473673.

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The saliency of religious parties in recent democratic consolidation processes forces the discipline to reconsider key questions on party change: Under what conditions do (radical) religious parties moderate? Is their mere inclusion in the democratic process enough to result in their moderation? If so, exactly what mechanisms are at work here? What roles are played by intervening variables such as coalition politics and electoral systems? And if this is not the case, what other variables may explain the movements of religious parties along the axis between moderation and radicalization? Does religion itself play a role? In the endeavor to answer these and related questions, this introduction to the Special Issue on Religious Parties initially provides some conceptual clarifications and offers an overview of the relevant literature. It is followed by a list of conditions under which the development and shift of religious parties towards ideological and behavioral moderation may be expected. The argument posits that the democratization of the political system and inclusion in electoral competition are not the sole determining factors. Inclusion, indeed, seems to be neither a necessary nor sufficient condition. The four case studies presented after the introduction (by Carolyn Warner, Michael Buehler, Steven T. Wuhs, and Sarah Wilson Sokhey/Kadir Yildirim) analyze this in more depth by working diachronically and across parties of different religions. The first article revisits the development of Catholic parties in Italy, while the following set examines religious parties in the third- and fourth-wave democracies of Mexico, Turkey and Indonesia, and in Egypt, which has still not reached the status of a constitutional democracy.
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Mazzoleni, Oscar, und Gerrit Voerman. „Memberless parties“. Party Politics 23, Nr. 6 (25.01.2016): 783–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815627398.

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It is widely assumed that political parties need to have members in order to fulfil their functions in a representative democracy (drawing up platforms, candidate nomination and electoral mobilization) and in terms of their legitimacy. However, the theoretical literature on party models – the evolution from the mass party to the catch-all party, the electoral-professional party and/or the cartel party – suggests an increasing marginalization of members within the party organization. In the business-firm party model, members no longer have any role whatsoever. The next phase in this development seems to be a party without members. This article analyses the contextual (societal, communicational and institutional) factors favouring the rise and endurance of the memberless party as well as the strategic conditions for doing without formal membership (such as maximizing the centralization of internal decision-making, promoting party unity and enhancing electoral effectiveness). The functioning of two no-member parties – the Freedom Party in the Netherlands and the Lega dei Ticinesi in Switzerland – will be discussed in the empirical part of this article.
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Heidar, Knut, und Jo Saglie. „Predestined Parties?“ Party Politics 9, Nr. 2 (März 2003): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540688030092005.

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24

Manacsa, Rodelio Cruz, und Alexander C. Tan. „Manufacturing Parties“. Party Politics 11, Nr. 6 (November 2005): 748–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068805057608.

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25

Etchells, Tim, Robin Arthur, Richard Lowdon, Claire Marshall, Cathy Naden und Terry O'Connor. „Tomorrow's Parties“. Theater 46, Nr. 3 (2016): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01610775-3619511.

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26

Darya Labutina. „AFRICAN PARTIES“. Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 75, Nr. 020 (21.05.2023): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.86308014.

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27

Aurora, Bipin. „The Parties“. Pleiades: Literature in Context 42, Nr. 2-1 (September 2022): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/plc.2022.0088.

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28

Bernheimer, Kate, Samantha Sweeting und Catriona McAra. „Nightgown parties“. Studies in Costume & Performance 7, Nr. 2 (01.12.2022): 253–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/scp_00078_3.

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‘Nightgown parties’ is an experimental visual essay featuring a new fairy tale and previously unpublished images, a three-way collaborative ‘party’ between an artist, writer and curator. The curator, Catriona McAra, begins with a compact, comparative preface for the imaginative practices of the artist and writer which intersect at the lost moment of fairy-tale costume. Writer Kate Bernheimer has prepared a new story, ‘The Crown of Stars’ about a found photograph from artist Samantha Sweeting’s childhood, Golden Crown, in which the 4-year-old artist wears fancy dress and appears to be dancing with abandon. McAra argues that, for both, the fairy-tale costume functions as primary matter, with close reference to well-known tales that feature articles of clothing such as Charles Perrault’s ‘Peau d’Âne’ (‘Donkeyskin’), ‘Cinderella’, and ‘Little Red Riding Hood’. McAra’s context for this new tale and image brings together fairy-tale scholarship and costume studies.
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29

Garcia, Gina A., Marc P. Johnston, Juan C. Garibay, Felisha A. Herrera und Luis G. Giraldo. „When Parties Become Racialized: Deconstructing Racially Themed Parties“. Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice 48, Nr. 1 (Januar 2011): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1949-6605.6194.

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30

Stacher, Joshua. „Parties over: The demise of Egypt's opposition parties“. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 31, Nr. 2 (November 2004): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135301904042000268222.

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31

Gray, Mark M. „Promising Parties: Can Parties in Government still Deliver?“ European Review 16, Nr. 3 (Juli 2008): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000276.

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The ability of political parties in advanced industrial democracies to maintain the traditional linkage between voters and their governments by making and attempting to fulfill policy promises is potentially being challenged by emerging social, political, and economic forces of the 21st century. Parties may become less meaningful to the electorate as they deal with the cross-pressures created by the forces of Europeanization, globalization, localism, and the increasing independence of central banks. These factors have the potential to make parties in government, at the national-level, marginally less able to fulfill the promises they make to voters. The review of literature presented here regarding these challenges indicates that although the risks to parties are very real, the effects of these emerging forces have yet to substantially diminish the primary roles and functioning of national parties in government. Those most at risk of being affected in the future are parties who rely strongly on economic appeals and promises.
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Appleton, Andrew. „Parties under pressure: Challenges to ‘established’ French parties“. West European Politics 18, Nr. 1 (Januar 1995): 52–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389508425057.

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33

Heidar, Knut, und Jo Saglie. „Predestined Parties? Organizational Change in Norwegian Political Parties“. Party Politics 9, Nr. 2 (01.03.2003): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068803009002838.

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34

Rohrschneider, Robert, und Stephen Whitefield. „Critical Parties: How Parties Evaluate the Performance of Democracies“. British Journal of Political Science 49, Nr. 1 (08.02.2017): 355–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000545.

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While the ‘critical citizens’ literature shows that publics often evaluate democracies negatively, much less is known about ‘critical parties’, especially mainstream ones. This article develops a model to explain empirical variation in parties’ evaluations of democratic institutions, based on two mechanisms: first, that parties’regime accessaffects their regime support, which, secondly, is moderated by over-timehabituationto democracy. Using expert surveys of all electorally significant parties in twenty-four European countries in 2008 and 2013, the results show that parties evaluate institutions positively when they have regular access to a regime, regardless of their ideology and the regime’s duration. Moreover, regime duration affects stances indirectly by providing democracies with a buffer against an incumbent’s electoral defeat in the most recent election. The findings point to heightened possibilities for parties to negatively evaluate democracies given the increased volatility in party systems in Europe.
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Nanou, Kyriaki. „Political Parties and Democratic Linkage: How Parties Organize Democracy“. West European Politics 35, Nr. 5 (September 2012): 1211–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2012.706423.

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36

Krehbiel, Keith, Adam Meirowitz und Thomas Romer. „Parties in Elections, Parties in Government, and Partisan Bias“. Political Analysis 13, Nr. 2 (2005): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpi007.

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Political parties are active when citizens choose among candidates in elections and when winning candidates choose among policy alternatives in government. But the inextricably linked institutions, incentives, and behavior that determine these multistage choices are substantively complex and analytically unwieldy, particularly if modeled explicitly and considered in total, from citizen preferences through government outcomes. To strike a balance between complexity and tractability, we modify standard spatial models of electoral competition and governmental policy-making to study how components of partisanship—such as candidate platform separation in elections, party ID-based voting, national partisan tides, and party-disciplined behavior in the legislature—are related to policy outcomes. We define partisan bias as the distance between the following two points in a conventional choice space: the ideal point of the median voter in the median legislative district and the policy outcome selected by the elected legislature. The study reveals that none of the party-in-electorate conditions is capable of producing partisan bias independently. Specified combinations of conditions, however, can significantly increase the bias and/or the variance of policy outcomes, sometimes in subtle ways.
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Harmel, Robert, und Lars Svåsand. „The Influence of New Parties on Old Parties' Platforms“. Party Politics 3, Nr. 3 (Juli 1997): 315–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068897003003003.

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38

Farmer, Rick, und Rich Fender. „E-Parties: Democratic and Republican State Parties in 2000“. Party Politics 11, Nr. 1 (Januar 2005): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068805048472.

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39

Barrocas, Manuel Pereira. „Igualdade das partes no direito de escolha dos árbitros e a complexidade do seu exercício“. Revista Brasileira de Arbitragem 15, Issue 58 (01.06.2018): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/rba2018017.

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RESUMO: O artigo tem por tema a escolha de árbitros pelas partes, não apenas quanto ao direito de seleção e nomeação, mas também, sobretudo, sobre a obrigação e a responsabilidade das partes de proceder a uma seleção e nomeação corretas de árbitros quanto à sua independência, imparcialidade e outros atributos essenciais. ABSTRACT: The Article deals with the choice of arbitrators by the parties, not only in which concern the parties’ right to select and nominate arbitrators, but also on the parties’ obligation and liability to do a correct selection and nomination as to independence and impartiality as well as other essential features of arbitrators.
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Sundberg, Jan. „Demassified Mass Parties or Overloaded Cadre Parties? The Impact of Parties on Electoral Outcome in Finland“. Scandinavian Political Studies 8, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1985): 299–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1985.tb00327.x.

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41

Ma, Ngok. „Parties without Power“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, Nr. 4 (01.12.2020): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.118.

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This article reviews how Beijing’s design of a liberal autocracy constrains party development in Hong Kong. It shows how the governing philosophy and the institutional design and mechanics of the electoral system disallow a strong governing party and suppress political participation. This situation brings about a weakened state capacity and a fragmented ruling coalition with elites working on contrasting incentives. It also leads to legislative fragmentation and declining public confidence in legislative and party politics. Unable to contain political participation, radical street actions arose to challenge the government. The 2019 Anti-Extradition Movement best exemplifies the weakness of the ruling coalition and the radicalization of street politics posing major challenges to the governance of Hong Kong.
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42

Luke, K. K. „Parties and voices“. Chinese Language and Discourse 12, Nr. 1 (19.04.2021): 6–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cld.00035.luk.

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Abstract Since Harvey Sacks’ early observations on collaborative sentence-making, the joint production of turns has become a topic of abiding interest amongst conversation analysts. This paper offers a thematic review of the literature by looking into a number of issues surrounding joint productions, including their forms and interactional uses, major types and sub-types, syntactic and pragmatic contributions, unity and variation across languages, and reasons for its inherent fascination as a conversational practice. By re-examining a number of key concepts and distinctions, including completion, extension, projection, continuation, collaboration, and affiliation/disaffiliation, the paper offers a critical assessment of their perspicuity and usefulness for our understanding of joint production as a general phenomenon (which includes both co-completions and increments). In the second part of the paper, it is suggested that two further concepts be added to the analyst’s toolbox, namely, ‘parties’ (Schegloff 1995) and ‘voices’ (Bakhtin 1981). It is argued that with these notions, one would be better placed to explain the curious status of joint productions as at once collaborative and yet at the same time potentially transformative or even subversive. The overriding goal is conceptual clarification of this field, which hopefully will help place further research on firmer ground.
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43

Сморгунов, Леонид. „Network political parties“. Полис. Политические исследования (Polis. Political Studies), Nr. 4 (23.07.2014): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2014.04.03.

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44

Solheim, Helene, und Bruce Thomas Boehrer. „Jonsonian Theme Parties“. PMLA 106, Nr. 5 (Oktober 1991): 1181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/462694.

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45

Bedeski, Robert E., und James D. Seymour. „China's Satellite Parties.“ Pacific Affairs 61, Nr. 1 (1988): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758081.

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Holmberg, Sören. „Polarizing Political Parties“. Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning 45, Nr. 02 (24.06.2004): 355–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-291x-2004-02-12.

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47

Csergo, Julia. „Parties de campagne“. Sociétés & Représentations 17, Nr. 1 (2004): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sr.017.0015.

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48

McKeever, David. „Parties, Movements, Brokers“. Contention 9, Nr. 1 (01.06.2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2021.090102.

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This article is a study of the consequences of brokerage for movements, and particularly for the role of political parties within social movements. My findings indicate that brokerage creates opportunities for minor groups to play a crucial role in mobilization, something that comes at a cost to a movement’s structure. I make my case with a study of brokerage in action, based on activist interviews, events data, and network data collected from the Scottish independence movement. Results demonstrate that the likelihood of the governing Scottish National Party participating in movement events only increases with the number of participating movement organizations. As the movement organizations transitioned from a referendum campaign to an autonomous movement, under-resourced peripheral groups took the lead in brokering the Nationalist movement.
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STRÜDER, C. W. „Preferences Not Parties“. Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 79, Nr. 4 (01.12.2003): 431–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/etl.79.4.503564.

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Ackerley, Nicky. „Work Christmas Parties“. Veterinary Nursing Journal 32, Nr. 11 (20.10.2017): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17415349.2017.1380889.

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