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Thematische Bibliographien / Lebanese Foreign public opinion / Zeitschriftenartikel

Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Lebanese Foreign public opinion“

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Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 26. Juli 2024

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1

Onate-Madrazo, Andrea. „The World Court and the Iran-Contra Scandal: Nicaragua, the International Court of Justice, Public Opinion, and the Origins of Iran-Contra“. Histories 2, Nr. 4 (10.11.2022): 504–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories2040034.

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In November 1986, a Lebanese weekly published an article stating that high level officials within the administration of U.S. President Ronald Reagan had sold weapons to an embargoed Iran and diverted the profits to counterrevolutionary forces fighting the government of Nicaragua. Both of these facts violated domestic and international law. What ensued was the Iran-Contra scandal that almost ended Reagan’s presidency and jeopardized the credibility of U.S. foreign policy. Drawing from periodicals from the U.S. and international presses, as well as U.S. Congressional records, this article demonstrates that studies on the origins of Iran-Contra have overlooked one critical cause of the scandal—a lawsuit that Nicaragua presented against the United States at the International Court of Justice in April 1984. While the case “Nicaragua v the United States of America” played an important causal role in the history of the Iran-Contra affair, its importance goes beyond mere causality. As this article demonstrates, the impact that this international lawsuit had on the origins of Iran-Contra elucidates the influence of public opinion on shaping domestic and foreign policy, on the extent to which foreign policy is driven by domestic political realities, and on the importance of international courts as the theaters where battles for legitimacy are waged.

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Joudi, Nadine Sami, und Nawal Nabih Ayoub. „Potent Roles of Humor in EFL Classes in Higher Education: An Exploratory Study of Lebanese Perspectives“. European Scientific Journal, ESJ 20, Nr. 4 (29.02.2024): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2024.v20n4p146.

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This paper focuses on scrutinizing the attitudes and opinions of English as a Foreign Language (EFL) instructors and learners on the use of humor in higher education in Lebanon as a pedagogical tool in classroom contexts. It is used in building a harmonious relationship between instructors and students, lowering affective barriers to learning, keeping students attentive to class activities, developing creativity and increasing instructional effectiveness as well as students’ learning. It also aims to describe the instructors’ experiences in employing it in their classrooms and to determine the students’ perspectives on its potent roles in learning. In this exploratory study, a mixed-method design and a convenient sampling of participants were utilized. A total of 13 EFL instructors, working at 1 public and 4 private universities in Lebanon, and 86 EFL students participated in the study. To describe and quantify their perceptions of the potent roles of employing humor in EFL classes, two online surveys of two sets of questions each, including closed-ended and open-ended, and four focus group discussions were administered. The overall qualitative and quantitative analysis of the data indicated that Lebanese EFL instructors and students have positive attitudes towards integrating humor as a pedagogical tool and as a fundamental part of the teaching strategies in EFL higher education classes. This is because it creates an open communication climate, captures students’ interest in the subject matter, boosts attention, reduces anxiety, makes the instructor more approachable, and yields better instructor evaluation. The findings of this study also revealed the need to train teachers to use humor artfully.

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Ayoub, Nawal Nabih, Nadine Sami Joudi, Miriama Salim Bou Saba und Anthony Salim Bou Saba. „Integrating Artificial Intelligence in a Morphology Course - An Analytical Study of University Students’ Perspective“. European Scientific Journal, ESJ 20, Nr. 17 (30.06.2024): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2024.v20n17p1.

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This paper focuses on scrutinizing the attitudes and opinions of English as Foreign Language (EFL) learners on the integration of artificial intelligence (AI) in a morphology course in higher education in Lebanon. Specifically, it examines AI as a pedagogical tool in classrooms to provide learners with personalized learning paths centered on their needs and strengths, offer automated feedback on activities and assignments, supply study resources and extra material, furnish adaptive assessments, and most importantly, identify common errors in students’ responses that allow instructors to acknowledge the learning gaps and tailor their teaching strategies accordingly. It also aims to determine the students’ perspectives on AI’s potent role in learning. In this exploratory study, a mixed-method design and a convenient sampling of participants were utilized. A total of 62 EFL students at the public university in Lebanon participated in the study. To describe and quantify their perceptions of integrating AI in a morphology course, an online survey, including closed-ended and open-ended questions, and two focus group discussions were administered. The overall qualitative and quantitative analyses of the data indicated that Lebanese EFL students have positive attitudes towards integrating AI in a morphology course as a pedagogical tool and as a fundamental part of the teaching strategies in EFL higher education classes since it provides a good source of information and aids in the teaching and learning process. However, the findings also revealed the need to train teachers and students to use AI technologies, keeping in mind the potent role of the instructor in class.

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4

Soroka, Stuart N. „Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy“. Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8, Nr. 1 (Januar 2003): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x02238783.

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5

Kapur, Devesh. „Public Opinion and Indian Foreign Policy“. India Review 8, Nr. 3 (06.08.2009): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480903116818.

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6

TOMZ, MICHAEL, und JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. „Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention“. American Political Science Review 114, Nr. 3 (14.04.2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.

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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.

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7

Abenova, A. S. „PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION“. BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, Nr. 1 (15.03.2020): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.11.

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The article discusses the concept of public opinion, its importance for the effective interaction of the state and various structures of civil society. Foreign methodologies, scientific theories and research, the development of the phenomenon of «public opinion» by foreign researchers, as well as an analysis of the effects of QMS on society. An attempt was also made to evaluate the experience of the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan in optimizing public administration by introducing a system for assessing the effectiveness of government bodies.

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8

Leichtman, Mara A. „MIGRATION, WAR, AND THE MAKING OF A TRANSNATIONAL LEBANESE SHIʿI COMMUNITY IN SENEGAL“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, Nr. 2 (13.04.2010): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381000005x.

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The July 2006 Lebanon war was an important turning point for West African Lebanese. For the first time since their formation as a community, the Lebanese in Senegal organized a demonstration in Dakar displaying solidarity with Lebanon. This protest illuminates the dynamics between global forces and local responses. Hizbullah's effectiveness in winning the international public opinion of both Sunni and Shiʿi Muslims in the war against Israel led to a surge in Lebanese diaspora identification, even among communities who had not been similarly affected by previous Lebanese wars. By analyzing the role of a Lebanese shaykh in bringing religious rituals and a Lebanese national identity to the community in Senegal, this article explores how members of the community maintain political ties to Lebanon even when they have never visited the “homeland” and sheds new light on the relationship among religion, migration, and (trans)nationalism.

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9

Walter, Aaron T. „Foreign Policy: Public Opinion and Political Legacy“. Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 15, Nr. 3 (01.07.2015): 202–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2015-0009.

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Abstract To the degree that public opinion, as domestic variable, influences a leaders decision-making in the area of foreign affairs is significant. Political leaders use public opinion polling to support government position or in attempts to mold policy position(s) in the affirmative. The following article investigates how public opinion affects U.S. presidential foreign policy decisions and to the degree those decisions are the base for political legacy. The theoretical argument is that domestic variables and leaders decisions often act in mutual support of each others in complementary interests and when not the case, it is the leader whose agenda setting or creating a frame impacts public opinion.

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Podgórzańska, Renata. „Public Opinion and Foreign Policy of the State. Analysis from the Perspective of Polish Foreign Policy“. Reality of Politics 6, Nr. 1 (31.03.2015): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201505.

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For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that public opinion is a rapidly changing state of consciousness of large social groups, made up of more or less stable ideas and beliefs, relating to debatable issues, which has a direct or indirect impact on the current or future interests of society by its properties. This article aims to analyze the impact of public opinion on Polish foreign policy after 1989. The article assumes that: the public opinion has an impact on decisions affecting foreign policy, although the extent of this impact is very different and often is purely indirect; impact of public opinion in Poland on foreign policy increases, but still shall be defined only as incidental impact; public opinion in Poland does not determine foreign policy.

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Haks, Donald. „Publieke opinie, buitenlandse politiek en het einde van de Spaanse Successieoorlog“. Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, Nr. 4 (01.11.2014): 673–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.4.haks.

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Abstract Public opinion, foreign policy, and the end of the War of the Spanish SuccessionDid public opinion have an impact on foreign policy in early modern times? States put in much effort publicly to legitimize their foreign policy. But they did not always prevent open discussion. England during the War of the Spanish Succession is a case in point. The revolution of 1688-9, the growing influence of parliament on foreign policy, opportunities for political journalism, and different views about how to end the war made public debate a matter of political importance. Pamphlets and public addresses expressed various opinions. May we call this ‘public opinion’? How should we define this concept? And were public opinion and decision-making in some way related? This case improves our understanding of public opinion and foreign policy: it seems after all that public opinion in England did indeed hasten the end of the War of the Spanish Succession.

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Yaser Mohammad Ead Alokab, Yaser Mohammad Ead Alokab. „Sustaining the External Debt of Post-Armed Conflict Countries Reality and Challenges "The Lebanese Case": استدامة الدين الخارجي لدول ما بعد النزاعات المسلحة الواقع والتحديات "الحالة اللبنانيّة"“. مجلة العلوم الإقتصادية و الإدارية و القانونية 6, Nr. 8 (28.03.2022): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.b201021.

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This research aimed at studying the proposed legal and financial mechanisms to solve the financial crisis that Lebanon is witnessing, while maintaining the economic, financial and monetary strength of the Lebanese state, by relying on the descriptive analytical approach that fits with the nature of the research by collecting data and information on the Lebanese public debt, its sustainability, and its impact on The Lebanese economic and social realities, leading to the most prominent results represented in the countries emerging from armed conflicts asking to contribute to their development and reconstruction, which leads to these countries falling into the trap of indebtedness and financial and political crises. Similar to what happened in the Lebanese case under study, thus staying in the same cycle through the continuity of loan requests and then imposing new extremely difficult conditions aimed at putting pressure on the “debtor” state. Therefore, work must be done to present an integrated recovery plan for the Lebanese economy that works to transform it from a rentier economy into a productive economy, and to work to reduce interest rates in Lebanese banks, whether in local or foreign currencies, and work to encourage and attract private foreign investments by creating an appropriate legal and economic environment, and moving away from for external loans as much as possible.

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LOUREIRO, FELIPE PEREIRA, FELICIANO DE SÁ GUIMARÃES und ADRIANA SCHOR. „Public opinion and foreign policy in João Goulart's Brazil (1961-1964): Coherence between national and foreign policy perceptions?“ Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 58, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2015): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201500206.

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Abstract This paper analyses public opinion during the João Goulart government in Brazil (1961-1964), focusing on public perceptions on domestic and foreign policies. We employ a recently declassified public opinion survey conducted on behalf of United States Information Agency (USIA) in urban areas. We found that the Brazilian public opinion was somewhat coherent, supporting redistributive reforms domestically and a neutralist approach in foreign affairs.

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14

Baker, Lucinda. „Sobel, The Impact Of Public Opinion On U.S. Foreign Policy Since Vietnam“. Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 29, Nr. 2 (01.09.2004): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.29.2.111-112.

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What influence does public opinion have on policymakers in the area of foreign policy? In The Impact of Public Opinion on U.S. Foreign Policy Since Vietnam, Richard Sobel studies this question. Sobel is a highly respected author of many articles and books on such diverse issues as civil liberties, immigration policy, public opinion, and foreign policy. He has contributed to numerous publications, including Public Opinion Quarterly, the Chicago Tribune, Political Science Quarterly, and the Harvard Journal of Law and Technology.

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Vezhlivtseva, N. Yu. „Public Opinion as an Instrument of Socio-Cultural Influence in the Debate on the «NATO Option» in Finland“. Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, Nr. 1 (07.07.2020): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-164-171.

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The article analyzes how the attitude of the Finnish population to Finland’s policy of military non-alignment correlates with the official foreign strategy. The question of public opinion can act as a possible sociocultural tool for its change is examined. The author explains the main reasons for the formation of stable public opinion in favor of neutrality, based on national and cultural identity. The role of public opinion in the Finnish internal debate on the «NATO option» is shown. The thesis that public opinion plays only an auxiliary role in comparison with external circumstances affecting the foreign policy of Finland, which is widespread in research circles, is considered. The author argues that public opinion on Finland’s possible entry into NATO is crucial in two key ways. First, at present, it’s a factor supporting the stable foreign policy decision, which is carried out by the state government. Secondly, in the future, public opinion may become a factor capable, under certain conditions of having a significant impact on the change of the Finnish course in foreign and security policy. The second option assumes that public opinion can play its own role by changing the pre-planned foreign policy scenario.

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16

Gaubatz, Kurt Taylor. „Intervention and Intransitivity: Public Opinion, Social Choice, and the Use of Military Force Abroad“. World Politics 47, Nr. 4 (Juli 1995): 534–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100015203.

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This article argues that the problems identified in the literature on public choice should critically affect our research on public opinion and our understanding of the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. While a robust literature has emerged around social choice issues in political science, there has been remarkably little appreciation for these problems in the literature on public opinion in general and on public opinion and foreign policy in particular. The potential importance of social choice problems for understanding the nature and role of public opinion in foreign policy making is demonstrated through an examination of American public attitudes about military intervention abroad. In particular, drawing on several common descriptions of the underlying dimensionality of public attitudes on major foreign policy issues, it is shown that there may be important intransitivities in the ordering of public preferences at the aggregate level on policy choices such as those considered by American decision makers in the period leading up to the Gulf War. Without new approaches to public-opinion polling that take these problems into consideration, it will be difficult to make credible claims about the role of public opinion in theforeignpolicy process.

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Lee, Hak-Seon. „Inward Foreign Direct Investment and U.S. Public Opinion on Immigration“. World Affairs 181, Nr. 2 (Juni 2018): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018791645.

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I investigate how the direct investment of foreign firms in the United States affects public opinion on immigration. On one hand, when foreign firms invest in the United States, local residents may have job opportunities and a better understanding of foreign cultures following social and work-related interactions with foreign employees at multinationals. As a result, American workers may have a positive attitude toward immigration. On the other hand, when local residents see foreign investment as a foreign acquisition of American assets, or if they experience any unpleasant interactions with foreign nationals at multinationals, foreign investment may result in a negative impact on public perception on immigration. My empirical test of inward investment’s impact on public opinion demonstrates the aforementioned contrasting impacts: While more local employees working at foreign multinationals lead to positive sentiments on immigration, the existence of more local affiliates of foreign firms has a negative impact on public opinion of immigration.

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Lee, Hak-Seon. „Inequality and U.S. Public Opinion on Foreign Aid“. World Affairs 182, Nr. 3 (08.08.2019): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019862268.

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I investigate how the level of inequality affects American public opinion on foreign aid. As the level of inequality increases across the United States, the majority of the public will be more likely to demand the government implement policies that should ameliorate severe inequality in society. Assuming that government resources are limited, a greater level of inequality in American society may weaken public support for foreign aid because the public may prioritize providing social safety nets and welfare programs in domestic milieu over granting foreign aid to developing countries. In addition, as inequality widens, the public may perceive economic globalization as one of the main causes of inequality; thus, their overall support for globalization will decline. As a result, American support for global engagement will be negatively affected, and public support for foreign aid may decrease. An empirical test using public opinion data in 50 U.S. states since the 1980s confirms my theory: widening inequality both across states and within a given state does weaken public support for U.S. foreign aid.

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Goldsmith, Benjamin E., und Yusaku Horiuchi. „Spinning the Globe? U.S. Public Diplomacy and Foreign Public Opinion“. Journal of Politics 71, Nr. 3 (Juli 2009): 863–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381609090768.

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20

Zelikow, Philip, und Douglas C. Foyle. „Counting the Public in: Presidents, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy“. Foreign Affairs 79, Nr. 2 (2000): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049656.

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21

Powlick, Philip J., und Andrew Z. Katz. „Defining the American Public Opinion/Foreign Policy Nexus“. Mershon International Studies Review 42, Nr. 1 (Mai 1998): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/254443.

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22

Fyodorov, Valery, und Dmitry Polikanov. „Public opinion and foreign policy of modern Russia“. Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 36, Nr. 1 (2005): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2005-36-1-22-39.

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23

Grose, Peter, und John E. Rielly. „American Public Opinion and U.S. Foreign Policy 1987“. Foreign Affairs 65, Nr. 5 (1987): 1105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043230.

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24

Milner, Helen V., und Dustin Tingley. „Public Opinion and Foreign Aid: A Review Essay“. International Interactions 39, Nr. 3 (Juli 2013): 389–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2013.784090.

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25

Efimova, Anna, und Denis Strebkov. „Linking Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Russia“. International Spectator 55, Nr. 1 (02.01.2020): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2019.1700040.

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26

FURIA, PETER A., und RUSSELL E. LUCAS. „Determinants of Arab Public Opinion on Foreign Relations“. International Studies Quarterly 50, Nr. 3 (September 2006): 585–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00415.x.

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27

Kohno, Masaru, Gabriella R. Montinola und Matthew S. Winters. „Foreign pressure and public opinion in target states“. World Development 169 (September 2023): 106305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2023.106305.

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28

Chudowsky, Victor, und Taras Kuzio. „Does public opinion matter in UkraineŒ The case of foreign policy“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 36, Nr. 3 (01.09.2003): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(03)00039-4.

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The article critically surveys the impact of domestic public opinion on foreign policy in Ukraine by integrating it within theories of public opinion. Studies of public opinion in Ukraine have not given due weight to the unique characteristics of the Ukrainian ‘public’, which differs greatly from the Western public. Ukrainian society is passive, atomized and its power is ‘submerged’ relative to that of the state. The article argues that public opinion is of minimal importance in the area of foreign policy.

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Foyle, Douglas. „Foreign Policy Analysis and Globalization: Public Opinion, World Opinion, and the Individual“. International Studies Review 5, Nr. 2 (Juni 2003): 155–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1521-9488.5020013.

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30

Goldsmith, Benjamin E., und Yusaku Horiuchi. „In Search of Soft Power: Does Foreign Public Opinion Matter for US Foreign Policy?“ World Politics 64, Nr. 3 (27.06.2012): 555–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000123.

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Does “soft power” matter in international relations? Specifically, when the United States seeks cooperation from countries around the world, do the views of their publics about US foreign policy affect the actual foreign policy behavior of these countries? The authors examine this question using multinational surveys covering fifty-eight countries, combined with information about their foreign policy decisions in 2003, a critical year for the US. They draw their basic conceptual framework from Joseph Nye, who uses various indicators of opinion about the US to assess US soft power. But the authors argue that his theory lacks the specificity needed for falsifiable testing. They refine it by focusing on foreign public opinion about US foreign policy, an underemphasized element of Nye's approach. Their regression analysis shows that foreign public opinion has a significant and large effect on troop commitments to the war in Iraq, even after controlling for various hard power factors. It also has significant, albeit small, effects on policies toward the International Criminal Court and on voting decisions in the UN General Assembly. These results support the authors' refined theoretical argument about soft power: public opinion about US foreign policy in foreign countries does affect their policies toward the US, but this effect is conditional on the salience of an issue for mass publics.

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Ceyhun, Hüseyin Emre. „Determinants of Public Attitudes Towards Immigrants: Evidence from Arab Barometer“. Refugee Survey Quarterly 39, Nr. 1 (23.01.2020): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdz016.

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Abstract What factors determine public opinion towards immigrants? This inquiry is especially crucial in the context of developing countries since they hold 80 per cent of global refugee populations. Lebanon, with the burden on its shoulders due to hosting about one million Syrians, offers a unique case to study the mechanisms driving the formation of attitudes towards immigrants. In this article, I examine how Syrian density is associated with Lebanese attitudes towards immigrants. Using Arab Barometer Wave IV data (2016), I test three arguments linking public attitudes to natives’ economic, security, and sectarian concerns. My analysis suggests that there is no relationship between employment status and negative attitudes towards immigrants. Instead, I argue that perceived economic situation and sense of security provide better mechanisms for the formation of natives’ attitudes towards immigrants. Moreover, I present the observational evidence that Lebanese attitudes towards immigrants are driven by one’s sectarian affiliation. Notably, Christians are more likely to adopt positive attitudes towards immigrants as Syrian density increases, compared with Shi’as more likely to cite prejudice.

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Dragomir, Elena. „Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership“. Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, Nr. 2 (15.12.2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.

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During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.

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Tereshchuk, Vitaliy. „The ways of using mass media to influence the foreign policy agenda in a democratic and non-democratic state“. Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, Nr. 33-34 (25.08.2017): 379–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.379-385.

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In the article the ways of mass media use to influence the perception of foreign policy by domestic and foreign public are reviewed. In particular, the features of applying such methods of mass media influence on public opinion as informing, priming, and propaganda by democratic and undemocratic countries are examined. Keywords: Foreign policy, impact on public opinion, mass media, priming, propaganda

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Obasogie, Henry, und Ngozi Okeibunor. „Appraisal of Public Opinion in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria and United States of America as a Focal Point“. NIU Journal of Social Sciences 10, Nr. 1 (31.03.2024): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.58709/niujss.v10i1.1794.

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Public opinion plays an unprecedented role in foreign policy making in Africa as well as in other advanced and sophisticated nations in the international system. However, in the United States of America and Nigeria, empirical evidence shows that public opinion has little or no significant effects on foreign policy decision-making. Several reasons abound for this, some of these reasons are the unwillingness of the political elites to embrace transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance. The study therefore examines the views of scholars on the role of public opinion in foreign policy making in the United States of America and Nigeria. The secondary source of data collection was adopted, data include archival materials, periodical publications, books, and the internet. Most of these materials were sourced through an extensive use of specialized library facilities of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). The research is descriptive and analytical. The study recommends that the American and Nigerian governments should encourage public opinion in foreign policy making. The researcher also recommend that scholars of International Relations should focus in their research on the role of Government in allowing the input of the public in both domestic and international politics. Keywords: Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, policy, United States of America, Nigeria.

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Kuzina, Z. „Foreign Policy Problems in the Mirror of Public Opinion (2000s)“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 10 (2010): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-10-62-76.

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The article aims to outline a concept of public opinion on foreign policy issues, which is forming in contemporary Russia within society as a whole, resting upon the data resulting from the sociological study of 2000s in comparison to 1990s surveys. At the same time, factors which determined and determine the Russians' perceptions of foreign policy problems are analyzed, and an attempt to apprehend the degree of the real public opinion influence on Russia's foreign policy development and implementation process is made.

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Sánchez, Fabio, und Alejandro Cardozo. „Colombian Foreign Policy and Public Opinion in Electoral Campaigns“. Araucaria, Nr. 56 (2024): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2024.i56.05.

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What is the relationship between foreign policy, electoral campaigns, and public opinion? This work analyzes the electoral campaigns in Colombia in 2018 (Iván Duque) and 2022 (Gustavo Petro). The profiles of the candidates and their programmatic agendas are analyzed, identifying the continuity of issues associated with peace, security, borders, and the complex relationship with Venezuela. Despite the above, there was a turn to the left that shows changes in the preferences of Colombian public opinion.

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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. „Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies“. World Politics 43, Nr. 4 (Juli 1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.

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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan. Under the same international conditions and despite similar patterns of public attitudes, variances in foreign policy outcomes nevertheless occur; these have to be explained by differences in political institutions, policy networks, and societal structures. Thus, the four countries responded differently to Soviet policies during the 1980s despite more or less comparable trends in mass public opinion.

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Slobodchikoff, Michael O. „Constraining Elites: The Impact of Treaty Networks on Foreign Policy“. Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, Nr. 3 (19.10.2015): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04203004.

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In democracies, elites should be responsive to public opinion. This is especially true in Eastern Europe, where politicians fear electoral sanctions in the process of reform (Roberts and Kim 2011). Public opinion in general in Eastern Europe has been overwhelmingly in favor of European integration (Caplanova et al. 2004). In Ukraine, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the eu, while in Moldova, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the Russian led Customs Union. Ukraine refused to sign an association agreement with the eu, while Moldova enthusiastically signed the same association agreement. Why should both Ukrainian and Moldovan political elites have chosen not to be responsive to public opinion in such an important decision? Using network analysis of bilateral treaties between Russia and Moldova and Russia and Ukraine, I predict the responsiveness of political elites to public opinion toward European integration. I argue that the denser a treaty network between a weaker state and the regional hegemon, the less likely political elites will be to cooperate and move toward European integration. Conversely, less dense treaty networks allow politicians more flexibility in following their own preferences. Further, I offer a prediction for other states in the fsu to seek further cooperation with the eu.

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Leep, Matthew, und Jeremy Pressman. „Foreign cues and public views on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict“. British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, Nr. 1 (21.11.2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118809807.

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As foreign sources in the news might help the public assess their home country’s foreign policies, scholars have recently turned attention to the effects of foreign source cues on domestic public opinion. Using original survey experiments, we explore the effects of domestic (United States) and foreign (Israeli, British, and Palestinian) criticism of Israel’s military actions and settlements on US attitudes towards the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. We find that foreign cues by government officials and non-governmental organisations have modest effects, and are generally not more influential than domestic cues. We also show that individuals might discount foreign criticism of Israel in the context of US bipartisan support for Israel. While our experiments reveal some heterogeneous effects related to partisanship, we are sceptical of significant movement in opinion in response to foreign cues. These findings provide insights into foreign source cue effects beyond the context of the use of military force.

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Chilton, Adam S., Helen V. Milner und Dustin Tingley. „Reciprocity and Public Opposition to Foreign Direct Investment“. British Journal of Political Science 50, Nr. 1 (22.12.2017): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000552.

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Prior international political economy public opinion research has primarily examined how economic and socio-cultural factors shape individuals’ views on the flows of goods, people and capital. This research has largely ignored whether individuals also care about rewarding or punishing foreign countries for their policies on these issues. We tested this possibility by administering a series of conjoint and traditional survey experiments in the United States and China that examined how reciprocity influences opposition to foreign acquisitions of domestic companies. We find that reciprocity is an important determinant of public opinion on the regulation of foreign investments. This suggests the need to consider the policies that other countries adopt when trying to explain public attitudes toward global economic integration.

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Bae, Joonbum. „Limits of engagement? The sunshine policy, nuclear tests, and South Korean views of North Korea 1995–2013“. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, Nr. 3 (16.05.2019): 411–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcz004.

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Abstract Can positive domestic messages generated by a foreign policy of engagement toward another country change public views regarding that state? How resistant are such changes to events that contradict the positive messages? I argue that while positive government messages about an adversary can significantly improve public opinion, highly consequential foreign policy events that contradict the messages influence public opinion at the cost of elites’ ability to shape it through their messages. Such differing effects can lead to a polarization of opinion when the content of the messages and the nature of events diverge from each other. Leveraging the unpredictability of North Korea’s foreign policy behavior, the South Korean government’s sustained policy of engagement toward it during the years 1998–2007, and North Korea’s first two nuclear tests to examine the relative impact of consequential foreign policy events and elite messages on public opinion, I find strong evidence consistent with this argument.

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Smith, Gaaddis, und Eugene R. Wittkopf. „Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy“. Foreign Affairs 70, Nr. 3 (1991): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044851.

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Eichenberg, Richard C. „Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in the Obama Era“. Politique américaine 14, Nr. 2 (2009): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/polam.014.0011.

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Payne, Rodger A. „Public Opinion and Foreign Threats: Eisenhower's Response to Sputnik“. Armed Forces & Society 21, Nr. 1 (Oktober 1994): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9402100106.

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Robinson, Piers. „Do “Foreign Voices” Influence the News and Public Opinion?“ International Studies Review 17, Nr. 2 (Juni 2015): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12216.

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Russett, Bruce, und Eugene R. Wittkopf. „Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy.“ Political Science Quarterly 106, Nr. 3 (1991): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151745.

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MEERNIK, JAMES, und MICHAEL AULT. „Public Opinion and Support for U.S. Presidents' Foreign Policies“. American Politics Research 29, Nr. 4 (Juli 2001): 352–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x01029004002.

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Heinrich, Tobias, Yoshiharu Kobayashi und Kristin A. Bryant. „Public Opinion and Foreign Aid Cuts in Economic Crises“. World Development 77 (Januar 2016): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.08.005.

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Feinberg, Richard, Guadalupe González, Susan Minushkin und Robert Y. Shapiro. „Global Views 2004: Mexican Public Opinion and Foreign Policy“. Foreign Affairs 84, Nr. 5 (2005): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20031744.

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Osennikova, Elizaveta V. „Transferred Cultural Objects in Russian and Foreign Public Opinion“. Herald of an archivist 1 (2018): 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2019-1-225-234.

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