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1
Gilbert, Lisa Kristin. "To have authority over a body : 1 Corinthians 7:3-4 and the conjugal debt." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101880.
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Commentaries on the medieval notion of the "conjugal debt" have often emphasized its reciprocal nature, but its inequality becomes apparent when re-embedded into its theological, medical, and legal contexts. By tracing the theology that accompanied 1 Cor 7:3-4 through selected theologians, I will demonstrate that Paul's words did not function in equivalent ways for both spouses. By examining medieval medical understandings of human physiology, I will ask what it means to 'have authority over a body' when the bodies themselves are not equal. Finally, by demonstrating ways in which consent and coercion blurred together in twelfth-century legal debates, I will ask how meaningful it is to grant spouses equal rights to sex when their marriage may have been coerced. The topic will serve as a broader meditation on what it means to 'have authority over a body' and to conceive of marital sexuality as a system of debt.
2
Conn, Matthew B. "Feeling same-sex desire: law, science, and belonging in German-speaking central Europe, 1750-1945." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6929.
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My dissertation explains how the scientific study of sexuality became laden with emotions and the unforeseen results of this process. It begins with a scholarly tradition, forged during the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, which privileged sentimental articulations of feelings. This tradition helped inspire the late nineteenth-century foundation of sexology, or sexual science.
Sexologists, as their discipline developed alongside the modern rational bureaucratic nation-state, maintained attention to emotive expressions. Sexologists also helped shape the interpretation and enforcement of laws against same-sex acts. While they built authority, however, sexologists lacked consensus. During the first third of the twentieth century, sexologists helped compile defendants' detailed sexual histories, replete with affective articulations of sexual desires, which led to calamitous consequences under National Socialism.
Nazi technocrats utilized these same sexual histories, offered by same-sex attracted persons describing their feelings and actions before 1933, to prosecute them after a 1935 legal revision, which expanded the law's reach from specific acts to general expressions of feelings. My dissertation provides a genealogy of sexual research and the unexpected uses of its findings. It also revises the biography of sexology as an interdisciplinary field, braided with a history of emotions, tracing its previously underappreciated origins, tumultuous apex, and contested legacy.
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Jordan, John Frederick Dodge. "Legal culture in a turbulent time : law and society in early modern Saxony." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:08a01053-87e3-4310-a974-b194f516b692.
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This thesis reconstructs and interprets the evolution of legal culture in the Saxon city of Freiberg in the sixteenth century. It challenges the notion that early modern state institutions were punitive and disciplinary; and instead posits that in Saxony, they were flexible and sought to maintain social harmony. While previous scholarship has favoured a sociological approach, based on the concept of social control, this thesis employs a legal anthropological optic to study the interaction of state institutions and social life holistically. The focus is not just on how state institutions sought to regulate social life, but also on how ordinary people used institutions for their diverse purposes. The goal of this methodological approach, based on Lawrence Friedman’s concept of legal culture, is to assess the relative position and interaction of the people, the judiciary, and the law in early modern Germany. Probing the interactions of the court and the residents of Freiberg reveals that the court was primarily a record-keeper and a mediator. For the former, it logged and transcribed all manner of transactions: peace pacts, loans, and house purchases; and Freibergers readily turned to the court to get a formal record of an obligation. For the latter, the court was rarely a site of punishment, rather it was a place where conflicts were regulated, and bonds forged. At court, Freibergers fostered ties to one another. Neither of these roles, record-keeper or mediator, are ones traditionally ascribed to early modern courts. Only by considering by the culture of a court does either become apparent.
4
Buonamano, Roberto Law Faculty of Law UNSW. "A genealogy of subjective rights." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Law, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/31948.
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This dissertation is an historical and philosophical study on the development of a subjective concept of individual rights. It takes the form of a history of ideas informed by genealogical methods of inquiry. Rather than seeking an origin for and underlying truth to human rights, it treats human rights as a product of various historical developments which are capable of being investigated in terms of their contingency as well as their continuous traditions. The thesis begins with an analysis of political theory in ancient Greek thought, primarily as a means of suggesting possible alternative political philosophies to the rights-based approach dominant in modern Western societies. The thesis then considers the theologicalpolitical discourse on sovereignty in the early Middle Ages, revolving around the doctrine of divine right and influenced by the function of the Christian Church in defining the nature of government. This is followed by an examination of the emergence of hierarchical, feudal relations and the formulation of feudal rights as based on proprietary notions and coinciding with individual liberties. In the following chapter there is a discussion of the juridical construction of sovereign power that emerged from the reception of Roman law and the development of canon law, the influence of legal textuality on the granting of rights and liberties, and the emergence of a discourse on public right as a way of defining the relationship between the prince and his subjects and thus delimiting sovereign authority. Finally, the thesis considers the legacy of the theory of natural rights and its relationship to forms of liberty, with an analysis of: firstly, the idea of natural rights that developed through canon law and the discussions surrounding the Franciscan poverty disputes; secondly, the role of property rights in the formulation of the rights of liberty; thirdly, the Christian understanding of liberty as a subjective attribute or power through the theo-ontological theory of human nature as represented by the free will; and fourthly, the transformation in Renaissance and early modern legal and political theory of the concept of liberty into a political doctrine about individual autonomy and inherent freedom. The purpose of the dissertation is to describe the multiple and complex historical processes from which the idea of subjective rights has emerged, as a means of understanding how human rights have come to play a seemingly essential role in modern legal and political discourses and practices.
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Dunn, Kimberlee Harper. "Germanic Women: Mundium and Property, 400-1000." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5378/.
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Abstract Many historians would like to discover a time of relative freedom, security and independence for women of the past. The Germanic era, from 400-1000 AD, was a time of stability, and security due to limitations the law placed upon the mundwald and the legal ability of women to possess property. The system of compensations that the Germans initiated in an effort to stop the blood feuds between Germanic families, served as a deterrent to men that might physically or sexually abuse women. The majority of the sources used in this work were the Germanic Codes generally dated from 498-1024 AD. Ancient Roman and Germanic sources provide background information about the individual tribes. Secondary sources provide a contrast to the ideas of this thesis, and information.
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Gatzhammer, Stefan. "Aspekte des religiös motivierten Tourismus in Europa heute : Motivation, Ziele, Trends." Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6202/.
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Wallfahrten und Pilgerreisen, allgemein der religiös motivierte Tourismus erfreut sich in Europa heute aus unterschiedlichen Motiven wachsender Zustimmung. Die Motivation hierzu wurzelt letztendlich im Bereich der religiösen Emotionalität. Untersucht wird diese Form spiritueller Orientierung in der religiösen Gegenwartskultur auch in seiner Auswirkung auf die religiösen Institutionen. Die Möglichkeit zu religiös motiviertem Reisen kommt dem Bedürfnis nach mehr Religiosität entgegen, ohne daß der Pilgertourist gezwungen ist, sich längerfristig an kirchliche Strukturen binden zu müssen. Der christliche Religionstourismus ist ein bedeutender Globalisierungsfaktor und zahlenmäßig die größte Mobilisierung von Religion.
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Sezgin, Fevza. "Value-added Tax In European Taxation System And Harmonization Of Vat During The Integration Process Of Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608829/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes tha value added tax (VAT) in the European Union (EU). Primarily,the issue of tax harmonization and legal basis of tax harmonization in the context of European Union is studied. Furthermore, this thesis makes a comparision of VAT legislation in the EU and Turkey and identifies differences between the EU VAT system and Turkish VAT Law.Lastly, within the framework of finding similarities between Turkish and EU VAT legislation,the thesis tries to examine whether major harmonization laws are needded to be adopted in the accession process in the field of VAT.
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Costa, Lopez Julia. "The legal ordering of the medieval international." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:35f4ee39-8773-4f3f-8890-7ea04ca94e9c.
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Although International Relations scholars make frequent reference to the Middle Ages, most of our ideas about the period are not based on extensive empirical studies. Instead, they rely on a common imaginary of Medieval Europe as an unspecified and idealised system of overlapping authority and multiple loyalties. This thesis recovers a historical understanding of the late-medieval international order by focusing on the fundamental conceptions of the organization of the social held by medieval international practitioners. In particular, it examines a specific community of practice: lawyers of the ius commune from the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries. In doing so, this thesis makes three contributions to the IR literature. From a theoretical point of view, it adds to both English School and constructivist studies of historical international order by focusing on the process of differentiation through representation, as well as on contestation within it. In doing so, it argues for a move from a static understanding of order to the more dynamic notion of ordering. Secondly, it contributes methodologically to the historical study of ideas by proposing a methodological emphasis on communities of practitioners as a middle-ground between abstract constructivism and narrow Skinnerian analysis that facilitates the historically grounded consideration of the ordering role of language and ideas. Finally, empirically, this thesis demonstrates the analytical leverage gained from these theoretical moves by providing a detailed account of the international order from the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries, focusing not only on stability, but also on the contentious process of ordering. As a result, this thesis provides a new understanding of late-medieval notions of political authority, community, polity, and identity, while simultaneously highlighting the politics of representation behind them.
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Kugeler, Heidrun. "'Le parfait Ambassadeur' : the theory and practice of diplomacy in the century following the Peace of Westphalia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:be69b6b3-d886-4cc0-8ae3-884da096e267.
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This thesis examines the theory of diplomacy in the formative phase of the European states-system. From the viewpoint of the discourse on the 'ideal ambassador', it explores early modern diplomacy as cultural history encompassing ideas, discourses, perceptions and 'codes'. The scope of study is the century following the Peace of Westphalia (1648), and three states and regions (France, Britain, the Holy Roman Empire) serve as case studies for a comparative approach of diplomatic theory and practice. In five parts, the adaptation of the theory and practice of diplomacy to the new demands of international relations after 1648 are considered. The first section sets the stage by illustrating that the mid-seventeenth century was regarded as a turning point in the practice of diplomacy. Part II examines diplomatic theory as a particular 'language' in its intellectual and socio-professional contexts. While published treatises on the 'ideal ambassador' build the core of this study, related genres of international law theory, ceremonial theory and political and state science are also taken into account. From the viewpoint of this diplomatic theory, the following section examines the ways in which the instruments and practices of diplomacy were aligned to the new framework. These ranged from changes in the structural framework of diplomacy to the evolution of norms and procedures of negotiation, international law and ceremonial. Part IV reconsiders the issue of 'professionalism' in diplomatic theory with regard to the preparation and training of diplomats. Special attention is given to proposals for diplomatic 'academies', which are for the first time examined in comparison. Finally, section V recasts the findings of this thesis in a comparative perspective. It underlines that, with the emergence of a states-system, the techniques of diplomacy became formalised and uniform, constituting a common European diplomatic practice. Against the background of the different regional and structural conditions, the alleged model role of France in the evolution of diplomatic theory and practice is re-evaluated.
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Yon, William Thompson. "Overlapping human rights jurisdictions in Europe: an application of constructivism to regional studies." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1285871087.
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Aydemir, Duygu. "Regulatory Framework Of The Sector-specific And Competition Rules In The Telecommunications Sector In Turkey In The Light Of The Eu Law." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609553/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
REGULATORY FRAMEWORK OF THE SECTOR-SPECIFIC AND
COMPETITION RULES IN THE TELECOMMUNICATIONS SECTOR
IN TURKEY IN THE LIGHT OF THE EU LAW
Aydemir, Duygu
M.S., Department of European Studies
Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Gamze Asç<br>ioglu-Ö<br>z
May 2008, 189 pages
This thesis examines the role of the sector-specific rules and competition rules in the liberalized telecommunications markets. It aims to analyse the design of the legal and
institutional framework of these two sets of rules in the liberalized telecommunications sector in Turkey in the light of the EU law. To this purpose, the thesis initially compares and contrasts the main characteristics of and shared
responsibilities between the sector-specific and economy-wide competition rules and institutions in the post-liberalization and post-privatization period. Then, the thesis
explores the EU approach on the balance of influence between these two sets of rules and institutions. Against this background, the thesis examines role, design and
interaction of the sector-specific and competition rules and institutions in the recently liberalized Turkish telecommunications markets. It, also, analyses some important
competition law cases concluded by the Competition Authority.
The thesis has two main arguments. Firstly, it argues that liberalization and privatization in the telecommunications sector does not automatically lead to the competitive environment in the sector. Competitiveness of the markets after the postliberalization and post-privatization period critically depends on the existence of a robust, coherent, and transparent regulatory framework ensuring a smooth balance
between the sector-specific and the competition rules and institutions. Second argument is that sector-specific rules have a transitional character. As telecommunications markets move towards effective competition, sector-specific
regulation will be reduced and the role of the competition rules in those markets will increase.
12
Piper, Stamatia A. J. "The emergence of a medical exception from patentability in the 20th century." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:85e2c91c-182e-45aa-8580-3908ac343a54.
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Many patent law dilemmas arise from a failure to understand technologies as embedded in broader social, economic and political realities and to contextually analyze these legal phenomena. This narrowness leads to poor legal development, of which the modern medical exception from patentability is one example. Judges have difficulty interpreting it, patentees do not understand its purpose and it does not protect the important medical technologies to which the public would like access. This thesis applies a legal pluralist analysis to examine the emergence of the medical methods exception in order to understand why it was created and legislated. It starts by examining the origins of the exception in the caselaw, and the informal, concurrent norm established by the emerging medical profession in the early 20th century. It then proceeds to examine why the medical profession might have sought and enforced a norm prohibiting its members from patenting, and concludes that this arose from the need of the medical profession to distance itself from the patent law. As a result, professionalizing physicians established an internal normative order that mimicked and in many cases replaced the effect of the formal law. The thesis then proceeds to examine how the form of the informal norm evolved in the period between WWI and WWII, finding that the profession’s norm transformed and broke down concurrently with its efforts to achieve external legitimacy through legislation. That breakdown arose from factors which included growing labour mobility, greater understanding of the benefits of patents, and a growing role of science and industry in medicine that threatened the profession’s access to valuable medical innovation. The thesis concludes with a study of a current case (Myriad Genetics) that applies the thesis’ theoretical framework to a present dispute over the role the law should play in regulating genetic diagnostic tests.
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Luo, Gang. "La protection de l'autonomie personnelle en matière matrimoniale dans le cadre des traditions juridiques européenne et chinoise : études comparatives sur la transformation historique vers un nouveau "ius commune" de la liberté matrimoniale à la lumière des droits français, allemand, anglais et du droit chinois." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01D005.
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Dans une actualité où l’institution matrimoniale est devenue l’expression d’une liberté individuelle, s’élevant au niveau du droit constitutionnel et du droit international, on se demande d’abord si un nouveau droit commun à cet égard est né à la base des traditions européenne et chinoise, et puis dans quelle mesure. Ces réponses dépendent étroitement d’un regard sur le passé de cette institution à la lumière du droit comparé. Fondé sur le droit romano-canonique, le ius commune europaeum avait laissé une grande liberté comme le consensualisme romain à la conclusion du mariage mais exclu le divorce, ce qui avait été suivi par les droits français, allemand et anglais jusqu’au XVIème siècle. C’est la Réforme protestante au XVIème siècle et les codifications nationales au XVIIIème et XIXème siècle qui ont fait l’éclatement de ce vieux droit commun. Toutefois, la notion de liberté individuelle et la réclamation d’égalité juridique ont jeté des bases d’un nouveau droit commun de la liberté matrimoniale qui évoque non seulement la liberté de se marier mais celle de divorcer. C’est depuis le XXème siècle que la notion européenne de liberté matrimoniale, du moins en tant qu’« état d’esprit », a pénétré dans l’ordre juridique chinois, aboutissant à la rupture chinoise avec son héritage traditionnel qui avait rendu défavorisée et inégalitaire la liberté individuelle des époux, et à la naissance d’un nouveau droit commun qui traverse les deux traditions. Néanmoins, une telle convergence, en raison de la contrainte culturelle étant le fruit d’évolutions historiques distinctes, n’est encore qu’un rapprochement conceptuel et idéologique<br>In the current situation where the matrimonial institution has become the expression of an individual freedom, rising to the level of constitutional law and international law, questions may arise as to, first, whether a new ius commune in this respect has been born on the basis of Chinese and European legal traditions, and then, to what extent. The answers closely depend on a glance at the past of this institution in the light of comparative law. Based on Romano-Canon law, the ius commune europaeum had left a considerable freedom as Roman consensus to the conclusion of marriage, but excluded the divorce, which had been followed by French, German and English laws until the 16th century. It is the Protestant Reformation of the 16th century and national codifications of the 18th and 19th century that maked this old ius commune burst. Nevertheless, the notion of individual freedom and the claim of legal equality provided the basis for a new ius commune of matrimonial freedom that evokes not only the freedom to marry but also the freedom to divorce. It is since the 20th century that the European notion of matrimonial freedom, at least as a “state of spirit”, penetrated into the Chinese legal order, leading to China’s break with its traditional heritage that had made the individual freedom of the spouses disadvantaged and unequal, and to the birth of a new ius commune crossing the two traditions. However, such a convergence, due to the cultural constraint being the fruit of distinct historical evolutions, is still only a conceptual and ideological rapprochement<br>In der gegenwärtigen Situation, wo die Institution der Ehe zum Ausdruck der individuellen Freiheit geworden ist, die sich auf dem Niveau des Verfassungs- und Völkerrechts erhoben hat, ist zunächst zu hinterfragen, ob ein neues gemeines Recht in dieser Hinsicht entstanden ist, das sich aus der europäischen und chinesischen Rechtstraditionen ergibt, und dann inwieweit. Die Antworten auf diese Fragen hängen in hohem Maße von einem Blick zurück in die Vergangenheit dieser Institution im Lichte der Rechtsvergleichung. Das römisch-kanonische Ius commune, das bis zum 16. Jahrhundert von der französischen, deutschen, englischen Rechte gefolgt worden war, hatte der Eheschließung eine grosse Freiheit wie römische Konsensvereinbarung gelassen, aber die Ehescheidung ausgeschlossen. Die protestantische Reformation im 16. Jahrhundert und die Nationalkodifikationen im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert zersplitterten dieses alte gemeine Recht. Allerdings schufen der Gedanke der individuellen Freiheit und die Einforderung der Rechtsgleichheit wichtige Grundlagen für einen neuen gemeinen Recht von Ehefreiheit, das sich nicht nur auf die Eheschließungsfreiheit sondern auch auf die Ehescheidungsfreiheit beruft. Seit 20. Jahrhundert ist der europäische Begriff von Ehefreiheit zumindest als eine „Geisteshaltung“ in die chinesische Rechtsordnung eingeführt worden. Dies hat dazu geführt, dass China mit dem traditionellen Erbe gebrochen hat, das die individuelle Freiheit der Ehegatten benachteiligt hatte, und dass ein neues gemeines Recht quer durch diese zwei Rechtstraditionen entstanden ist. Aufgrund der kulturellen Einschränkung, die auf unterschiedliche historische Entwicklungen zurückzuführen sind, ist dennoch eine solche Angleichung noch immer eine konzeptionelle und ideologische Annäherung<br>当前，婚姻制度已经演进成为个人自由的表达，并且上升到了宪法与国际法的层面，于是人们不禁要问，在这一方面基于中欧两大法律传统的新的“共同法”是否已经形成？如果有，在多大的范围内呢？这些答案紧紧地取决于从比较法的角度对这个制度既往史的考察。根植于中世纪罗马教会法的“欧洲共同法”对婚姻的缔结赋予了极大的自由，如罗马式意思一致，但却排除了离婚自由，并在十六世纪以前被法国法、德国法以及英格兰法所共同遵循。正是欧洲十六世纪的宗教改革以及十八和十九世纪的民族国家法典化运动打碎了旧的“共同法”秩序。尽管如此，个人自由的观念和法律平等的诉求为婚姻自由新一轮的“共同法”奠定了基础，不仅涉及结婚自由，还扩大到离婚自由。正是二十世纪以来，婚姻自由的欧洲观念，起码作为一种“精神状态”，被引入中国法律秩序，使中国与其传统遗产（夫妻个人自由的不尊重和不平等）相决裂，横跨两大法律传统的新一轮“共同法” 也相应诞生。然而，由于不同历史演进所带来的文化束缚，这样的一种趋同，目前还只是处于一种概念上和观念形态上的接近。
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Jones, Benjamin Nicholas Farror. "British politics and the post-war development of human rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e680adc1-a3e9-4c7a-be6d-0f3b374fb209.
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In this thesis I explore the attitudes, arguments, and actions of British political elites in connection with the development of human rights law in Europe and the UK. I do this by examining British input into five key episodes for the development of European supranational rights and their incorporation into domestic legal orders (namely the drafting of the European Convention on Human Rights 1950, the drafting of the European Social Charter 1961, the acceptance of individual petition in 1966, the failed 1970s Bill of Rights debate, the passing of the Human Rights Act 1998, and recent developments such as the UK ‘opt-out’ to the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the emergence of a new ‘British Bill of Rights’ debate). Casting light on British involvement in less examined periods in European rights development, I challenge existing, isolated, explanations for the more focal episodes (such as Simpson’s rational-choice post-colonial thesis for individual petition acceptance, and ideological accounts for New Labour’s post-1997 constitutional reform). Responding to the most recent literature in the area, central to my analysis is the question of how rights progress relates to inter-party conflict. By considering continuities and discontinuities in elite political discussion of rights I argue that while conflict is a significant underlying feature of every major episode of rights progress during the last sixty years, and is less evident in less progressive periods, other factors have had a greater influence over the form, timing, and extent of rights progress. Most significant amongst these is the constitutional ideological development of the Labour party and the critical connection between Labour’s elevation of the Convention within the UK constitutional space and revisionist shifts in party thinking.
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Demirkaya, Ozmen Melike. "State Aids Policy In The Eu: With Specific Reference To The Banking Sector In The Post 2008 Crisis." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12611977/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the state aids policy in EU especially by taking the post-2008 crisis implementations in the banking sector into consideration. The main goal of the thesis is to examine the questions about how the EU directs the considerably strict state aids policy in the crisis term and whether or not there has been a turn in state aids policy tradition during the crisis. For this purpose, the study, first, evaluates the competition policy as the umbrella title for state aids policy, the definition and components of state aids and international rapprochements to state aids policy. Then, the tradition of state aids policy in EU is explained by taking the history and sources of this policy into consideration. Under the light of this advance information, actions of the Union during the post-2008 financial crisis related to the banking sector are tried to be evaluated. State aids implementations in general, attitudes in crisis periods and recent efforts in legislation processes about state aids in Turkey as a candidate country make it worth to link the subject of state aids in Turkey with the study as a subordinate title.
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Mäkinen, Ilkka. "On suicide in European countries : some theoretical, legal and historical views on suicide mortality and its concomitants." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 1997. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-48376.
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The theme of this thesis is suicide mortality in its various aspects, seen from an international, European perspective. It questions the existence of social (structural) concomitants to suicide mortality and investigates attitudes towards and legislation concerning suicide, as well as some historical processes pertaining to their development. Paper 1 replicates an authoritative study of the "correlates of suicide" on a national level in European countries. It shows that the findings of this study do not hold 16 years later, and it presents some ideas as to why these changes have taken place. It is suggested that there are no simple social correlates to suicide on this level, and that suicide rates tend to vary according to, among other things, international cultural influences. Paper 2 investigates penal legislation relating to suicide in European countries. Three types of punishable action are found: 1) aiding suicide, 2) abetting suicide, and 3) driving somebody to suicide. A majority of European countries include some of these acts in their criminal laws. However, the laws vary very widely between countries, thereby constituting a notable exception to the common presumption of uniformity of law. The scope of the criminalization and the severity of the penalties for the crimes covary both with cultural attitudes towards suicide and with suicide rates. The results are interpreted as indicating the existence of a cultural-normative system, consisting of the cultural attitudes towards suicide, the laws regulating the actions relating to suicide and, perhaps, religion. It influences the occurrence of suicide, mainly by offering individuals cultural models of behavior. Paper 3 describes the process towards the decriminalization of suicide (in 1864) in Sweden, its causes and consequences. It is suggested that the law change took place because of a) the international ideological currents of the time (the heritage of the Enlightenment), b) the examples presented by other European countries, and c) the radical changes in people's behavior. The reform was long overdue, and thus did not have a direct effect on suicide mortality. The increase in Swedish suicide rates in the 19th century is seen as connected with certain aspects of the "modernization" process. Paper 4 addresses the prospects and problems connected with the ap-plication of Talcott Parsons's functionalist theory to suicide research, in particular when contrasting it with Durkheim's theory. It is found that the latter, despite its shortcomings, still dominates socially oriented suicide research. Parsons's theory is seen as implicating the cultural primacy of suicide mortality. Its general usability is, however, highly uncertain since many of its essential constituent parts are not well suited to the subject. A model for suicide rates, consisting of cultural (domestic and inter-national), political, social, diffusion and availability factors is presented. Taken together, the papers constitute a case for cultural (as opposed to socio-structural) research into suicide mortality. They question the repeated testing of structural variables in favor of creating cultural indicators. They suggest some new lines of research, and call for a consistently universal perspective on the problem of suicide and suicide mortality.<br><p>Härtill fyra uppsatser.</p>
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Moser, Heather S. "Silencing the Revelry: An Examination of the Moral Panic in 186 BCE and the Political Implications Accompanying the Persecution of the Bacchic Cult in the Roman Republic." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1398073604.
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Curk, Joshua M. "From Jew to Gentile : Jewish converts and conversion to Christianity in medieval England, 1066-1290." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:996a375b-43ac-42fc-a9f5-0edfa519d249.
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The subject of this thesis is Jewish conversion to Christianity in medieval England. The majority of the material covered dates between 1066 and c.1290. The overall argument of the thesis contends that converts to Christianity in England remained essentially Jews. Following a discussion of the relevant secondary literature, which examines the existing discussion of converts and conversion, the principal arguments contained in the chapters of the thesis include the assertion that the increasing restrictiveness of the laws and rules regulating the Jewish community in England created a push factor towards conversion, and that converts to Christianity inhabited a legal grey area, neither under the jurisdiction of the Exchequer of the Jews, nor completely outside of it. Numerous questions are asked (and answered) about the variety of convert experience, in order to argue that there was a distinction between leaving Judaism and joining Christianity. Two convert biographies are presented. The first shows how the liminality that was a part of the conversion process affected the post-conversion life of a convert, and the second shows how a convert might successfully integrate into Christian society. The analysis of converts and conversion focusses on answering a number of questions. These relate to, among other things, pre-conversion relationships with royal family members, the reaction to corrody requests for converts, motives for conversion, forced or coerced conversions, the idea that a convert could be neither Christian nor Jew, converts re-joining Judaism, converts who carried the names of royal functionaries, the domus conversorum, convert instruction, and converting minors. The appendix to the thesis contains a complete catalogue of Jewish converts in medieval England. Among other things noted therein are inter-convert relationships, and extant source material. Each convert also has a biography.
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Kolcak, Hakan. "A centripetal formula for Turkey : a multiculturalist proposal for the resolution of the republic's long-running Kurdish question." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22313/.
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Like consociationalism and territorial pluralism, centripetalism is a multiculturalist way of managing ethno-cultural diversity. Many scholars have examined how a consociational or territorial pluralist formula might help Turkey to resolve its long-running Kurdish problem. To date, no one has paid enough attention to the merits of centripetalism by scrutinising whether they might contribute to the solution of the problem. There is a general neglect of centripetal solution in the academic literature on Turkey's Kurdish question. As an interdisciplinary study, this thesis seeks to fill the centripetal research gap in the literature. The thesis argues that neither consociationalism nor territorial pluralism might be the optimal multiculturalist approach that Turkey should embrace in resolving its Kurdish issue. The thesis comes up with an original centripetal formula for the resolution of the issue. The proposed formula is constructed on the following three cornerstones: 1) a parliamentary system which is built on a 560-member legislature elected via an original version of the Alternative Vote Plus electoral system; 2) asymmetric territorial autonomy for each Kurdish-populated province; and 3) cultural autonomy for individual Kurds residing in the Turkish-dominated provinces. According to the thesis, this centripetal formula might enable Turkey to satisfy or begin to satisfy all main Kurdish demands, the fulfilment of which is regarded by almost all segments of Kurdish society as the basic requirement for the solution of the Kurdish problem. The formula might also create a multiculturalist Turkey less likely to witness some problematic political scenarios that would happen should the Republic establish a consociational or territorial pluralist model for the solution of the problem.
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Moss, Eloise. "Cracking cribs : representations of burglars and burglary in London, 1860-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aa6bf0cb-a792-483f-b79b-7fbe864e3582.
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This thesis explores how burglars and burglary in London were understood in cultural, criminological, legal, political, and economic discourse during the period 1860-1939, demonstrating how the ideas about crime and the criminal circulating in these domains were mutually constitutive. Specifically, it identifies how characterisations of burglary in visual and written forms of media — encompassing legal and criminological documents, as well as those produced by the press and commercial advertising, and in fiction, theatre, and film — cultivated a range of attitudes towards the crime to a greater or lesser extent. Encompassing not only fear-mongering and sympathetic representations, but also those designed to be exciting, to challenge preconceptions, and to entertain, I argue that these conflicting attitudes towards burglary and burglars emerged in response to specific changes in the cultural landscape: the advent of mass literacy and corresponding interest in narratives of crime that reflected the social, cultural, and political concerns of an audience diverse of class, age, and gender; the commercial imperatives of the insurance and entertainment industries as the middle classes expanded, including the development of household insurance and the popularity of the ‘true crime’ genre; debates surrounding women’s increasing social and sexual agency and their alignment with particular crimes; and the evolution of new modes of policing and regulation. The thesis thereby uses the topic of burglary to illuminate a broader range of contemporary preoccupations and experiences with gender relations, class structures and stereotypes, and the moral authority of state and society. By approaching burglary as a focus of interactions not only between police, criminal, and victim, but also between the market, consumers, and the state, this thesis uncovers new terrain upon which crime intersected with everyday lives historically.
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Demirdag, Serap. "Harmonisation In European Union On Industrial Property Rights Protection Procedures: Effects On Turkey Within The Framework Of Customs Union." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604962/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims at answering two questions under the topic of Harmonisation of
Industrial Property Rights Protection Procedures in the European Union. The
questions researched are: &ldquo<br>What are the current systems of Industrial Property Rights
protection in the world, in the European Union and Turkey?&rdquo<br>and &ldquo<br>Is there a way for
Turkey to be included within the EU Industrial Property protection system in the
future while still being under the relation of Customs Union?&rdquo<br>. To answer these
questions current systems of Industrial Property Rights protection in the world, in
European Union and Turkey is briefly analyzed and following this analysis, a
proposal for a closer cooperation in Industrial Property protection system of Turkey
with the European Union is given backed up with a comparison of statistical data of
EU, Turkey and candidate countries.
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Cahen, Raphaël. "Friedrich Gentz (1764-1832) : penseur post-Lumières et acteur du renouveau de l'ordre européen au temps des révolutions." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM1048.
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Friedrich Gentz était un fonctionnaire prussien né en Silésie, un publiciste, un expert des finances publiques et de l'économie politique, un diplomate autrichien et un homme d'État. Après le congrès de Vienne en 1814-1815, il devient le "secrétaire de l'Europe" tout en restant un intellectuel indépendant, et un orientaliste à la tête de la politique ottomane de l'empire autrichien. Il fut aussi l'un des penseurs et acteurs de premier plan dans les réseaux antirévolutionnaires et antinapoléoniens et un européen convaincu. Après une partie biographique dans laquelle les correspondances et les sources inédites sont mises en valeur, la première partie de cette thèse porte sur l'étude de sa formation intellectuelle et sur la mise en perspective de sa pensée politique post-Lumières dans les réseaux d'opposition modérés à la Révolution Française. L'accent étant aussi porté sur les réseaux de diffusion de sa pensée politique. La deuxième partie est tournée sur l'analyse de sa pensée et de son action en faveur de l'ordre et de la stabilité pour la « République européenne ». Son rôle dans la théorisation et la création du Concert européen en tant qu'institution de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité en Europe est mis en exergue ainsi que la période plus conservatrice de sa pensée politique à travers les Décrets de Carlsbad et son interprétation restrictive de l'article 13 de la Confédération germanique. Enfin, sa position favorable aux mouvements révolutionnaires des années 1830 et le coeur de sa pensée politique, à savoir l'idée de réconciliation des extrêmes et de réformes progressives des régimes politiques et des constitutions, sont analysés à la fin de la thèse<br>Friedrich Gentz was a publicist, an expert in public finance and political economy, an Austrian diplomat. After the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, he became the "Secretary of Europe" whilst remaining an independent intellectual and an Orientalist, at the head of the Ottoman policy of the Austrian Empire. He was also one of the architects and leading players in the anti-Revolutionary and anti-Napoleonic networks and a convinced European. Beginning with a bibliographical section in which correspondence and unpublished sources are examined, this thesis, in its first part, will focus on the study of the intellectual formation of Friedrich Gentz, and will put into perspective his post-Enlightenment political views in the opposition networks moderately opposed to the French Revolution. Particular emphasis will be placed on the networks he used to convey his political views. The second part of this thesis will analyse his thoughts and actions with regard to the order and stability of the "European Republic". Two specific aspects will be highlighted, namely: that of his role in the theorising and creation of the Concert of Europe as an institution for the maintenance of peace and security; and that most conservative moment in his political thought, his role in the Carlsbad Decrees (1819) and the Conference of Vienna (1820) with its restrictive interpretation of Article 13 of the German Confederation. At the end, both his favourable position regarding the revolutionary movements of the 1830s and the kernel of his political thought, in other words, the idea of reconciliation of extremes and the progressive reform of political systems and constitutions will be considered
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Boestad, Tobias. "« Pour le profit du commun marchand » : la genèse de la Hanse (XIIe siècle-milieu du XIVe siècle)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL078.
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Si la communauté de villes commerciales connue sous le nom de Hanse allemande n’émerge qu’à partir de la seconde moitié du XIVe siècle, les marchands de l’Empire n’ont pas attendu cette époque pour s’associer sur les différents marchés qu’ils fréquentent en Europe du Nord. Dès la fin du XIIe siècle, de premières associations les regroupant sont attestées en Angleterre et dans l’espace baltique. Alors que l’organisation de ces groupements se complexifie et que leur influence politique s’accroît progressivement, au point de représenter bientôt les intérêts commerciaux de l’ensemble des villes de langue bas-allemande, la référence au « profit du commun marchand » se diffuse en leur sein, nourrissant une coopération durable. Cette étude vise à mettre en lumière les ressorts politiques de la solidarité entre marchands et villes allemandes, en accordant une attention toute particulière aux discours qu’elle suscite et à la valeur normative de ceux-ci. Elle entend ainsi renverser la perspective constitutionnaliste qui a longtemps caractrisé les études juridiques sur la Hanse, afin de mettre en évidence les mécanismes juridiques par lesquels les expériences politiques du XIIIe et du début du XIVe siècle ont donné naissance un régime intermunicipal de prise de décision, doté de règles spécifiques et agissant suivant un système de principes et de valeurs propres. Après une présentation des principales étapes et charnières de la genèse de la Hanse, ce travail met au jour les ferments de la communauté hanséatique et enfin la manière dont certains de ses acteurs, notamment la ville de Lubeck, ont su transformer en principe juridique cette coopération politique et économique<br>Although the commercial organisation known as the Hanse did not emerge until the second half of the 14th century, merchants from the Holy Roman Empire did not wait until then to join forces on the various marketplaces they frequented in Northern Europe. On the contrary, some of their associations could already be found in England and in the Baltic Rim at the end of the 12th century. Over time, such groupings developed into more complex organisations. Their political influence increased as they came to represent the commercial interests of all Low German cities, whereas the reference to “the common merchant’s profit” spread within them and paved the way to lasting cooperation. This study seeks to shed light on the political motives of solidarity between German merchants and cities, with particular attention to the discourses produced about it and their normative value. Its aim is to turn around the constitutionalist perspective which has characterised legal studies on the Hanse for a long time, and to highlight the legal mechanisms by which the political experiences of the 13th and early 14th centuries were able to produce an inter-municipal decision-making regime, abiding by specific rules and by its own system of principles and values. After having presented the main steps and chronological milestones in the genesis of the Hanse, this work considers the foundations of the Hanseatic community and finally the way in which some of its actors, in particular the city of Lubeck, were able to turn a political and economic cooperation into a legal principle
24
McDiarmid, Claire Robertson. "Scots law : how can and why should it survive?" Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22699.
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This thesis has two main themes: that law is of primary importance to Scotland as a nation and to Scottish nationalism and that the distinctiveness of Scots law is threatened by a discernible tendency towards anglicisation or standardisation with English law. The thesis examines the nature of culture and nationalism in general, and in the Scottish context in particular, and discusses the foundational elements of Scotland's nationhood. Law is specifically considered in the latter two contexts. Thereafter, some elements which substantiate the claim of distinctiveness made for Scots law are identified and one view of the mechanisms by which it is becoming anglicised is presented. Finally, justifications for actively pursuing the survival of the Scottish legal system as a distinctive body of norms are outlined and action which could be taken to ensure that survival is discussed.
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Gourlay, Kristi. "Anatomy of the Somerset Case of 1772: Law, Popular Politics and Slavery in Hanoverian Britain." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28702.
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This thesis examines the Somerset Case of 1772 and considers it within its immediate social, political, and legal landscape. Legal and political reform and imperial debate ensured that the case would be important for the understanding of core English ideals such as property, slavery, liberty, humanity and natural rights. These issues coalesced in 1772 and provided the background against which Lord Mansfield reached his famous decision. Instead of contributing to the ongoing economic versus humanitarian debate in recent scholarship, this thesis seeks to uncover the genesis of these humanitarian sentiments, and show how humanist arguments became useful and important in late-eighteenth century legal and abolitionist thought. Popular political agitation, the proliferation of pamphlets, the circulation of ideas concerning the rights of man, and legal reformist argument throughout England and Scotland influenced the case and Mansfield's final decision. By considering the Somerset decision within its immediate social, political, and legal landscape, it is unmistakable that the case was a harbinger that abolition was to come in England.
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Bevan, Kitrina. "English legal culture and the languages of the law: Rethinking the Statute of Pleading (1362)." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27795.
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This thesis re-evaluates the impact of the Statute of Pleading and its legislation of the languages of the law on the legal actors who worked in England's royal courts in the fourteenth century. In order to broaden the scope of existing research on the subject, this project puts forth a new interpretation of the Statute by proposing a different hypothesis for why the law exists in two linguistically variable forms on the records of the Parliament and statute rolls. By studying the legal professionals who worked in England's legal realm and their use of languages, this thesis argues that the Statute of Pleading---in each of its versions---is indicative of the legal training and education received by these individuals in the later medieval period, and also as an expression of their resistance to changing the written languages of the law.
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Waters, Christopher P. M. "Counsel in the Caucasus : the fall and rise of Georgia's legal profession." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38449.
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This dissertation examines lawyers and lawyering in post-Soviet Georgia. It suggests that the collapse of the Soviet Union triggered a rapid de-professionalization of lawyers. The monopoly of the Soviet-era Bar was broken, the number of law graduates multiplied, many of the objective conditions for lawyering (such as functioning courts) were simply absent and most jurists employed by state enterprises lost their jobs. In other words, lawyers were left with little control over their markets or work. But there has also been a growing movement towards the professionalization of lawyers since 1991. Intriguingly, the key to understanding the new professionalism lies not with the reconstruction of state-mandated monopolies (indeed for several years there was simply no law regulating the Bar), but rather with lawyers' attempts to control a market through means firmly lodged in culture and the politics of the post-Soviet transition. These means include a traditional reliance on reputation and networks. Comparisons are also made here to the legal professions in Armenia and Azerbaijan, revealing similar findings and rounding out this thesis as a regional study. The empirical findings, which are based on fieldwork carried out in Transcaucasia between 1998 and 2001, have implications for studies of the legal profession and the rule of law in transition societies.
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Peresztegi, Agnes. "Compensation for human rights violations against Hungarian Jewry." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20543.
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There is no comprehensive monograph dealing with the complex legal issues of compensation for the damage done to European Jews by the Nazi regime. The purpose of this thesis is to set forth and analyze the political and legislative means employed by the Hungarian Government to settle human rights claims brought by Hungarian Jewish citizens and Jewish organizations arising from Hungarian legislation discriminating against Jews, and from the nationalization and confiscation of property by the former communist regime in Hungary. The thesis also examines the German compensation system as it applies to Hungarian Jewish citizens.
29
Slinkard, Frank Gilbert. "A Critique of Hugo Grotius's "Introduction to the Jurisprudence of Holland"." W&M ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625752.
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Dengate, Jacob. "Lighting the torch of liberty : the French Revolution and Chartist political culture, 1838-1852." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/eee3b4b8-ba1e-48bd-848e-26391b96af26.
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From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.
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Rygiel, Philippe. "Une impossible tâche? L'institut de droit international et la régulation des migrations internationales 1870-1920." Habilitation à diriger des recherches, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00657654.
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C'est avant 1914, au sein de l'institut de droit international que s'élaborent et se discutent les questions qui ont trait à la régulation internationale des migrations. Les juristes et diplomates qui s'y retrouvent tentent d'y définir les traits des politiques migratoires et des politiques de l'asile qui ont cours en un Occident souvent confondu avec l'Europe. Ils se prononcent parfois aussi sur ce que devraient être celles-ci. L'étude de ce personnel, des débats poursuivis en ce cadre nous permet de saisir en son origine l'idée d'une régulation internationale des migrations et les premières tentatives qu'elle nourrit, portées par un milieu de juristes libéraux dont les propositions, qui ne ne sont plus guère d'actualité après la première guerre mondiale, ressurgissent parfois aujourd'hui.
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Press, Steven Michael. "The Private State: A New Perspective on the European Partition of Africa." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11585.
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In the 1880s there was a race on among Europeans in Africa, spanning virtually the entire continent from Tunisia in the North to the Orange River in the South. Some European nicknames for this race are familiar: the Course au Clocher in France; the Scramble in England. What is less known is that this was a race, not necessarily to conquer or take land by force - most of that came later, in the 1890s -- but to claim paper deeds that nominally sold to whites the titles to govern various territories.<br>History
33
Maniscalco, Lorenzo. "The concept of equity in early-modern European legal scholarship." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/288545.
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In modern scholarship, the concept of equity is often assimilated with that of Aristotelian epieikeia, a process which serves to correct rules when, though their wording undoubtedly applies to a case, yet the outcome would be unjust, or the legislator would have never wanted the rule to be applied to such a case. My thesis deals with the early-modern origins of the association of equity and epieikeia in legal scholarship, and of its consequences for the doctrinal development of equity in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. I begin by showing that medieval legal writings on equity were almost completely unconcerned with epieikeia, and that the latter was only developed by philosophers and theologians. Legists and canonists developed a concept of equity that was unrelated - indeed mostly incompatible - with judicial discretion or the emendation of written rules. Thus, throughout the Middle Ages, there was almost no interaction between the writings of civil and canon lawyers on equity, and those of theologians on epieikeia. In the second chapter of my thesis, I show that the introduction of epieikeia in legal scholarship was the result of the influence of humanistic philology over the writings of humanist jurists, and argue that it caused the majority of early-modern authors to depart from medieval scholarship on equity, re-modelling instead equity as a doctrine of interpretation of the law beyond its letter in accordance with the intentions of the legislator. The final part of my thesis argues that the development of equity as epieikeia in legal scholarship broke down the barrier that had hitherto divided theological and legal writings on equity. Indeed, from the late sixteenth century onwards, legal and theological writings on equity were connected to such an extent that many later authors treated these two branches of scholarship as belonging to one, equally authoritative body of learning on the same topic.
34
Martin, Nicolas. "De la Chambre de commerce de La Rochelle aux bureaux de Versailles, les relations commerciales entre droit romain et Europe du Nord au XVIIIe siècle : la voile rochelaise dans l'ombre de la Hanse." Thesis, La Rochelle, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LAROD035.
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Créée en 1719 pour lancer une nouvelle représentation de la sphère « commerciale » au sein de la généralité, la Chambre de commerce de La Rochelle, point central d’une organisation institutionnelle complexe, participe activement à la vie politique et économique du royaume. Malgré la rivalité organique qui la fragilise, cette neuvième chambre parvient finalement à se présenter comme l’interlocuteur privilégié du négociant et son plus fervent défenseur. En tant qu’intermédiaire entre les rouages du pouvoir et les maisons de commerce, elle devient le pilier du négoce de la généralité et aussi sa mémoire, en collectant une abondante correspondance et de nombreux écrits touchant au commerce. Inscrite dans une logique de participation mais aussi de contestation, sa défense des intérêts locaux au sein du vaste intérêt national trouve tout particulièrement à s’exprimer dans les relations commerciales avec l’Europe du Nord. Certes, les préoccupations essentielles du commerce sont ailleurs, dans la mesure où ce circuit maritime ne saurait rivaliser en importance avec le trafic colonial et la traite négrière. Pour autant, les négociants rochelais n’entendent pas se résigner à la situation de fait qui prévaut dans la route du Nord : des denrées coloniales et des marchandises françaises fort convoitées par l’espace septentrional, mais transportées presque exclusivement sous pavillon étranger. Connus pour être de « grands disputeurs et faiseurs de mémoires », les Rochelais ne manquent pas d’analyser au fond les causes de la crise du commerce direct entre le Nord de l’Europe et le royaume. Ils dénoncent non seulement la mainmise quasi hégémonique des Anglais et des Hollandais sur cette voie d’échanges, mais également les mesures adoptées par les bureaux de Versailles qu’ils jugent trop timides. Cette réalité, expliquée jusqu’alors par des considérations d’ordre économique, politique et culturel, se colore de tout autres teintes si l’on prend en considération la norme juridique. Analysée à plusieurs niveaux et dans plusieurs dimensions, cette dernière révèle une inégalité de traitement manifeste entre négociants français et étrangers. Ententes diplomatiques, traités internationaux, législation douanière, cadre institutionnel, toutes les composantes de la règle de droit jouent un rôle important dans le fonctionnement de ce circuit maritime. Toutefois, la corrélation entre la règle de droit et le commerce du Nord ne saurait être appréhendée par la seule étude des échanges avec le port de La Rochelle. Le regard doit se porter également vers les modèles institutionnels et douaniers septentrionaux. Or ces derniers confirment que la spécificité de la norme juridique dans certains États du Nord constitue un élément déterminant de cette carte maritime. Et au-delà de ce constat, l’analyse attentive de l’un des plus anciens monuments du droit maritime médiéval, par ailleurs à l’origine de la ligue hanséatique, conduit à une singulière découverte : ce texte, connu sous le nom de « Lois de Visby » laisse transparaître, dans le berceau même de l’Europe du Nord, une très nette influence romaine<br>Created in 1719 to launch a new representation of the "trade” sphere within the general population, the La Rochelle Chamber of Commerce, the central point of a complex institutional organization, participates actively in the political and economic life of the kingdom. In spite of the organic rivalry which weakens it, this ninth Chamber succeeds finally in becoming the privileged representative of the trader and its most fervent supporter. As the middleman between the wheels of power and the trading companies, it becomes not only the mainstay of popular trade, but also its recorder, by collecting numerous items of correspondence and papers relating to trade. In a policy of both participation and dispute, its defense of local interests within the vast national interest is especially to be found in business relations with Northern Europe. Admittedly, the main trade concerns are elsewhere, as this maritime circuit could never compete in importance with colonial traffic and the slave trade. For all that, the Rochelais traders do not intend to give up - which is shown in the route to the North: colonial commodities and French products, strongly desired by the North, but transported almost exclusively under a foreign flag. Famous for being "big debaters and memory makers", the Rochelais do not fail to analyze the root causes of the direct business crisis between Northern Europe and the kingdom. They denounce not only the almost hegemonic control that both the English and the Dutch have over these trade routes, but also the measures adopted by the Versailles offices which they consider too timid. This reality, explained until then, by economic, political and cultural considerations, looks completely different if we consider the legal rule. Analyzed on several levels and in several dimensions, the latter reveals an obvious disparity of treatment between French and foreign traders. Diplomatic agreements, international treaties, customs legislation, institutional framework, all the components of legal rule, play an important role in the functioning of this maritime circuit. However, the correlation between legal rule and trade with the North could not be explained merely by the observance of trade exchanges with the port of La Rochelle. The northern institutional and customs models must also be examined. And yet these models confirm that the specificity of legal rule in some Northern States constitutes a determining element of this maritime chart. Furthermore, the careful analysis of one of the oldest monuments of medieval maritime law, at the origin of the Hanseatic league, leads to a singular discovery: this text, known by the name of "Lois de Visby" shows clearly, in the cradle of Northern Europe, a very clear Roman influence
35
Buehner, Henry Nicholas. "Mansfieldism: Law and Politics in Anglo-America, 1700-1865." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/258169.
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History<br>Ph.D.<br>Lord Mansfield is typically remembered for his influence in common law and commercial law, and his decision in Somerset v. Stewart , which granted a slave, brought to England, habeas corpus to refuse his forced transportation out of that nation by his master. Both conditions allowed observers to praise him for what they viewed as very modern notions about economy and society (capitalism and anti-slavery, respectively). Mansfield's primary position as Chief Justice of King's Bench in England, which contributed most of the only published material from him, shielded him from any scrutiny about his wider influence in general British governance in the period of his public career, roughly 1740-1790. Throughout his career, Mansfield played a large role in the general government of the British Empire. Beginning with his role as Solicitor General in 1742 and continuing after he became Chief Justice in 1756, Mansfield interacted and advised the highest members of the British ruling elite, including the monarch. Because the nature of British governance in the 18th Century was very porous, Mansfield partook in the exercise of legislative (through his seats in the House and Commons and Lords), executive (through a formal seat on the Privy Council and later in the King's Closet), and judicial (through his roles as Solicitor and Attorney General, Chief Justice of King's Bench, and temporary positions as Lord Chancellor) power practically simultaneously throughout his career. In these capacities, Mansfield contributed to imperial policy at a critical moment. He was a champion for the British Empire as the beacon of the most perfect society at that time - a perspective he developed through his education and experiences during the crucial formative years of the British nation. He channeled his support for Britain into a seemingly rigid dogma that saw any threat or challenge to British authority or culture as inherently illegitimate. In this regard, Mansfield favored British domination over the other imperial powers, and he immediately rejected the earliest complaints of the Americans over British rule. Because of the nature of his position within British governance, Mansfield's view remained constant in a government that witnessed continual turnover. The potential of Mansfield's influence was not lost upon the public. Many factions from "true Whigs" such as John Wilkes, and American patriots viewed him as the epitome of the problem with the British government-its seemingly arbitrary, unconstitutional, and tyrannical posture toward everything. Mansfield posed a particular challenge for these groups because he was a Chief Justice, and they believed he was supposed to adhere to a strong notion of justice. Instead, they saw him continually leading their repression, and so they questioned the basis of the whole British system. Through pamphlets, newspapers, and visual prints, these groups identified Mansfield as a key conspirator, which they attributed to an anti-British disposition. In these ways, Mansfield and his opponents squared off over the definition of true Britishness internally and imperially. When these opponents gathered enough strength (Londoners during the Gordon Riots, and Americans with their War of Independence), they aimed to pull down Mansfield and his comrades for their violations. The former failed to overthrow society, but they arguably hastened a change in government. The latter succeeded in their movement to exit the Empire. The Revolution was not a total transformation for the Americans, however. They struggled to define their new nation and America had similar imperial aspirations. In this environment, Mansfield was the quintessential symbol of early national "leaders" bipolar attitudes towards Britain. Some leaders such as John Adams embraced their British heritage, and used Mansfield as a model to develop a strong, centralized, commercial nation. Other leaders such as Thomas Jefferson saw Mansfield as the chief villain to the idea of America. Jefferson coined the phrase "Mansfieldism" which he identified as a caustic relationship between law and government that favored the development of political and legal elitism that challenged the interests and participation of common citizens. Jefferson viewed Mansfield as the essential symbol of the American anti-revolution. These first-generation independent Americans both remembered Mansfield for his direct participation in the imperial crisis, but for Adams and his fellow Federalists, they had to initiate redemption for Mansfield to justify their program to create America. The redemption was successful. American institutions used Mansfield to fine-tune the balance between their British heritage and uniquely American outlook. As successive generations of Americans emerged into the political sphere, they remembered his seemingly progressive positions on law and society as presented through his court decisions over his actual participation against their independence. Especially through a selective reading of his decision in Somerset, Mansfield became the legal prophet for abolitionist nationalism. His decision arguably provided a legal precedent against the institution of slavery, but it more importantly transformed into the moral imperative of the movement. In this manner, Mansfield became fully redeemed among Americans.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Ibsen, Alexander Zlatanos. "Inventing Law: The Creation of Legal Philosophies in the American and European Patent Systems." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/222841.
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Although the patent systems of the United States and Europe have become continuously more similar their underlying legal philosophy continues to be different. This study examines how the two patent philosophies emerged out of different social situations and why and how patent systems can develop similar formal arrangements without experiencing a similar harmonization of underlying philosophy. As patent laws are historically unique to western culture it provides a lens through which to observe its relative social appreciation of industry, technology, commerce, and the role of the law. This study argues that the two separate 'patent philosophies' emerged as results of unique historical situations and that the reason as to why they have been able to maintain their distinct natures is that a similar ideological pressure has not been present since. The patent law of the United States, which is based on an 'inventor philosophy', was the product of the ideological currents of the movement toward American independence. This philosophy is friendly to inventors and entrust them with all responsibility over their inventions. Its individualistic and democratic character resonated well with the country's anti-colonial and anti-monarchical political campaign. A similar ideological pressure to revise fundamental opinions on technology and law has not emerged since. Virtually all European nations are today part of the European Patent Organization which administers the world's only true regional patent office. This European system is based on an 'invention philosophy' which was designed in the late 19th century by German industrialists. This philosophy is anti-monopoly and sees the State as a guardian of the public benefits which arise from technological novelties. Due to German industrial efficiency, it was used to model European patent law. Although both philosophies have proved viable, the case of patent law suggests that the role of legal philosophy must be reduced. Apart from being crucial in the creation of a new legal system, this study argues for the need to drastically reconsider the relationship between substantive and formal law. Both patent philosophies have consistently lost importance over time to the point where they today support two formally very similar systems.
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Silverman, Sarah Kelly. "The 1363 English Sumptuary Law: A comparison with Fabric Prices of the Late Fourteenth-Century." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1322596483.
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Blang, Eugenie M. "To urge common sense on the Americans: United States' relations with France, Great Britain, and the Federal Republic of Germany in the context of the Vietnam War, 1961-1968." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623983.
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America's Vietnam War had profound ramifications beyond its immediate effect on Southeast Asia and the United States. This dissertation utilizes the debate over Vietnam between the United States and its major European allies, Britain, France, and West Germany, as an analytical framework to examine inter-allied relations. The "Vietnam problem" strained the traps-Atlantic alliance and revealed the respective self-interest of the four member nations. The British, French, and West Germans had serious misgivings about the American strategy in Vietnam, based on a differing view of the nature of the conflict and a pessimistic assessment of American chances for success in South Vietnam. Equally important, the Europeans feared that Washington might disengage from Europe and that the fighting in Southeast Asia might develop into a major, perhaps even a world war. European security hence might be dangerously undermined by further American escalation in Vietnam. According to the European powers, the Cold War should be primarily fought in Europe. Although London, Paris, and Bonn were deeply apprehensive about the American engagement in Vietnam, they failed to develop a unified policy to affect American decision-making because they were unable to transcend their nationalistic agendas. Presidents Kennedy and Johnson unsuccessfully attempted to win substantial European support for America's role in Vietnam. to the United States, Vietnam was a prime domino that could not be allowed to fall and Washington viewed European concerns as parochial and counter-productive. The essentially unilateral approach of the United States in Vietnam led to tragic failure. as a result of the Vietnam experience, Washington realized that it could not fulfill all its global obligations without the backing of its European allies. The lack of a cohesive policy toward America's engagement in Vietnam revealed inherent shortcomings in the foreign policy-making of the European nation-states, which were still guided by a nationalistic, self-interested approach. Britain, France, West Germany, and the United States painfully recognized that in order to successfully meet global challenges they needed to listen more closely to each other and develop a mutualistic policy that would better serve their shared interests as allies and friends.
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Bonino, Pauline. "La France face à la Convention européenne des droits de l'Homme (1949-1981)." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016CERG0826/document.
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Notre recherche a pour objectif d'expliquer pourquoi la France, qui pourtant est un des pays à l'origine de la Convention européenne des droits de l'Homme, met vingt-cinq ans à ratifier cette Convention, et même trente ans avant d'autoriser le droit de recours individuel. Pour ce faire, nous avons dû prendre en compte de nombreux facteurs.Tout d'abord, l'évolution politique interne à la France. En effet, sous la Quatrième République, la question des colonies puis la question de la liberté de l'enseignement vont bloquer le processus de ratification. Puis, à partir de 1956 et du début de la guerre d'Algérie, la question de la ratification est bloquée. Aux débuts de la Cinquième République, la vision gaulliste de la justice et de l'Europe retardent de nouveau la ratification, malgré des mobilisations de parlementaires et de certains juristes. Finalement, au début des années 1970, la situation se débloque, Pompidou se montre plus européen et s'allie avec les centristes, c'est à la faveur d'un accord politique et après une mobilisation de nombreux acteurs menée par René Cassin, la Convention est ratifiée en 1974, mais avec des réserves et sans le droit de recours individuel. Il faudra attendre l'arrivée de Mitterrand au pouvoir pour que soit autorisé ce droit de recours. Tout au long de cette période, différents acteurs se sont mobilisés en faveur de la ratification de la CEDH.Au-delà des accords politiques, la ratification peut s'expliquer par tout une série de facteurs contextuels qui vont dans son sens et qui sont dans la continuité de l'avant Seconde Guerre mondiale. Tout d'abord, sur le plan interne, le contrôle de constitutionnalité est progressivement accepté par les juristes et les responsables politiques, ce contrôle marque la remise en cause du légicentrisme français, remise en cause nécessaire pour accepter la CEDH. Parallèlement, s'installe progressivement un droit européen, mis en place par la CJCE, l'acceptation de ce droit par les institutions politiques et judiciaires françaises et l'intérêt porté par la CJCE aux droits de l'Homme dans les années 1970, leur permettent de se familiariser avec l'idée qu'un droit externe, protecteur des libertés publiques, peut avoir une influence sur le droit français. La mise en place de la Commission puis de la Cour EDH et le développement de leur jurisprudence, qui est respectueuse des intérêts des Etats, va permettre de faciliter l'acceptation de ces institution. Enfin, la question droits de l'Homme, qui a été quelque peu mise de côté après 1950, revient en force à partir de la fin des années 1960 et devient à cette époque un concept, une idée omniprésente dans les médias et les discours politiques. Tous ces facteurs montrent une évolution de l'air du temps et des idées dominantes. Leur évolution est parallèle à l'acceptation de la CEDH, certes, ce ne sont pas des facteurs directs, mais ils marquent l'implantation dans la société des idées sous-jacentes dans la Convention EDH<br>Our research aim to explain why it took twenty-five years to France to ratify the ECHR, even though France was one of the ECHR founding countries. We even had to wait until 1981, to see the individual petitions authorized in France. There are several factors to take into account.First, domestic politics are important. Under the Fourth Republic, colonial issues and then freedom of education are preventing France to ratify the Convention. Then, there are the Algerian war which completely block any possibility of ratification. After 1958, de Gaulle is the Président and his vision of justice and Europe are not compatible with the ECHR, therefore, the ratification is once more postpone, even though jurists and politicians are mobilized. Finally, at the beginning of the 1970s, Pompidou is more open to European ideas and he needs to make an alliance with the centrists. After a long mobilisation, led by René Cassin, the ECHR is ratify in 1974, with reserves and without individual right to petition. We have to wait until 1981, and François Mitterrand to see this right recognized. During this period, we have to emphasize the role of various actors who mobilized in favor of the ratification.In parallel to these political evolutions, the background changed between 1950 and 1970, and led to an easier acceptance of the ideas at the heart of the ECHR. First of all, judicial review is more and more accepted in France by both jurists and politicians. This review questioned the french legicentrism and make the acceptance of a conventional control easier. During the same period, a European Law is created by the European court of justice, which led to a better familiarity (not yet acceptance) with the possibility of having internal law influenced by an external one.The work of the European Commission of Human Rights and the European Court, is also instrumental into the acceptation of the ECHR. Their jurisprudence, in this period, takes into account the reluctance of the Member-States to see an external body judge their law, therefore, the ECHR doesn't seem to be menacing. Finally, we see the rise of Human Rights during this period, starting in the 1960s. Human Rights became in the 1970s a central issue in domestic and foreign affairs, medias and public society took an interest in their defense. It became central in politics. All these factors show an evolution of the mainstream ideas which led to an easier acceptation of the ECHR, even though there are not directly linked
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Maruca, Matthew K. "Imposing Order: The Renegotiation of Law and Order In Post-Stalin USSR." Thesis, Boston College, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/434.
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Thesis advisor: Roberta T. Manning<br>Although born in Prague under the Austro-Hungarian Empire and dying before Stalin took control of the USSR, Kafka clairvoyantly understood the full paradox of Soviet authoritarianism. His short parable “Before the Law” provides an interesting intellectual exercise for anyone wishing to study Soviet law, for in Russia it evokes tragic truth. The man who futilely attempted to reach the law is a metaphor for Russian masses seeking the same goal. Just as the doorkeeper with his air of conscious superiority and vacillating temperament mirrors the nature of Soviet rulers. The absurdity that underpins Kafka's work poignantly and painfully parallels the arbitrary ‘justice' of Stalin's rule. The man's futile search is symbolic of the many purge victims who, while wasting away in the gulags, clung to the slim hope of using legal means to exonerate themselves. Through an intellectual and visceral response, Kafka conveys the authoritarian split between the elite and the masses in Russia. No one knows how many countless Russian and Soviet citizens' lives were wasted in the same shadow of indifferent omnipotence. And we are forced to ask why the law was kept from them. And yet, what fueled the insatiable pursuit of the law in the face of certain futility? Even the Purges took place within a legal framework, as perverse as it may have been. But was Communist legality simply an oxymoron, or was there something more?<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2003<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: History<br>Discipline: College Honors Program
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Kotlyar, Ilya Andreevich. "Influence of the European Ius Commune on the Scots law of Succession to Moveables, 1560-1700." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23580.
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The purpose of this thesis is to identify the influence of the doctrines of the Medieval European Ius Commune on the Scots law of moveable succession in the crucial period of its development: from the Reformation to approximately 1700. To this purpose, this research is dealing with the Scottish writings, case law and archival materials, comparing them with the relevant Civilian and Canonistic texts and treatises of Medieval and Early Modern Continental authors. This research specially concentrates on particular fields within the Scots law of succession. In some fields, such as the constitution and form of testamentary deeds and the destinations (tailzies), the Ius Commune influence was quite weak, but even there it is discernible in specific issues. The same can be said of the Scottish attitude to the agreements on future succession (pacta successoria); in this respect, as my thesis shows, Scots law used to have more in common with the Civil law than it has now. On the other hand, the influence of the Continental doctrines was much more noticeable in the fields of the evidential force of last wills and the donations mortis causa. However, beginning from the 1660s, Scottish practice in these fields diverged from the Continental models. This was due to various practical reasons. The regulation of the office of executor in Scotland in the 1500-1700, in many respects, seems to be heavily inspired by the Ius Commune regulation and by English practice of that time. In some respects, Scots practice on the office of executor followed the Ius Commune rules more closely than English practice. In summary, the influence of the Ius Commune on the Scots law of succession in this period was real, due both to the retaining of tradition of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and to the knowledge of doctrine by the judges and litigants. However, this influence was often fragmentary and not properly expressed in the litigation and writings.
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Iverson, Katy. "Honor, Gender and the Law: Defense Strategies during the Spanish Inquisition, 1526-1532." W&M ScholarWorks, 2010. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626631.
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Albala, Pelegrin Marta. "De la peninsula Iberica a Italia| Concepcion y practica teatral de las primeras comedias castellanas." Thesis, City University of New York, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3601853.
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<p>In my dissertation, <i>De la península Ibérica a Italia: concepción y práctica teatral de las primeras comedias castellanas </i>, I analyze the formation of early modern Spanish comedia, in the context of Italo-Iberian cultural exchanges. My aim is to incorporate the most popular Spanish plays of the first half of the sixteenth century into the larger scenario in which they belong: one that we could name the "formation of the genre of comedy". Works such as Juan del Encina's<i> Eclogues </i>, <i>La Celestina</i> (<i>The Spanish Bawd</i>), and Torres Naharro's <i>Tinellaria</i> and <i>Soldadesca</i> are seen in this light as milestones in a complex thread of contributions leading to the development in the seventeenth century of a Spanish Golden Age "national theater", and specifically in Lope de Vega comedia nueva, as well as to the Italian <i>commedia erudita</i>. Such a reconstruction has long been neglected due to the constitution of the Hispanic and the Italian literary studies, and the asymmetry between the Spanish and the Italian literary traditions, especially regarding the primacy of Italian "comedies" and "authors" in the constitution of a history of "western comedy". </p><p> The formation of the genre of comedy it is seen in a new light within a textual and bibliographical history, grounded in the relationships among authors, printers, and readers. Cultural and merchant networks established between the Iberian and Italian Peninsulas helped to widespread not only books as commodities, but ideas and forms (genres) contained within them that would appeal to new audiences and readers. In my second chapter, I have reconstructed the possible ways in which these plays could have been represented, in contexts such as Alba de Tormes and Rome, by means of the analysis of internal text evidence (prompts, or configuration of the different scenes) and the extant records, both about its actual performances, and other contemporary spectacles. In order to make sense of the scarce available data, I have delved into architectural treatises (Vitruvio, Alberti, Peruzzi, Serlio), woodcuts, and extant Roman documents on contemporary theatrical performances. As a result of this reconstruction, Encina's latest plays, as well as Naharro's <i>Soldadesca</i> and <i> Tinellaria</i>, appear as deeply rooted in the avant-garde conception of the urban Roman scene, they share both techniques, and scene conceptions with avant-garde Italian authors. In my third chapter, I studied the function that comedies, such as Naharro's <i>Tinellaria</i> and <i> Soldadesca</i>, had at the time, insisting on the religious and political denunciations contained in them, as well as in their relationship with some discourses originating in the Lateran council. As a result of that, I have been able to delimit the circles, critical with the papacy of Julius II, in which these ideas originated, together with the political interests of those that voiced them. </p>
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Casey, Peter J. "Following the Spirit of the Law: Col. Eberhard P. Deutsch and the Legal Division of United States Forces Austria, 1945-1946." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2313.
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As World War II neared its end in Europe, the Allied powers faced a difficult situation with the occupied nation of Austria. Considering the complicated Austrian relationship with Nazism, the Allies had to decide how the nation would be liberated, occupied, and rehabilitated. Almost instantaneously, the United States, Great Britain, and France became at odds with a vengeful Soviet Union seeking to build a defensive shield of Communist European client states that included Austria. This study will show that as the head of the American Legal Division, Col. Eberhard P. Deutsch, United States Army, was instrumental in the reformation of occupied Austria’s legal system. It will also address the alleged role he played in the modification of the Second Control Agreement of 1946, the summer quadripartite conference that allowed the Austrian government greater opportunities for self-determination.
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Snyder, Amanda J. "Pirates, Exiles, and Empire: English Seamen, Atlantic Expansion, and Jamaican Settlement, 1558-1658." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/857.
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A life of piracy offered marginal men a profession with a degree of autonomy, despite the brand of “outlaw” and the fear of prosecution. At various times throughout history, governments and crowned heads suspended much of their piracy prosecution, licensing men to work as “privateers” for the state, supplementing naval forces. This practice has a long history, but in sixteenth-century England, Elizabeth I (1558-1603) significantly altered this tradition. Recognizing her own weakness in effectively prosecuting these men and the profit they could contribute to the government, Elizabeth began incorporating pirates into the English naval corps in peacetime—not just in war. This practice increased English naval resources, income, and presence in the emerging Atlantic World, but also increased conflict with the powerful Spanish empire.
By 1605, making peace with Spain, James VI/I (1603-1625) retracted Elizabeth’s privateering promotion, prompting an emigration of English seamen to the American outposts they had developed in the previous century. Now exiles, no longer beholden to the Crown, seamen reverted back to piracy. The Carolinas and Jamaica served as bases for these rover communities. In 1650, the revolutionary leader Oliver Cromwell (1649-1658) once again recognized the merits of such policies. Determined to demonstrate his authority and solidify his rule, Cromwell offered citizenship and state support to Caribbean exiles in exchange for their aiding of his navy in the taking of Spanish Jamaica. Official chartering of Port Royal, Jamaica served as reward for these men’s efforts and as the culmination of a century-long cycle of piracy legislation, creating one of England’s most lucrative colonies in the middle of a traditionally Spanish Caribbean empire.
Through legal and diplomatic records, correspondence, and naval and demographic records from England and Spain, this dissertation explores early modern piracy/privateering policy and its impact on the development of the Atlantic World. European disputes and imperial competition converged in these piracy debates with significant consequences for the definitions of criminality and citizenship and for the development of Atlantic empire.
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Osmar, Christopher M. "Vanguard of Genocide: The Einsatzgruppen in the Soviet Union." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281029869.
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Lauer, Rena. "Venice's Colonial Jews: Community, Identity, and Justice in Late Medieval Venetian Crete." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11520.
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This dissertation offers a social history of the Jews of Candia, Venetian Crete's capital, by investigating how these Jews related to their colonial sovereign, their Latin and Greek Christian neighbors, and their diverse co-religionists in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Latin ducal court records, Hebrew communal ordinances, and notarial materials reveal the unique circumstances of Venetian colonial rule on Crete, including the formalized social hierarchy dividing Latin and Greek Christians, ready access to the Venetian justice system, and Venetian accommodation of pre-colonial legal precedents. Together, these elements enabled and encouraged Jews--individuals and community alike--to invest deeply in the institutions of colonial society. Their investment fostered sustained, meaningful interactions with the Latin and Greeks populations. It even shaped the ways in which Jews engaged with one another, particularly as they brought their quotidian and intracommunal disputes before Venice's secular judiciaries. Though contemporary religious authorities frowned upon litigating against co-religionists in secular courts, people from across the spectrum of Candiote Jewry, from community leaders to unhappily married women, sought Venetian judicial intervention at times.<br>History
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Stewart, Mark James. "'The greatest benefit they ever received from us': British India and the origins of the Great Game, 1757--1805." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27047.
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This thesis traces the origins of the Great Game, a geopolitical conflict between the British and Russian Empires in Central Asia to the intellectual and constitutional construction of 'British India' after the Battle of Plassey in 1757. Using a diverse range of ideas and facets of British and Indian society it will examine how the East India Company, the Mughal Empire and the domestic British state all contributed to the development of the Great Game in the middle of the nineteenth century. By examining how British politicians and scholars interpreted the nature of British sovereignty and government in Bengal, it will demonstrate that once the East India Company had secured territorial domain in India, its employees set about interpreting many of the political, legal and religious ideas and traditions of Indian society in a way that made them more governable for Britons. This exercise in intellectual imperialism, in turn, had many unforeseen consequences, one of which was a propensity to expand the British Indian state into the rest of the subcontinent. This paper uses a variety of primary sources and the rich historiography of British India from recent decades to examine and evaluate this interesting and important episode.
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Maxson, Brian. "Reviews of Plague and Pleasure: The Renaissance World of Pius II by Arthur White and Venice and the Veneto during the Renaissance by Michael Knapton, John Law, and Alison Smith." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6198.
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Cavanagh, Edward. "Companies, Private International Law, and Diplomacy in the Atlantic World: Early Modern Imperialism and Foreign Corporate Activity in European Legal and Political Thought." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34589.
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This thesis is concerned with jurisdictionally evasive European corporations in the Atlantic region. In the wake of renewed interest in trading companies in the historical literature on empires and colonies, this study explores the claims of corporations to foreign lands, the dispossession of pre-existing populations, and the emergence of legal conflicts out of these events and other related extra-European processes. To that end, this thesis engages with medieval legal and economic history, to explain the origin of the modern corporate form, the changing patterns of landholding and commerce across Europe, and the response of canonistic and civilian legal traditions to these developments. After emphasising the importance of the coastal region stretching from Lisboa to St. Petersburg, where trading companies thrived, each of the individual corporations involved in the colonisation of America is introduced. An intellectual history is then presented, covering relevant legal thought; here, the focus moves from patents and jurisdiction to the Roman law of property and in particular the idea of prescription, to contracts, and finally to war. These, I argue, are the ideological contexts most relevant in a legal history of corporations and early modern imperialism. The narrative which then follows is based upon primary research conducted in archives from across the globe. Here, special attention is given to English, French, Dutch, and Swedish corporate activity in the early modern ‘Atlantic World’ (1603-1673). Regionally, the main focus is drawn towards Ireland, North America, and South Africa, where corporations established their claims against other Europeans and against indigenous communities through a combination of separate means. Private law was more practical on the ground, while public law justifications tended to be more spurious and ambivalent, even if there was never a clean formula adoptable when it came to the acquisition of territory by European corporations away from Europe, and might was invariably right. This argument is presented before returning, finally, to the European context. The legal history of colonialism in the seventeenth-century Atlantic has never been presented so stringently from the corporate perspective for the purpose of contrast to the European diplomatic context; the result of such an approach is a new way to consider the origins of private international law in world history.