Zeitschriftenartikel: „Laos politics“

1

Main, John. „Laos: politics, economics and society“. International Affairs 63, Nr. 2 (1987): 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3025500.

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2

Smyth, Dion. „Politics and palliative care: Laos“. International Journal of Palliative Nursing 19, Nr. 7 (Juli 2013): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2013.19.7.362.

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3

Thayer, Carlyle A., und Martin Stuart-Fox. „Laos: Politics, Economics and Society.“ Pacific Affairs 61, Nr. 2 (1988): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759344.

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4

Baird, Ian G. „Elite family politics in Laos before 1975“. Critical Asian Studies 53, Nr. 1 (02.01.2021): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2020.1869573.

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5

Stuart-Fox, Martin. „Laos: Politics in a Single-party State“. Southeast Asian Affairs 2007, Nr. 1 (April 2007): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa07h.

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6

Faming, Manynooch. „Big (wo)man politics: gender equality in Laos?“ Asian Anthropology 17, Nr. 2 (03.04.2018): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1683478x.2018.1463595.

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7

Singh, Sarinda. „Governing Anti-conservation Sentiments: Forest Politics in Laos“. Human Ecology 37, Nr. 6 (21.08.2009): 749–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10745-009-9276-8.

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8

Singh, Sarinda. „Contesting moralities: the politics of wildlife trade in Laos“. Journal of Political Ecology 15, Nr. 1 (01.12.2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v15i1.21685.

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This article examines the intricacy within stylized debates that surround conservation and the regulation of wildlife trade in Southeast Asia. Illegal and unregulated trade in wildlife has been characterized by conservation groups as a great risk for wildlife worldwide and the prime threat for remaining wildlife populations in Laos. The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) is the centrepoint of the global discourse on wildlife trade. Popular representations of wildlife trade promoted by conservation organizations construct an image of regulation through CITES as a global necessity. The assumed morality of such interventions can provoke counter accusations about the immorality of impositions by Western conservationists. Yet both of these competing representations of wildlife trade regulation encourage externally-focused moralized debates that obscure the internal dynamics within global conservation, national policy formation and local practice. Recognition of the simplifications that characterize these three domains cautions against any idealized contrast between global hegemony and local resistance in critical studies of conservation. Instead, the focus becomes the contestation that is often hidden within such dichotomies. Keywords: Conservation, wildlife, Lao PDR, CITES

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9

Stuart-Fox, Martin, und Grant Evans. „The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance: Laos since 1975“. Pacific Affairs 72, Nr. 4 (1999): 610. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672424.

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10

Suhardiman, Diana, Oulavanh Keovilignavong und Miles Kenney-Lazar. „The territorial politics of land use planning in Laos“. Land Use Policy 83 (April 2019): 346–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2019.02.017.

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11

Wilcox, Phill, Jonathan Rigg und Minh T. N. Nguyen. „Rural Life in Late Socialism“. European Journal of East Asian Studies 20, Nr. 1 (19.02.2021): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-20211009.

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Abstract Late socialist countries are transforming faster than ever. Across China, Laos and Vietnam, where market economies coexist with socialist political rhetoric and the Communist party state’s rule, sweeping processes of change open up new vistas of imaginaries of the future alongside uncertainty and anxiety. These countries are three of very few living examples that combine capitalist economics with party state politics. Consequently, societal transformations in these contexts are subject to pressures and agendas not found elsewhere, and yet they are no less subject to global forces than elsewhere. As all three countries maintain substantial rural populations, and because those rural areas are themselves places of change, how rural people across these changing contexts undertake future making is a timely and significant question. The contributions in the issue address this question by engaging with lived experiences and government agendas across Laos, China and Vietnam, showing a politics of development in which desire and hope are entangled with the contradictions and struggles of late socialism.

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12

Theerakaew, Korawik. „Post-war Laos: The Politics of Culture, History and Identity“. Asian Journal of Social Science 37, Nr. 6 (2009): 974–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156848409x12526657425749.

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13

Olson, Kathryn A., und Brian J. Gareau. „Hydro/Power? Politics, Discourse and Neoliberalization in Laos's Hydroelectric Development“. Sociology of Development 4, Nr. 1 (2018): 94–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2018.4.1.94.

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Hydropower development is making a global resurgence due to endorsement by powerful global institutions such as the World Bank and the imperative to scale up renewable energy production to address global climate change. Employing a green governmentality lens, we analyze the debate surrounding one controversial dam in Laos, the Xayaburi. In the realm of hydropower development in the Mekong, a green governmentality approach allows for both an investigation of the macro-political influences on hydropower development, including trade liberalization and regional economic development, and the micro-political disciplining of state and non-state actors who, through legitimizing particular discourses and practices, reinforce global power relations. Our findings suggest that World Bank-style sustainable development discourses continue to shape ideas and practices relating to hydropower and sustainable development in Laos. However, we conclude that green neoliberalization does not fully explain how the Lao state is operating and that more attention to its practices as an authoritarian state is needed. This case moves the study of green governmentality forward by examining how green neoliberalization operates in a variegated, late-neoliberal world.

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LARSSON, TOMAS. „Monkish Politics in Southeast Asia: Religious disenfranchisement in comparative and theoretical perspective“. Modern Asian Studies 49, Nr. 1 (27.08.2014): 40–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000419.

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AbstractIn the Theravāda Buddhist polities on the mainland of Southeast Asia, abiding concerns about the proper structuring of the relationship between the ‘two wheels ofdhamma’ (i.e. the realm of religion and the realm of politics) have had a profound influence on processes of state formation and political legitimation. This article explores one such religious ‘effect’ on the constitutions and electoral laws of modern Burma/Myanmar, Siam/Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos, namely the official disenfranchisement of Buddhist monks (and, in some instances, Buddhist ‘nuns’ as well as non-Buddhist clergy). The article traces the historical evolution of this Buddhist exception to the democratic principle of equal and universal suffrage, and assesses the extent to which dominant theoretical approaches in the social sciences help us to understand the politics of religious disenfranchisement in Southeast Asia. It finds that neither secularization theory nor the religious-economy approach can explain observed patterns. Instead, the article offers an account of the politics of religious disenfranchisement that emphasizes the role of ideas and historical context.

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Ramcilovik-Suominen, Sabaheta. „REDD+ as a tool for state territorialization: managing forests and people in Laos“. Journal of Political Ecology 26, Nr. 1 (02.07.2019): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v26i1.23357.

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This article analyzes the Reduction of Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) policy process, through the lens of state territorialization in the Lao People's Democratic Republic (Laos). It explores the motivations, mechanisms and strategies that drive REDD+ policy design and its implementation in the country. The provinces selected for REDD+ activities within the Emission Reduction (ER) Program, as well as the various REDD+ pilot projects are located in the north, where shifting cultivation is widespread, but where the potential for REDD+ to address deforestation and carbon sequestration is not optimal. The provinces with high carbon sequestration potential and high rates of deforestation are not part of the ER Program due to development investment projects and political sensitivity in those areas. REDD+ acts as a tool for state territorialization in a number of ways, including: (i) by targeting the areas where shifting cultivation is widely practiced, aiming to regulate village forest uses and users, (ii) by protecting state political, economic and development goals and strategies, by leaving the profitable large-scale drivers of deforestation unaddressed, including large-scale land investments, hydropower, infrastructure and mining development, and finally (iii) by providing additional motives, tools and discourses for state territorialization, including funding, technologies and the narratives that support it. I highlight, however, that REDD+ is not the sole reason for state territorial politics and practices. Rather, the instrument is layered over previous histories of colonial and post-colonial territorialization processes, continuing a similar logic, rhetoric and management practices. The REDD+ design and its technical orientation, however, appear to provide additional motives, as well as a new pool of resources, technical assistance and modern technologies that intensify the practice and politics of state territoriality in Laos.Keywords: Laos, REDD+, state territorialization, forest politics, drivers of deforestation

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Lestrelin, Guillaume, Jean-Christophe Castella und Jeremy Bourgoin. „Territorialising Sustainable Development: The Politics of Land-use Planning in Laos“. Journal of Contemporary Asia 42, Nr. 4 (November 2012): 581–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2012.706745.

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17

Forbes, Dean, und Cecile Cutler. „Laos in 2004: Political Stability, Economic Opening“. Asian Survey 45, Nr. 1 (Januar 2005): 161–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.161.

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The Lao People's Democratic Republic made cautious progress during 2004. The socialist government does not tolerate dissent and there is continuing resistance by minorities, but generally, the year saw increased stability and greater confidence that the country is moving forward. Its economy continues to improve, albeit from a very low base. Some ambitious projects, particularly in hydroelectricity and mining, have commenced. The government is slowly building better international links within its region. However, the international community remains concerned about the lack of transparency in politics and administration, and Laos has not succeeded in normalizing trade relations with the United States.

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18

Kloiber, Andrew. „Brewing Relations: Coffee, East Germany, and Laos“. Gastronomica 17, Nr. 4 (2017): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2017.17.4.61.

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This investigation contributes to studies of post-1945 Europe and the Cold War by examining the culture, economics, and politics surrounding the consumption of a single commodity in East Germany, coffee. Coffee was associated with many cultural values and traditions that became tied to the GDR's official image of socialism. When the regime's ability to supply this good was jeopardized in 1975–77, the government sought out new sources of coffee in the developing, so-called Third World. East Germany entered into long-term trade and development projects with countries such as Angola, Ethiopia, Laos, and Vietnam to secure sufficient beans to supply its own population – this article singles out the GDR's relationship with Laos for discussion. These trade deals connected East Germany to a much broader, globalizing economy, and led to certain lasting effects on the world coffee trade.

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Ramcilovic-Suominen, Sabaheta, und Juha Kotilainen. „Power relations in community resilience and politics of shifting cultivation in Laos“. Forest Policy and Economics 115 (Juni 2020): 102159. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forpol.2020.102159.

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20

Hofmann, Andreas. „Material semiotics, ontological politics and im/mobilities of bomb-spoons in Laos“. Applied Mobilities 1, Nr. 1 (02.01.2016): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23800127.2016.1147750.

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21

Jöönsson, Kristina. „Laos in 2008: Hydropower and Flooding (or Business as Usual)“. Asian Survey 49, Nr. 1 (Januar 2009): 200–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.200.

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Laos in 2008 will be remembered for the worst flooding in decades. No significant societal changes occurred; politics remains as usual, and the resource-rich country continues along the path of economic development through the exploitation of hydropower and mining. Regional integration is progressing through improved infrastructure and the strengthening of relationships with China.

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22

MacDonald, Jeffery. „Crossing the Minefield: Politics of Refugee Research and Service“. Practicing Anthropology 18, Nr. 1 (01.01.1996): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.18.1.h0307t0058525361.

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For the past seven years I have worked in dual roles as an ethnographic researcher and an applied anthropologist/social worker in the Southeast Asian refugee community in Portland, Oregon. I began doing research within a single ethnic community of Iu-Mien (Yao) refugees from Laos. Like many refugee researchers, I soon became an applied anthropologist, first providing services for the Iu-Mien. Later, I took a position in a refugee resettlement social service agency where I began to work with other Southeast Asian ethnic communities, providing direct client services and training, doing needs assessment research, and managing and designing culturally specific programs for Southeast Asians.

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Bear, Lior, Jackie Feldman und Nir Avieli. „The politics of authentication in a UNESCO World Heritage Site: Luang Prabang, Laos“. Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 18, Nr. 4 (12.02.2020): 404–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14766825.2020.1717505.

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24

Bout, Vanina, Vatthana Pholsena und Kearrin Sims. „Changing Lives in Laos: Society, Politics, and Culture in a Post-Socialist State“. Contemporary Southeast Asia 39, Nr. 3 (30.12.2017): 583–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs39-3l.

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25

Cohen, Paul T. „Reflections on Grant Evans’ The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance: Laos since 1975“. Australian Journal of Anthropology 30, Nr. 2 (23.04.2019): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/taja.12315.

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26

Lipp, Hans. „Changing Lives in Laos – Society, Politics and Culture in a Post-Socialist State“. Asian Affairs: An American Review 46, Nr. 1 (02.01.2019): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.2018.1525825.

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27

Turner, Mark, Michael O’Donnell und Seung-Ho Kwon. „The Politics of State-Owned Enterprise Reform in South Korea, Laos, and Vietnam“. Asian Perspective 41, Nr. 2 (2017): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2017.0009.

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28

Koizumi, J. „Mayoury and Pheuiphanh Ngaosyvathn Kith and Kin Politics: The Relationship between Laos and Thailand“. Southeast Asia: History and Culture, Nr. 24 (1995): 150–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5512/sea.1995.150.

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29

Hatcher, Pascale. „Neoliberal Modes of Participation in Frontier Settings: Mining, Multilateral Meddling, and Politics in Laos“. Globalizations 12, Nr. 3 (02.04.2015): 322–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2015.1016305.

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30

Pathammavong, Bounnhong, Miles Kenney-Lazar und Ek Vinay Sayaraj. „Financing the 450 Year Road: Land Expropriation and Politics ‘All the Way Down’ in Vientiane, Laos“. Development and Change 48, Nr. 6 (14.09.2017): 1417–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dech.12339.

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31

Perkins, Dwight. „Understanding political influences on Southeast Asia's development experience“. Fulbright Review of Economics and Policy 1, Nr. 1 (05.07.2021): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/frep-03-2021-0021.

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PurposeThe per capita GDP of the countries of Southeast Asia (SEA) varies from less than $5,000 to over $97,000. This paper aims to analyze the political factors behind such variation, such as wars, extreme politics, political instability, and kleptocratic governments and leaders, and how they affect the development experience within the region.Design/methodology/approachThis paper uses the comparative political economy analysis approach to make a comparison among SEA countries using knowledge from well-known political–economic history and development data from World Development Indicators provided by World Bank.FindingsA long period of political stability creates a favorable environment for investment that, in return, stimulates sustained economic growth in SEA. The countries have all grown rapidly, but their experience of development varies. The four countries that avoided political extremes (Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand and Brunei) have the highest per capita incomes today. Those that have had long periods of war and political instability, but which have also had substantial periods of stability (Indonesia, Vietnam and the Philippines), come next. Cambodia and Laos have suffered long periods of war and are the least developed. Myanmar’s military rulers, through civil wars and kleptocratic mismanagement of the economy, have prevented growth much of the time.Originality/valueMost studies of Southeast Asian growth have analyzed the experience of single countries and missed the central role played by extreme politics, including wars, to explain why some countries have much higher per capita incomes than others. This paper is expected to fill this gap.

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Chen, Wanjing Kelly. „Sovereign Debt in the Making: Financial Entanglements and Labor Politics along the Belt and Road in Laos“. Economic Geography 96, Nr. 4 (07.08.2020): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00130095.2020.1810011.

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33

Bangperng, Kiattisak. „The Dynamics of Kha Phra Kaeo Identity in the Context of Thai-Lao History and Politics“. MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 25, Nr. 1 (26.12.2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-25010020.

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Abstract This research reports on findings from an ethnographic study on the Kha Phra Kaeo ethnicity to uncover its formation and to analyze its dynamics and cultural negotiations in the context of Thai-Lao history and politics. The ethnonym Kha Phra Kaeo designates an ethnic group descended from the Bru, with a consistent cultural structure, language and belief system. They were first perceived as an ethnic group due to events connected to the possession of a contested Buddha image called Phra Kaeo Phaluek Mok. They are seen as more distinctly Kha Phra Kaeo than the Bru, to whom they were related. Due to state power and political changes in Laos, The Kha Phra Kaeo underwent cultural assimilation and formed a distinct cultural group based on their legends and ritual reproductions, which are related to the Buddha image, to emphasize the group’s historical significance and to negotiate a higher place for the group within the Lao social hierarchy. The Kha Phra Kaeo people have the ability to adapt to changes while constructing a distinct ethnic and cultural identity.

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Hein, Jeremy. „The Urban Ethnic Community and Collective Action: Politics, Protest, and Civic Engagement by Hmong Americans in Minneapolis–St. Paul“. City & Community 13, Nr. 2 (Juni 2014): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12063.

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This paper replicates and extends Sampson et al.'s (2005) collective efficacy explanation of civic action events to ethnic communities formed through international migration. It examines political, social movement, and civic collective action of Hmong Americans in Minneapolis–St. Paul through a content analysis of events reported in one of the community's ethnic newspapers from 2002 to 2011 (N = 541). Initially a dispersed group of refugees from Laos, by the early 2000s, 25 percent of all Hmong Americans lived in the Minneapolis–St. Paul metropolitan area. Most (68 percent) of their collective action is for civic engagement, not politics or protest. This civic engagement is mostly for socioeconomic improvement (53 percent) but also social solidarity (47 percent). As Sampson et al. found in Chicago, the spatial distribution of Hmong collective action is shaped more by the location of ethnic and public institutions than by ethnic residential concentration. The paper concludes that the analysis of collective action events in ethnic communities should combine social ecology, institutional, and interactional models.

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Kenney-Lazar, Miles. „Laos. Changing lives in Laos: Society, politics, and culture in a post-socialist state Edited by Vanina Bouté and Vatthana Pholsena Singapore: NUS Press, 2017. Pp. 472. Maps, Illustrations, Tables, Bibliography, Index.“ Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 51, Nr. 3 (September 2020): 502–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463420000594.

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36

Ladwig, Patrice. „Imitations of Buddhist Statecraft“. Social Analysis 62, Nr. 2 (01.06.2018): 98–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sa.2018.620205.

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From 1893 onward, French colonialism sponsored and restructured Lao and Khmer Buddhism in order to create an ‘Indochinese Buddhism’. Over a span of several decades, the French promoted monastic education, reconstructed the major temples in Vientiane, and renovated the That Luang, the most important Buddhist relic shrine of Laos. This article explores the motivations and strategies for this endeavor, specifically focusing on French efforts to ‘re-materialize’ Lao Buddhism’s religious architecture. I argue that the renovation of these monuments as symbols and centers of power under the auspices of the École française d’Extrême-Orient was based on mimetic processes that should be understood as a form of ceremonial governmentality and colonial politics of affect, whose goal was to win the ‘sympathies’ of the colonized.

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Henley, David E. F. „Ethnogeographic Integration and Exclusion in Anticolonial Nationalism: Indonesia and Indochina“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, Nr. 2 (April 1995): 286–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019678.

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In one chapter of Imagined Communities, Benedict Anderson draws attention to an obvious, yet seldom remarked, contrast between the anticolonial nationalist movements in the prewar Dutch East Indies and French Indochina. This contrast concerns not class, ideology, or politics but ethnicity and geography. In the Dutch colony, the Indonesian nationalist movement sought to unite all of the scattered islands and diverse ethnic groups into a single Indonesian nation based upon the ambiguous principle of unity in diversity. In Indochina, by contrast, existing ethnogeographic divisions were not abridged by the common reaction against French colonialism; and the colony ultimately disintegrated into the separate nations of Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. The Indonesian and Indochinese responses to colonialism represent examples of what I will call integrative and exclusive nationalism, respectively.

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Mangmeechai, Aweewan, und Ittisak Jirapornvaree. „Factors Influencing ASEAN and International Students of Higher Education Programs in Thailand“. Asian Social Science 15, Nr. 9 (30.08.2019): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v15n9p67.

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This study aims to understand the factors affecting graduate study choices of ASEAN and international students in Thailand. Quantitative and qualitative methods were applied in this study. The result showed that majority of international students between 2013 - 2015 were Chinese while among the ASEAN, students from Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos were the highest. Among 42 factors, the most influential factor was quality of teachers who influence the selection by international students and ASEAN students significantly at the 0.05 level. International students place an emphasis on politics and security, while ASEAN students focus on future career prospects after graduation. The development of Thailand’s competitiveness as an education hub in ASEAN is also possible. Thailand has the knowledge that is needed to enhance developing countries. It is recognized internationally for agriculture, public health, and education.

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Creak, Simon. „Sport as politics and history: the 25th SEA Games in Laos (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)“. Anthropology Today 27, Nr. 1 (Februar 2011): 14–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8322.2011.00783.x.

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40

Loshkariov, I. D. „Diasporas and Armed Conflicts: beyond Being “Third Party”“. MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, Nr. 3 (27.06.2021): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-3-78-39-56.

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The article discusses an essential dimension of modern diaspora research related to the functional status of diasporas in contemporary armed conflicts. The conventional point of view is that diasporas can only act as the “third party” of the conflict by either contributing to the deepening of the contradictions between the opposing parties or acting as an intermediary between them. In theoretical terms, the author relies on the concept of “new” or network wars (netwars) and tries to demonstrate that there are the prerequisites for more active involvement of diasporas in armed conflicts at the structural level of modern world political processes. To identify the structural requirements for such participation, the author turns to the analysis of two cases. The first case is the emergence and functioning of the 1st Polish Corps in 1917-1918 in Russia, which was formed when the Polish population of Russia was separated from their territory of origin as a result of the First World War. An analysis of the documents shows that the leadership of the corps quite clearly evaded political subordination to the Russian authorities and retained only military subordination, implying that the task of this unit was to participate in the restoration of Polish statehood. The second case is the genesis and evolution of the “Secret Army” of General Wang Pao in Laos in 1960-1974. This unit played an essential role in the Civil War in Laos, as it managed to restrain the onslaught of the superior forces of the Patet Lao Front and troops from North Vietnam. Such long-term participation in hostilities was made possible thanks to US special services' logistical and technical support. The two case studies allow us to conclude that there were armed units in previous historical periods with a clear diaspora component: they made a significant contribution to the overall dynamics of the confrontation between major parties to the conflict. This experience helps analyze contemporary conflicts with the diaspora component, especially in the context of the gradual erosion of power resources in world politics. The participation of diasporas in armed conflicts outside the “third party” framework is associated with the achievement of several conditions, both internal and external ones.

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Akhirman, Akhirman. „Asean dan Pembangunan Ekonomi Maritim Kepulauan Riau – Indonesia“. Bahtera Inovasi 1, Nr. 2 (11.06.2021): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31629/bi.v1i2.3439.

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This study aims to find out the Maritime Economic Development of ASEAN Countries and Riau Islands - Indonesia. ASEAN which was established on August 8, 1967 through the Bangkok Declaration by Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. Then in 1984 he joined the State of Brunei Darussalam, in 1995 followed by the country of Vietnam, in 1997 the countries of Laos and Myanmar, and in 1998 joined the country of Cambodia. ASEAN in the Indonesian language known as Perbara or Perhimpunan Nations of Southeast Asia is a collaborative organization in the field of economy and geo-politics. The variables used in this study are Economic Growth, Export Rate. Inflation, and IPM. The data used is time series data, namely from 2014-2016. The analytical method used in this study is descriptive and econometric analysis. World Bank data, in 2017, predicts that there are three countries, namely Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar, which are predicted to have the most expansive economic growth after India in 2017-2019, and it is estimated that economic growth can reach 7%. while Indonesia in Quarter II 2017 grew 5.1 percent (BPS, 2017), while in 2013 it grew 5.58 percent. Riau Islands, a small town that captures part of NKRI in 2015 6.02 percent (yoy) economic growth, in the second quarter of 2017 must be willing with the lowest number two national economic growth, which is 2.02 percent which was the highest in Sumatra exceed national figures of 4.79 percent. (yoy). Suggestions given in this study include the need to think about a policy strategy that has potential economic areas to support sustainable export growth so that it can improve economic growth better.

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Lockhart, Bruce M. „Laos. Laos Culture and Society. Edited by GRANT EVANS. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2000. Pp. xi, 313. Bibliography, Index. Laos. The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance: Laos Since 1975. By GRANT EVANS. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1998. Pp. xxiv, 216. Photos, Bibliography, Index. Theravadins, Colonialists and Commissars in Laos. By GEOFFREY C. GUNN. Bangkok: White Lotus, 1998. Pp. xxi, 276. Bibliography, Index. Essai d'anthropologie politique sur le Laos contemporain: Marché, socialisme, et genies. By BERNARD HOURS and MONIQUE SELIM. Paris and Montreal: L'Harmattan, 1997. Pp. 398. Photographs, Bibliography.“ Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 33, Nr. 1 (Februar 2002): 163–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463402300080.

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43

Keyes, Charles F. „Rebellion in Laos: Peasant and Politics in a Colonial Backwater. By Geoffrey C. Gunn. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. 1990. xv, 224 pp. $28.50.“ Journal of Asian Studies 51, Nr. 1 (Februar 1992): 208–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058410.

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44

Krasner, Stephen D. „State, Power, Anarchism“. Perspectives on Politics 9, Nr. 1 (März 2011): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003312.

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The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia.By James C. Scott. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. 464p. $35.00.The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million–kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of “area study.” It also builds on Scott's earlier work on “hidden transcripts” of subaltern groups and on “seeing like a state.” The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of “state-building” and “failed states” in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, “The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history” (p. x).In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this “anarchist” understanding of governance and the “art of being governed”?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor

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45

Roberts, Neil. „State, Power, Anarchism“. Perspectives on Politics 9, Nr. 1 (März 2011): 84–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003324.

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The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. By James C. Scott. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. 464p. $35.00.The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million–kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of “area study.” It also builds on Scott's earlier work on “hidden transcripts” of subaltern groups and on “seeing like a state.” The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of “state-building” and “failed states” in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, “The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history” (p. x).In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this “anarchist” understanding of governance and the “art of being governed”?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor

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46

Greenhouse, Carol J. „State, Power, Anarchism“. Perspectives on Politics 9, Nr. 1 (März 2011): 88–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003336.

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The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. By James C. Scott. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. 464p. $35.00.The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million–kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of “area study.” It also builds on Scott's earlier work on “hidden transcripts” of subaltern groups and on “seeing like a state.” The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of “state-building” and “failed states” in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, “The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history” (p. x).In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this “anarchist” understanding of governance and the “art of being governed”?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor

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47

Manicas, Peter. „State, Power, Anarchism“. Perspectives on Politics 9, Nr. 1 (März 2011): 92–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003348.

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The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. By James C. Scott. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. 464p. $35.00.The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million–kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of “area study.” It also builds on Scott's earlier work on “hidden transcripts” of subaltern groups and on “seeing like a state.” The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of “state-building” and “failed states” in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, “The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history” (p. x).In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this “anarchist” understanding of governance and the “art of being governed”?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor

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48

Clunan, Anne. „State, Power, Anarchism“. Perspectives on Politics 9, Nr. 1 (März 2011): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271000335x.

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The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. By James C. Scott. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. 464p. $35.00.The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million–kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of “area study.” It also builds on Scott's earlier work on “hidden transcripts” of subaltern groups and on “seeing like a state.” The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of “state-building” and “failed states” in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, “The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history” (p. x).In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this “anarchist” understanding of governance and the “art of being governed”?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor

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49

Halpern, Joel M. „Laos: Politics, Economics, and Society. By Martin Stuart-Fox. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1986. xxiv, 220 pp. $30.00. - Laos: A Bibliography. By William W. Sage and Judith A. N. Henchy. Library Bulletin 16. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986. xvi, 235 pp.“ Journal of Asian Studies 47, Nr. 3 (August 1988): 714–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2057089.

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50

Halpern, Joel M. „Laos: Politics, Economics, and Society. By Martin Stuart-Fox. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1986. xxiv, 220 pp. $30.00.Laos: A Bibliography. By William W. Sage and Judith A. N. Henchy. Library Bulletin 16. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986. xvi, 235 pp.“ Journal of Asian Studies 47, Nr. 03 (August 1988): 714–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911800055467.

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