Dissertationen zum Thema „Language policy – asia“

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Russian Language, Russification, Derussification, Language Politics, Language Policy, Language Prestige, Russian Federation, Russia, Former Soviet Union, FSU, Central Asia, Balkans, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, Belarusian, Moldovan, Azeri, Armenian, Georgian, Turkmen, Uzbek, Tajik, Kyrgyz, Kazakh. Includes bibliographical references (p. 87-100). Also available in print.

Similar to other countries in the South-east Asian region, Thailand has transformed its education policy so that it may be able to better face the challenges of the globalised world. In order to do this, constructs such as student-centred learning and critical thinking, as well as the teaching of English in a more communicative manner, have been promoted. There has been little critical or grounded research carried out on the current English policy in Thailand, which emerged from the National Education Act of 1999 and the subsequent Basic Education Core Curricula of 2001 and 2008, therefore, in order to better understand how this policy works, this study explores how a group of Thai-English language teachers conceptualise the English language policy in Thailand by investigating their practices and beliefs (dispositions). In order to do this, and drawing on a social constructionist perspective from Bourdieu’s theory of practice, this thesis adopts a qualitative methodology that incorporates exploratory and ethnographic elements. Employing a combination of data collection methods that include classroom observations, retrospective accounts and semi-structured interviews, the findings demonstrate that a gap exists between the goals of the policy and what actually occurs in the classroom. Thus, there were few examples of either the communicative approach or student-centred learning being employed, with teachers instead tending to transmit knowledge to their students in a teacher-centred manner. Reasons for this may be due to the influence that the national examinations has on teachers’ work, the suitability and / or relevance of imported teaching and learning approaches on local contexts, as well as the need for better implementation of change. Teachers would indeed benefit from more professional development concerning the policy, but this thesis also argues that the policy itself needs to be critically examined. This would then allow Thailand, as well as other countries in the region, to better inform and improve their current education policies.

This research explores Hmong parents’ choices and experiences in choosing district provided educational programs that provide instruction in Hmong language for their children. The study involved interviews with district employees who have created, implemented and/or teach in district provided Hmong language programs. These interviews were followed by focus group interviews with Hmong parents about the choices and experiences of district provided Hmong language programs. Findings were that administrators were deeply committed to providing Hmong language programs to serve students identity and to provide an additive model of bilingualism that promotes the students English language learning as well as mother tongue learning; Hmong parents are very worried about potential language loss of their children’s Hmong language and they are actively looking for more Hmong language opportunities for their children; parents are very happy with Hmong language programs provided by district and want to see those programs expanded.

Having conducted a successful long range ballistic missile test in December 2012 and a third nuclear test in February 2013, North Korea increasingly poses a security threat to Northeast Asia. Given these heightened escalations, the international community has come to depend more and more on China’s potential to influence North Korean behavior. Beijing’s unique leverage is based on the historical bilateral relations between the two countries in addition to China’s sole willingness to support the North Korean regime. Therefore, the following paper seeks to determine whether China’s North Korea policy shifted during the consecutive Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping administrations in response to North Korean provocations. Ascertaining China’s North Korean paradigm is constructive and worthwhile in order to understand the future development and hopeful resolution of the North Korean security dilemma. In order to better examine the two administrations, the paper first defines China’s strategic interests regarding the Korean peninsula. Song Jooyoung’s dual threats model and Taewan Kim’s politico-economic linkage model are then used to assess the different factors that influenced China’s decision-making process when deciding whether to maintain its support after each North Korean provocation. Analysis of the two administrations reveals that Beijing’s underlying foreign policy objective of stability remains unchanged. On the other hand, unyielding North Korean provocations have forced Beijing to reassess its current policy of bolstering the North Korean regime toward the end of the Hu administration and even more so during the current Xi administration. In addition, North Korean actions in defiance of China’s public warnings illustrate a North Korea diverging from its usual subservience to Chinese influence. More importantly, the defining reason for the shift in China’s policy is the fact that North Korean behavior undermines Beijing attempts to posture itself as a responsible global power in addition to fulfilling its own strategic interests. Assessing China’s North Korean paradigm is meaningful due to Beijing’s capacity to resolve the North Korean security dilemma. Although skeptics question whether China will ultimately break from its customary support for North Korea due to fears of damaging instability, increasingly public statements rejecting North Korean provocations signal the Xi administration’s recalibration.

Past research has addressed the disparities in educational achievement for primary seven school leavers in Uganda but it did not take into account the multidimensional perspectives: those on poverty (as reported by the poor) and on educational inequalities between and within regions, particularly with regard to the impacts of the 1997 Universal Primary Education (UPE) policy. The central question for this enquiry was: whether the UPE policy reforms have eradicated the regional poverty and educational inequalities in Uganda given the evidence of a decade of UPE implementation (1997-2007). Five research questions arose: (1) What is the state of the regional poverty and educational inequalities in Uganda a decade after the launching of the 1997 UPE policy? (2) What are the perceptions of Primary leavers and adults on UPE and NFE and the effects of these interventions in reducing poverty and educational inequalities? (3) Is there evidence that UPE is helping poor people to escape from poverty? (4) How are poor people in Uganda socially constructed? What is the impact of the social construction of UPE on the learning outcomes of learners across the three different locations? and (5) How can UPE be meaningfully designed to help reduce regional poverty and educational inequalities in Uganda? The field data was collected during a year-long (June 2007 - May 2008) qualitative, field-based study of 16 Primary school graduates and pioneer beneficiaries of the 1997 UPE policy and of 34 adults – the latter identified by the nature of their role and position in relation to these UPE graduates. Broadly, the typology provides the central framework for a comparative study, through the diverse perspectives of Primary leavers, head teachers, education officials, community leaders and Education Executive Committee members and others chosen through a purposive sampling strategy, in three distinct education settings (the City, the peri-urban Municipality and the Village) using face-to-face interviews, focus groups and participatory techniques. The research adopted an integrated approach using critical ethnography, social constructionist and the emancipatory paradigms for triangulation. The Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality (SACMEQ II 2005 - Byamugisha and Ssenabulya) Survey on Numeracy and Literacy levels for Grade 6 in Uganda provided data to validate the findings from the integrated account and to support the thesis that UPE has not reduced regional inequality in Uganda. The study identified the following gaps for further research: (a) gathering robust disaggregated data to address exclusion – gender, disability, socio-economic status, ethnic origin and place of residence; (b) an investigation of the most practical and cost-effective approach to meet the education aspirations of the disadvantaged school-age out-of-school children and youths; c) a study of the impact of the language policy implemented through the thematic curriculum in the multi-lingual and multi-ethnic classrooms, (d) an investigation of the high attrition rates and the attribution of poor quality of UPE to teachers, and (e) a clarification of the meaning of UPE in Uganda from an inclusive and an equity perspective.

The aims of this thesis are to determine to what extent the Crown remains important as a source of legitimacy for the constitutional order and as a focus of sovereignty; how the Crown has developed as a distinct institution; and what the prospects are for the adoption of a republican form of government in New Zealand. The imperial Crown has evolved into the New Zealand Crown, yet the implications of this change are as yet only slowly being understood. Largely this is because that evolution came about as a result of gradual political development, as part of an extended process of independence, rather than by deliberate and conscious decision. The continuing evolution of political independence does not necessarily mean that New Zealand will become a republic in the short-to-medium term. This is for various reasons. The concept of the Crown has often been, in New Zealand, of greater importance than the person of the Sovereign, or that of the Governor-General. The existence of the Crown has also contributed to, rather than impeded, the independence of New Zealand, through the division of imperial prerogative powers. In particular, while the future constitutional status of the Treaty of Waitangi remains uncertain, the Crown appears to have acquired greater legitimacy through being a party to the Treaty. The expression of national identity does not necessarily require the removal of the Crown. The very physical absence of the Sovereign, and the all-pervading nature of the legal concept of the Crown, have also contributed to that institution's development as a truly national organ of government. The concept of the Crown has now, to a large extent, been separated from its historical, British, roots. This has been encouraged by conceptual confusion over the symbolism and identity of the Crown. But this merely illustrates the extent to which the Crown has become an autochthonous polity, grounded in our own unique settlement and evolution since 1840. Whether that conceptual strength is sufficient to counterbalance symbolic and other challenges in the twenty-first century remains uncertain. But it is certain that the Crown has had a profound affect upon the style and structure of government in New Zealand.

Militancy inspired by Islamists is escalating globally, and government action is necessary to protect vulnerable populations. Security professionals generally agree that governance may complement the use of force to defeat militants; however, current doctrine does not address the concurrent integration of governance in a comprehensive strategy. This interpretive case study explored Pakistan's application of governance during the 2009 Khyber operation in Swat Valley, code-named Operation Rah-e-Rast. The central research question focused on how governance activities were integrated with military operations to subdue militancy. Data were collected through interviews with 6 planners, Pakistani secondary source survey data, and government artifacts. Data were inductively coded using a progressive axial coding process and validated through methodological triangulation. Data were then analyzed using a case study analytical model, grounded in neo-Clausewitzian theoretical principles, to derive key themes. Key findings indicate that an interministry collaborative approach to regain the public trust was more effective in placating violence than was solely using military action. Sound governance, enabled by strategic communications and intelligence, fostered tribal relationships that promoted confidence and undermined the militant support base. The civil-military planning protocols were successful, but mainly ad-hoc and suboptimized. Formal training, standing civil-military planning forums, and planning process improvements stemming from the Pakistan experience could instill social change by assisting national leaders in developing a cogent countermilitancy strategy to defeat the global Islamist movement.

This thesis examines the function of music within different theories of nationalism and the appropriation of folk music within the genre of min’ge. Min’ge, a term in Chinese which directly translates to “folk songs”, has generally been defined as oral musical traditions. However, due to the increased politicization of popular music since the 1930s, the nature folk music has fundamentally changed, reflecting its new significance within Chinese nationalism. Through the years, min’ge has become more useful to promoting the goals of the state than representing the musical traditions of the many different ethnic groups in China. This transformation has established min’ge as an important extension of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) cultural policy, and the manipulation of folk music has asserted the CCP’s cultural hegemony. Ultimately, this cultural hegemony has important implications on Han-minority relations and highlights certain dynamics within Chinese nationalism. Despite its limited and distorted representation of minorities, however, the popularization of min’ge has also inspired minority musicians to reclaim their identities through music. Therefore, this paper explores both the cooptation and contestation of state-promoted identities through the medium of popular folk music.

The threat of global climate change increasingly influences the actions of human society. As world leaders have negotiated adaptation strategies over the past couple of decades, a certain discourse has emerged that privileges Western conceptions of environmental degradation. I argue that this framing of climate change inhibits the successful implementation of adaptation strategies. This thesis focuses on a case study of the Maldives, an island nation deemed one of the most vulnerable locations to the impacts of rising sea levels. I apply a postcolonial theoretical framework to examine how differing knowledge systems can both complement and contradict one another. By analyzing government-enforced relocation policies in the Maldives, I find that points of contradiction between Western and indigenous environmental epistemologies can create opportunities to bridge the gap between isolated viewpoints and serve as moments to resist the dominant climate change discourse.

To effectively prevent and mitigate the outbreak of natural disasters is a more pressing issue in the twenty-first century than ever before. The frequency and cost of natural disasters is rising globally, most especially in developing countries where the most severe effects of climate change are felt. However, while climate change is indeed a strong force impacting the severity of contemporary catastrophes, it is not directly responsible for the exorbitant cost of the damage and suffering incurred from natural disasters -- both financially and in terms of human life. Rather, the true root causes of natural disasters lie within the power systems at play in any given society when these regions come into contact with a hazard event. Historic processes of isolation, oppression, and exploitation, combined with contemporary international power systems, interact in complex ways to affect different socioeconomic classes distinctly. The result is to create vulnerability and scarcity among the most defenseless communities. These processes affect a society’s ideological orientation and their cultural norms, empowering some while isolating others. When the resulting dynamic socio-political pressures and root causes come into contact with a natural hazard, a disaster is likely to follow due to the high vulnerability of certain groups and their inability to adapt as conditions change. In this light, the following discussion exposes the anthropogenic roots of natural disasters by conducting a detailed case analysis of natural disasters in Haiti, Ethiopia, and Nepal.

Tese de Doutoramento em Estudos Portugueses na especialidade Política de Língua apresentada à Universidade Aberta
Sucessivos Governos, Organizações Governamentais e responsáveis desses Governos e Organizações têm apresentado até ao presente e de forma veemente e repetida uma sistemática ligação da língua portuguesa não só à identidade nacional como também a uma forma de reconhecimento internacional ligada a uma visão mais ampla, geolinguística e geopolítica de uma Lusofonia, capaz de agir de forma concertada conforme ao exemplo de outros blocos político-linguísticos, como o Francófono, o Espanófono ou o Anglófono, por forma a promover o uso alargado da língua portuguesa como língua internacional e o desenvolvimento económico e social dos países membros da Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP). Este trabalho é um estudo sobre a indissociável relação entre as reiteradas afirmações constantes no discurso oficial e nos documentos legais que as suportam no que respeita à promoção e difusão do uso da Língua Portuguesa quer como Língua Estrangeira (PLE), quer na promoção do seu uso nas Organizações Internacionais de que Portugal, os Países de Língua Portuguesa ou de Língua Oficial Portuguesa fazem parte. Este discurso oficial sobre a língua e a documentação legal que a suporta, que surge sempre apresentado como uma prioridade política e como desígnio nacional, impõe a necessária confrontação entre a afirmação daqueles propósitos e a realidade da política de língua implementada de facto, ou seja, a forma como esse desígnio nacional é levado à prática pelo Estado e, logo, pelos governantes que agem em seu nome e definem esta política de língua externa ao longo de um período de cerca de 30 anos de democracia em que este estudo se centra.
Government organizations, Government officials and other Portuguese representatives recurrently associate the Portuguese language not only to the Portuguese identity but also as a mean of foreign recognition linked to a broader view of a lusophone geolinguistic and geostrategic area, hopefully acting as other linguistic global languages – like the Anglophone, the Spanish and the Francophone countries – in order to promote a larger use of the Portuguese language as an international language and the economic a social development of the height Portuguese speaking countries associated in the Community of Portuguese Language Speaking Countries (Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa - CPLP). This research studies the relation between these continual statements expressed both in official speeches and official and bidding documents in which the promotion of the use of the Portuguese language both as PFL (Portuguese as a Foreign Language) and in international organizations is referred to as a political priority, a prime national intend, is in fact carried out by any existing language policy and how consecutive governments have put in place such policy. This work aims to assess to at what extent the language policy implemented match the words of those empowered with political decision making and according accountability.
De successifs Gouvernements du Portugal, Organisations du Gouvernement Portugais et ses représentants légitimes, non mal de fois, s’affolent à associer la Langue Portugaise non seulement à l’identité Nationale mais aussi comme un moyen de reconnaissance internationale du pays, liée à une vision plus élargie reliée au concept géolinguistique et géopolitique de Lusophonie. Un concept particulièrement important et opératif qu’il est assimilé à l’image d’autres langues de présence globale ou, du moins, comme des langues de communication international intercontinental – comme les pays Anglophones, Spanophones et Francophones -. Le but, est celui de promouvoir l’usage international de la langue portugaise aussi que le développement économique et social des huit pays rassemblés à la Communauté des Pays de Langue Portugaise (CPLP). Cette étude, essaye de trouver les relations entre le discours officiel diffusé et les programmes de chaque Gouvernement depuis 1974. Une recherche sur la promotion, diffusion et/ou défense de la langue portugaise soit en temps que PLE (Portugais Langue Étrangère), soit en temps que dans le domaine de l’usage de la Langue Portugaise dans les différents Forums Internationaux dont le Portugal et les autres pays de langue portugaise font partie. Les discours et les documents officiels nous présentent toujours la promotion et diffusion de la langue comme une priorité, un impératif national, il est donc aussi impératif de confronter tous ces mots, dits et écrits, avec la réalité de l’action politique, voir, la politique de la langue effectivement mise en place, par les successifs gouvernements.

Most policy researchers study the gap between the policy description and reality. However, there is often a ’gap‘ within the policy text itself between what is said and what is embedded in the metaphors used. Language, especially metaphor, carries rich connotations. Some metaphors are so entrenched in people‘s thoughts and feelings that people hardly identify them as metaphors. They give hints about how a particular way of thinking and acting influences the way people think and act during the course of history. This paper uses metaphors as a tool of enquiry to identify the dominant discourses embedded in Australian languages policies. This thesis adopts a ‘fine-grained‘ policy analysis to read and analyse metaphors. The policy documents on Australian languages policies used in this thesis range across languages as a whole, Asian languages generally and Chinese in particular. Metaphors are searched around focal concepts, such as ‘countries‘, ‘teacher‘, ‘teaching‘, ‘students‘, ‘learning‘, ‘program‘ and ‘resource‘. Metaphors in this study include ‘creative metaphors‘, ‘conventional metaphors‘ and ‘conceptual metaphors‘. Metaphors are studied through the traces of historical meanings they carry. The findings suggest that the discourse of the economy is the dominant discourse, which takes up two thirds of the total key discourses. This also shows that the languages policy making during 2005-2008 is economically oriented and is caught within the discourse of ‗neo-liberalism‘. The National Policy on Languages in 1987, a good example for languages policy-making, identified four dimensions in languages policy-making: ‘enrichment, equity, economics and external‘. However, the findings suggest that only one aspect has been covered in current languages policies.

This dissertation conducts a comprehensive examination of the study of Asian languages in two Australian states, taking into consideration the broad range of people and variables which impact on the language-in-education ecology. These findings are intended to enhance the development of language-in-education policy, planning and implementation in Australia. In order to incorporate a number of perspectives in the language-in-education ecology, interviews were conducted with a range of stakeholders, school administrators, LOTE (Languages Other Than English) coordinators and LOTE teachers, from all three education systems – government, independent and Catholic (31 individuals), across two states – Victoria and New South Wales. Questionnaires were also completed by 464 senior secondary students who were studying an Asian language. Along with the use of supporting data (for example, government reports and newspaper discourse analysis), the interview and questionnaire data was analysed thematically, as well as through the use of descriptive statistics.

abstract: This research investigates the experiences of Chinese heritage language learners (CHLLs) in a federally funded program of Teaching Chinese as a Foreign Language in the United States. Most pertinent studies on Chinese heritage language education focus on stakeholders such as teachers and parents. Instead, this study explores the agency of heritage language learners in their efforts toward heritage language maintenance. Adopting a three-pronged conceptual framework of language planning and policy as a sociocultural process, language ideology, and language identity, this study applies an ethnographically-informed qualitative approach to understanding how CHLLs develop and exercise implicit language policies—taken-for-granted norms about language that guide their language choices and practices—their language ideologies that undergird these policies and the relationship of these informal policies to these learners’ language identities. This study suggests CHLLs participate in Chinese learning activities to reconnect to their family and culture. Their language maintenance efforts, however, do not necessarily change their language use dramatically. In CHLLs’ everyday social interactions, their language choices depend on the interlocutors, locations and topics of the conversation and are impacted by the dominant language ideologies toward Chinese and English. CHLLs’ Chinese language maintenance practices strengthen learners’ relationship with both the language and culture. But Chinese language can be absent from learners’ pursuit of their cultural heritage. Furthermore, the multilayered identities of CHLLs are constructed and negotiated in the heteroglossic and multicultural environments. This is an endeavor in connecting the initiatives of increasing foreign language capacity at the national level with the efforts of maintaining heritage language at the individual level. This study can contribute to a holistic picture for teachers and parents to understand CHLLs’ language learning experience. It also offers strategies that can benefit heritage language education.
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Educational Leadership and Policy Studies 2016

This study investigates how individual policy actors can influence policy making and become catalysis of change. Its main proposition is that actors who heavily influence policy making and become agents for change are necessarily involved in specific activities and demonstrate particular characteristics. The study employs the concept of 'policy entrepreneurship' to analyse an episode of policy making which occurred in Australia between 1992 and 1994. The study concludes that in performing certain functions policy entrepreneurs help to affect change, but in doing so are at once constrained and enabled by contextual forces. Based on the findings of the analysis a theoretical frameword of policy entrepreneurship is developed which augments existing conceptions of policy entrepreneurship.

碩士
國立臺北商業大學
貿易實務法律暨談判碩士學位學程
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The onset of 2018 has marked the launch of trade wars between the United States and China, the world’s two major economies, that have escalated to the highest level. With China’s labor costs consequently seeing an annual increase, many multinational companies have accordingly shifted their production lines from China to Southeast Asian countries. These Southeast Asian countries, in the interim, have gradually gained greater power and prosperity. In order to consolidate the relationships with their Southeast Asian counterparts, many countries have put forward corresponding strategies, such as the US Asian-Pacific Rebalancing, the Indo-Pacific strategy, and Japan’s New Tokyo Strategy. Such strategies have repeatedly proven that the Southeast Asian region is an area of growing prominence in the future. The sustainable economic growth of Southeast Asian countries has strong ties with, and is inseparable from, Taiwan, a member of both Asian and the Asian-Pacific region. The bilateral relationship between Taiwan and the ASEAN countries has extended to multiple fields such as science, technology, tourism, education, labor, and culture. To prove itself as an important member of both Asian and the Asian-Pacific region, Taiwan must respond to the changing trends toward regional integration and global conditions by making suitable adjustments. In 2016, the New Southbound Policy was launched and highlighted a new direction and motivation for a new stage of Taiwan’s economic development, aiming to redefine Taiwan’s indispensable role in Asia, and to create future values. Through this policy, Taiwan looks forward to initiating wide-ranging negotiations and dialogues with ASEAN nations and South Asia, as well as New Zealand and Australia, with an eye to establishing closer cooperation and, together, achieving regional development and prosperity (The Office of Trade Negotiations, 2016). The New Southbound Policy is an integral part of Taiwan’s economic and political strategy, in which Southeast Asian language learning plays a vital role in its success. One paramount goal is to enhance closer multilateral friendships and urge/encourage people-to-people exchanges. In addition, there have also been increasingly more foreign laborers and spouses coming from Southeast Asian countries. To improve ethnic harmony and people-to-people exchanges, it becomes paramount for people to understand the culture of ASEAN and South Asian countries and learn their languages. This is due to the fact that language is fundamental to the acquisition and construction of knowledge, and that it acts as a tool to communicate with others, conveying thoughts and inheriting cultures. As we acquire the language of another country, we also understand its culture at the same time. Since the New Southbound Policy was launched, the Ministry of Education has also proposed The New Southbound Talent Development Program to cultivate talents. In addition, our government also hold out an olive branch to motivate people to learn Southeast Asian languages. For example, the Ministry of Education has subsidized public and private universities to foster talents who excel in such Southeast Asian languages. When people in Taiwan learn the languages in question for the purpose of doing business in aforementioned nations, they can receive some grants. In short, the New Southbound Policy and Southeast Asian languages learning have close ties and wide political implications. Therefore, the focus of this study will be on questions concerning the New Southbound Policy and Southeast Asian language learning. The following questions help clarify the purpose of this study: 1.What are the recommendations of the concerned parties for the promotion of Southeast Asian languages and relevant policies for the cultivation of talent? 2.Does the New Southbound Policy have any impact on opening Southeast Asian language courses and the recruitment of Southeast Asian languages teachers? 3.Are government subsidies and free courses effective? 4.What are the motivations for learners to learn Southeast Asian languages? This thesis will analyze the foreign language promotion policies in France, the Netherlands, and Tajikistan as a reference for Taiwan’s future endeavors to promoting Southeast Asian languages. After analyzing foreign language promotion policies of the above three countries, the researcher found that all of them include foreign language learning in their compulsory education to give learners an opportunity to acquire that language, and with the increase in education levels, they can obtain different levels of languages education. As this learning progresses, they can also learn the culture of that country. In particular, the Netherlands and France will also set clear learning objectives for different levels of foreign languages education, in the hope of enhancing learners’ language ability. Finally, they also work actively with partner universities in foreign countries, encouraging learners to go abroad to improve their language skills. The following are highlights that researcher advises the Taiwanese government to emulate when promoting Southeast Asian languages: 1. The inclusion of Southeast Asian language courses into compulsory education. 2. Setting learning goals with an aim to improving students’ language ability. 3. Focusing on a balanced development of listening, speaking, reading and writing, exposing learners to the culture of that (target) country. 4. Working more actively with partner universities in foreign countries and encourage students to go abroad. 5. Giving priority to promoting languages that have greater chances of usage. The researcher adopts in-depth interviews and supplements these with the information collected from the Internet or periodicals. The study employs both to do a qualitative analysis to find the most reasonable answers possible. In-depth interviews can help researchers understand respondents’ perceptions, opinions and feelings about certain problems or events. In terms of data collection, the researcher has selected the following as interviewees: the owners of language educational institutions in Taipei, and the chairmen of the departments of Southeast Asian languages, in order to learn about the current situations of the government’s subsidy policy in the promotion of Southeast Asian languages. The researcher uses semi-structured interviews together with questionnaires. The reason for this semi-structured interview is to control the content. On the one hand, the respondent can answer the questions beyond the scope of the questionnaire in a certain order, and on the other hand, they have some room to express their opinions. Interviewees enjoy the freedom to answer the questions, while the researcher understands the impact of New Southbound Policy on promoting Southeast Asian languages. The following conclusions can be drawn from this study: 1.The promotion of Southeast Asian languages and pertinent policies for the cultivation of talent should commence with the addition of a greater variety of promotion pathways and teachers training. 2.The New Southbound Policy appears to have no significant impacts on the opening of Southeast Asian languages courses or the recruitment of Southeast Asian languages teachers. 3.Government subsidies and free courses must come with a censorship. 4.The government should evidently express to learners the purposes and goals of learning Southeast Asian languages. Keywords: The New Southbound Policy, The New Southbound Talent Development Program, Promoting Southeast Asian Languages