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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Language policy – asia"

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Hamid, M. Obaidul, und Andy Kirkpatrick. „Foreign language policies in Asia and Australia in the Asian century“. Language Problems and Language Planning 40, Nr. 1 (09.05.2016): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.40.1.02ham.

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This article provides a comparative analysis of foreign language policies in Asia and Australia with reference to policy contexts, motivations and processes. The analysis is specifically motivated by the recent publication of the Australia in the Asian Century White Paper that represents Australia’s renewed desire to engage with Asia by developing “Asia literacy” including the development of national proficiency in selected Asian languages. It is argued that, although foreign language policies in the two regions present interesting similarities in terms of policy contexts and goals, there is notable disconnect between Asia and Australia that potentially undermines Australian policy desire to connect with Asia. Furthermore, although languages, like other national resources, are planned to address social needs and aspirations, subjecting languages to economic imperative reflects not only misconceptions of languages but also misappropriation of their potential.
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Liddicoat, Anthony J., und Andy Kirkpatrick. „Dimensions of language education policy in Asia“. Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 30, Nr. 1-2 (30.06.2020): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.00043.kir.

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Abstract This paper will identify the major trends that can be determined from an overall study of recent language policies across Asia. The trends can be seen across three interrelated themes, namely: the promotion and privileging of one language as the national language as part of an attempt to create a nation state, often in polities that are linguistically extremely diverse; a decrease in the promotion of indigenous languages other than the national language and the neglect of these in education in many countries; and the promotion of English as the first foreign language in education systems, often giving other ‘foreign’ languages a minimal role in education. Possible reasons and motivations for these trends will be discussed and countries where exceptions to these trends can be identified will be illustrated. The aim of the paper will be to discuss these trends and to critically evaluate selected language policies. The paper will conclude with predictions for the future linguistic ecology of the region and for the interrelationships of respective national languages, indigenous languages and English
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Boucher-Yip, Esther. „English language education policy in Asia“. Current Issues in Language Planning 18, Nr. 2 (24.08.2016): 236–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664208.2016.1221542.

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Kumar Sah, Pramod. „English language education policy in Asia“. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 39, Nr. 3 (30.03.2017): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2017.1307046.

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Kirkpatrick, Andy, und Anthony J. Liddicoat. „Language education policy and practice in East and Southeast Asia“. Language Teaching 50, Nr. 2 (14.03.2017): 155–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261444817000027.

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East and Southeast Asia represents a linguistically and culturally diverse region. For example, more than 700 languages are spoken in Indonesia alone. It is against this backdrop of diversity that the ten countries that comprise Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have recently signed the ASEAN Charter which, while calling for respect for the region's languages, cultures and religions also officially nominates English as ASEAN's working language. In this article, we examine the language education policies of the region and consider the implications of these policies for the maintenance of linguistic and cultural diversity on the one hand and the promotion of English and the respective national languages on the other. As ASEAN is closely connected to the three major countries of China, Japan and South Korea, as indicated by the ‘ASEAN + 3’ forum, we also include these countries here. We stress that, as space forbids an in-depth treatment of the language education policies of each of the 13 countries, we have chosen to describe and discuss in some depth the policies of 5 countries (China, Indonesia, Japan, the Philippines and Vietnam), as these provide a cross-section of language policy contexts and approaches in the region. We add brief notes on the policies of the remaining countries.
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Canagarajah, Suresh, und Hina Ashraf. „Multilingualism and Education in South Asia: Resolving Policy/Practice Dilemmas“. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 33 (März 2013): 258–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190513000068.

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This article focuses on the multilingual educational policies in India and Pakistan in the light of challenges in implementation and everyday communicative practices. The challenges these countries face in the context of the contrasting forces of globalization and nationalism are common to those of the other communities in this region. Both India and Pakistan have adopted versions of a tripartite language formula, in which the dominant national language—Urdu in Pakistan, and Hindi in India—along with a regional language and English are to be taught in primary and secondary schools. Such a policy is aimed at accommodating diverse imperatives, such as providing access to schooling to everyone regardless of their mother tongues, developing national identity through competence in a common language, and tapping into transnational economic resources through English. However, this well-intentioned policy has generated other tensions. There are inadequate resources for teaching all three languages in all regions and social levels. Certain dominant languages enjoy more currency and upset the multilingual balance. Furthermore, as people integrate English into their repertoires in recognition of the better-paid employment opportunities and communication media associated with globalization, language practices are becoming more hybrid. To resolve such tensions between policy and practice, some scholars propose a plurilingual model indigenous to the region. Rather than compartmentalizing languages and demanding equal competencies in each of them, such a model would allow for functional competencies in complementary languages for different purposes and social domains, without neglecting mother-tongue maintenance.
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Fierman, W. „A COMPARATIVE EXAMINATION OF LANGUAGE ECOLOGY AND LANGUAGE POLICY IN POST-SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA“. Al-Farabi 76, Nr. 4 (15.12.2021): 114–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2021.4/1999-5911.09.

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In the late Soviet era, the domains of use of languages were largely a function of ethnic groups’ status in the Soviet administrative hierarchy. Russian was at the top; below it were the eponymous languages of the non-Russian 14 “Union Republics;” all other languages were used in relatively narrow sets of domains. The “Union Republic languages” included five in Central Asia-- Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Tajik, Turkmen, and Uzbek. These languages’ use in fewer domains than most other Union Republic languages profoundly affected their expansion into new domains after 1991. Two other factors affecting this primarily rooted in the Soviet era were the ethnic composition of the republics upon the USSR’s collapse and their populations’ language repertoires. In addition to these “Soviet heritage factors,” language policy and ecology have also been shaped by each country’s nation building project, its international orientation, the nature of its political system, and its economic resources. Russian today remains more widely used in high prestige domains in Central Asia than in all other former Soviet republics except Belarus. However, Russian is less used in a wide variety of domains in Central Asia than it is in “autonomous” units of the former RSFSR.
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Lo Bianco, Joseph. „The discourse of the edge: marginal advantage, positioning and linguistic entrepreneurship“. Multilingua 40, Nr. 2 (25.12.2020): 261–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/multi-2020-0188.

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Abstract This contribution discusses some links between the linguistics and the economics of the spirit of entrepreneurship and entrepreneurialism. Whether it is individuals or various social groupings, or even entire societies, a review of policies promoting self-investment in language ability links to a neoliberal economic and political ethos of competition, advantage, meritocracy, innovation and risk-taking; and thereby instantiates an essentially exchange and profit based understanding of communication. The depth and persistence of policy attaching personal and commodified gain to language merges with moral character judgements. I discuss four Asian studies of linguistic entrepreneurship, extracting common elements and differences, and then discuss the project of Asian engagement and language study in Australia. Applying the lens of linguistic entrepreneurship to Australia’s promotion of Asian languages reveals an entire project of national re-formation to foster integration into Asian regional economic and geopolitical arrangements. Much of this national project has been premised on reformulating core purposes of language study around the advantaging of individuals and the nation within an ethos of market competition. Australia’s ambition of national integration into Asia has achieved national consensus, reversing a long history of repudiation of the nation’s Asian geography, yet there are still persisting ideas of orientalism. This is particularly exposed in relation to how Asian Australians’ language skills are treated. Minority language maintenance of Asian languages has been construed as problematic, while Anglo-Australian learners’ acquisition of key trade languages of Asia is celebrated and admired. One result of this is that a considerable part of Australia’s Asia literacy project is in tension with its avowed aim of multiculturalism, which would value all language skills, those of maintenance as much as those of new learning.
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Grigoreva, Olga. „On the Question of the Existence of the Lusocreole Languages in Africa and Asia“. Stephanos Peer reviewed multilanguage scientific journal 53, Nr. 3 (31.05.2022): 136–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24249/2309-9917-2022-53-3-136-142.

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The article considers the phenomenon of creole languages as a result of the convergence of different language systems within the theory of language contacts, gives a characteristic of the lusocreole languages and their classification. An important aspect of the work is a sociolinguistic comparative analysis of African and Asian lusocreole languages that regards some linguistic features of the widespread lusocreole African range and more isolated lusocreole languages of Southeast Asia and pays attention to the status of mentioned languages in these territories, local language policy and the nature of the relationship between creole and non-creole languages which is based on the concept of diglossia. The article discusses the development ways for African and Asian lusocreole languages and expresses concern about the processes of decreolization, which may in the future contribute not only to withering, but also to the complete disappearance of the original lusocreole cultures.
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Butler, Yuko Goto. „English language education among young learners in East Asia: A review of current research (2004–2014)“. Language Teaching 48, Nr. 3 (18.06.2015): 303–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261444815000105.

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The teaching of foreign languages to young learners is growing in popularity around the world. Research in this field, particularly of English as a second/foreign language education in East Asia, is a relatively new area of empirical inquiry, and it has the potential to make significant contributions to child second-language acquisition (Child-SLA) theory building, research methodologies, and policies in East Asia and beyond. This article reviews relevant peer-reviewed literature on English education among young learners in East Asia (China, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan). I begin by reviewing policy literature to illustrate the social and policy contexts of early English education, identifying major policy-related concerns. Next, I review empirical studies of English learning and teaching, organizing them by their relevance to the previously identified policy concerns. The article concludes with suggestions for future research.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Language policy – asia"

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Tyson, Michael J. „Russian language prestige in the states of the former Soviet Union“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/March/09Mar%5FTyson.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Russian Language, Russification, Derussification, Language Politics, Language Policy, Language Prestige, Russian Federation, Russia, Former Soviet Union, FSU, Central Asia, Balkans, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, Belarusian, Moldovan, Azeri, Armenian, Georgian, Turkmen, Uzbek, Tajik, Kyrgyz, Kazakh. Includes bibliographical references (p. 87-100). Also available in print.
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Fitzpatrick, Damian. „Making sense of the English language policy in Thailand : an exploration of teachers' practices and dispositions“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3314.

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Similar to other countries in the South-east Asian region, Thailand has transformed its education policy so that it may be able to better face the challenges of the globalised world. In order to do this, constructs such as student-centred learning and critical thinking, as well as the teaching of English in a more communicative manner, have been promoted. There has been little critical or grounded research carried out on the current English policy in Thailand, which emerged from the National Education Act of 1999 and the subsequent Basic Education Core Curricula of 2001 and 2008, therefore, in order to better understand how this policy works, this study explores how a group of Thai-English language teachers conceptualise the English language policy in Thailand by investigating their practices and beliefs (dispositions). In order to do this, and drawing on a social constructionist perspective from Bourdieu’s theory of practice, this thesis adopts a qualitative methodology that incorporates exploratory and ethnographic elements. Employing a combination of data collection methods that include classroom observations, retrospective accounts and semi-structured interviews, the findings demonstrate that a gap exists between the goals of the policy and what actually occurs in the classroom. Thus, there were few examples of either the communicative approach or student-centred learning being employed, with teachers instead tending to transmit knowledge to their students in a teacher-centred manner. Reasons for this may be due to the influence that the national examinations has on teachers’ work, the suitability and / or relevance of imported teaching and learning approaches on local contexts, as well as the need for better implementation of change. Teachers would indeed benefit from more professional development concerning the policy, but this thesis also argues that the policy itself needs to be critically examined. This would then allow Thailand, as well as other countries in the region, to better inform and improve their current education policies.
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Pope, Nathan. „Hmong Parent Choice in Hmong Language Programs in Central Valley California“. Thesis, Mills College, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10788699.

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This research explores Hmong parents’ choices and experiences in choosing district provided educational programs that provide instruction in Hmong language for their children. The study involved interviews with district employees who have created, implemented and/or teach in district provided Hmong language programs. These interviews were followed by focus group interviews with Hmong parents about the choices and experiences of district provided Hmong language programs. Findings were that administrators were deeply committed to providing Hmong language programs to serve students identity and to provide an additive model of bilingualism that promotes the students English language learning as well as mother tongue learning; Hmong parents are very worried about potential language loss of their children’s Hmong language and they are actively looking for more Hmong language opportunities for their children; parents are very happy with Hmong language programs provided by district and want to see those programs expanded.

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Lee, Ju Young. „Examining China's North Korea Policy During the Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping Administrations“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/778.

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Having conducted a successful long range ballistic missile test in December 2012 and a third nuclear test in February 2013, North Korea increasingly poses a security threat to Northeast Asia. Given these heightened escalations, the international community has come to depend more and more on China’s potential to influence North Korean behavior. Beijing’s unique leverage is based on the historical bilateral relations between the two countries in addition to China’s sole willingness to support the North Korean regime. Therefore, the following paper seeks to determine whether China’s North Korea policy shifted during the consecutive Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping administrations in response to North Korean provocations. Ascertaining China’s North Korean paradigm is constructive and worthwhile in order to understand the future development and hopeful resolution of the North Korean security dilemma. In order to better examine the two administrations, the paper first defines China’s strategic interests regarding the Korean peninsula. Song Jooyoung’s dual threats model and Taewan Kim’s politico-economic linkage model are then used to assess the different factors that influenced China’s decision-making process when deciding whether to maintain its support after each North Korean provocation. Analysis of the two administrations reveals that Beijing’s underlying foreign policy objective of stability remains unchanged. On the other hand, unyielding North Korean provocations have forced Beijing to reassess its current policy of bolstering the North Korean regime toward the end of the Hu administration and even more so during the current Xi administration. In addition, North Korean actions in defiance of China’s public warnings illustrate a North Korea diverging from its usual subservience to Chinese influence. More importantly, the defining reason for the shift in China’s policy is the fact that North Korean behavior undermines Beijing attempts to posture itself as a responsible global power in addition to fulfilling its own strategic interests. Assessing China’s North Korean paradigm is meaningful due to Beijing’s capacity to resolve the North Korean security dilemma. Although skeptics question whether China will ultimately break from its customary support for North Korea due to fears of damaging instability, increasingly public statements rejecting North Korean provocations signal the Xi administration’s recalibration.
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Ekaju, John. „An investigation into the relationship between the 1997 Universal Primary Education (UPE) policy and regional poverty and educational inequalities in Uganda (1997-2007)“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2587/.

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Past research has addressed the disparities in educational achievement for primary seven school leavers in Uganda but it did not take into account the multidimensional perspectives: those on poverty (as reported by the poor) and on educational inequalities between and within regions, particularly with regard to the impacts of the 1997 Universal Primary Education (UPE) policy. The central question for this enquiry was: whether the UPE policy reforms have eradicated the regional poverty and educational inequalities in Uganda given the evidence of a decade of UPE implementation (1997-2007). Five research questions arose: (1) What is the state of the regional poverty and educational inequalities in Uganda a decade after the launching of the 1997 UPE policy? (2) What are the perceptions of Primary leavers and adults on UPE and NFE and the effects of these interventions in reducing poverty and educational inequalities? (3) Is there evidence that UPE is helping poor people to escape from poverty? (4) How are poor people in Uganda socially constructed? What is the impact of the social construction of UPE on the learning outcomes of learners across the three different locations? and (5) How can UPE be meaningfully designed to help reduce regional poverty and educational inequalities in Uganda? The field data was collected during a year-long (June 2007 - May 2008) qualitative, field-based study of 16 Primary school graduates and pioneer beneficiaries of the 1997 UPE policy and of 34 adults – the latter identified by the nature of their role and position in relation to these UPE graduates. Broadly, the typology provides the central framework for a comparative study, through the diverse perspectives of Primary leavers, head teachers, education officials, community leaders and Education Executive Committee members and others chosen through a purposive sampling strategy, in three distinct education settings (the City, the peri-urban Municipality and the Village) using face-to-face interviews, focus groups and participatory techniques. The research adopted an integrated approach using critical ethnography, social constructionist and the emancipatory paradigms for triangulation. The Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality (SACMEQ II 2005 - Byamugisha and Ssenabulya) Survey on Numeracy and Literacy levels for Grade 6 in Uganda provided data to validate the findings from the integrated account and to support the thesis that UPE has not reduced regional inequality in Uganda. The study identified the following gaps for further research: (a) gathering robust disaggregated data to address exclusion – gender, disability, socio-economic status, ethnic origin and place of residence; (b) an investigation of the most practical and cost-effective approach to meet the education aspirations of the disadvantaged school-age out-of-school children and youths; c) a study of the impact of the language policy implemented through the thematic curriculum in the multi-lingual and multi-ethnic classrooms, (d) an investigation of the high attrition rates and the attribution of poor quality of UPE to teachers, and (e) a clarification of the meaning of UPE in Uganda from an inclusive and an equity perspective.
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Cox, Noel Stanley Bertie. „The evolution of the New Zealand monarchy: The recognition of an autochthonous polity“. Thesis, University of Auckland, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3002348.

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The aims of this thesis are to determine to what extent the Crown remains important as a source of legitimacy for the constitutional order and as a focus of sovereignty; how the Crown has developed as a distinct institution; and what the prospects are for the adoption of a republican form of government in New Zealand. The imperial Crown has evolved into the New Zealand Crown, yet the implications of this change are as yet only slowly being understood. Largely this is because that evolution came about as a result of gradual political development, as part of an extended process of independence, rather than by deliberate and conscious decision. The continuing evolution of political independence does not necessarily mean that New Zealand will become a republic in the short-to-medium term. This is for various reasons. The concept of the Crown has often been, in New Zealand, of greater importance than the person of the Sovereign, or that of the Governor-General. The existence of the Crown has also contributed to, rather than impeded, the independence of New Zealand, through the division of imperial prerogative powers. In particular, while the future constitutional status of the Treaty of Waitangi remains uncertain, the Crown appears to have acquired greater legitimacy through being a party to the Treaty. The expression of national identity does not necessarily require the removal of the Crown. The very physical absence of the Sovereign, and the all-pervading nature of the legal concept of the Crown, have also contributed to that institution's development as a truly national organ of government. The concept of the Crown has now, to a large extent, been separated from its historical, British, roots. This has been encouraged by conceptual confusion over the symbolism and identity of the Crown. But this merely illustrates the extent to which the Crown has become an autochthonous polity, grounded in our own unique settlement and evolution since 1840. Whether that conceptual strength is sufficient to counterbalance symbolic and other challenges in the twenty-first century remains uncertain. But it is certain that the Crown has had a profound affect upon the style and structure of government in New Zealand.
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DiOrio, David Robert. „The Implementation of Governance to Counter Islamist Militancy in Pakistan's Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Province“. ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2150.

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Militancy inspired by Islamists is escalating globally, and government action is necessary to protect vulnerable populations. Security professionals generally agree that governance may complement the use of force to defeat militants; however, current doctrine does not address the concurrent integration of governance in a comprehensive strategy. This interpretive case study explored Pakistan's application of governance during the 2009 Khyber operation in Swat Valley, code-named Operation Rah-e-Rast. The central research question focused on how governance activities were integrated with military operations to subdue militancy. Data were collected through interviews with 6 planners, Pakistani secondary source survey data, and government artifacts. Data were inductively coded using a progressive axial coding process and validated through methodological triangulation. Data were then analyzed using a case study analytical model, grounded in neo-Clausewitzian theoretical principles, to derive key themes. Key findings indicate that an interministry collaborative approach to regain the public trust was more effective in placating violence than was solely using military action. Sound governance, enabled by strategic communications and intelligence, fostered tribal relationships that promoted confidence and undermined the militant support base. The civil-military planning protocols were successful, but mainly ad-hoc and suboptimized. Formal training, standing civil-military planning forums, and planning process improvements stemming from the Pakistan experience could instill social change by assisting national leaders in developing a cogent countermilitancy strategy to defeat the global Islamist movement.
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Li, Belinda. „Folk Songs and Popular Music in China: An Examination of Min’ge and Its Significance Within Nationalist Frameworks“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/162.

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This thesis examines the function of music within different theories of nationalism and the appropriation of folk music within the genre of min’ge. Min’ge, a term in Chinese which directly translates to “folk songs”, has generally been defined as oral musical traditions. However, due to the increased politicization of popular music since the 1930s, the nature folk music has fundamentally changed, reflecting its new significance within Chinese nationalism. Through the years, min’ge has become more useful to promoting the goals of the state than representing the musical traditions of the many different ethnic groups in China. This transformation has established min’ge as an important extension of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) cultural policy, and the manipulation of folk music has asserted the CCP’s cultural hegemony. Ultimately, this cultural hegemony has important implications on Han-minority relations and highlights certain dynamics within Chinese nationalism. Despite its limited and distorted representation of minorities, however, the popularization of min’ge has also inspired minority musicians to reclaim their identities through music. Therefore, this paper explores both the cooptation and contestation of state-promoted identities through the medium of popular folk music.
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Brown, Charles A. „Perceptions of the value and uses of English among university English majors in Taiwan“. The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1419959736.

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Spiegel, Rachel Hannah. „Drowning in Rising Seas: Navigating Multiple Knowledge Systems and Responding to Climate Change in the Maldives“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/76.

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The threat of global climate change increasingly influences the actions of human society. As world leaders have negotiated adaptation strategies over the past couple of decades, a certain discourse has emerged that privileges Western conceptions of environmental degradation. I argue that this framing of climate change inhibits the successful implementation of adaptation strategies. This thesis focuses on a case study of the Maldives, an island nation deemed one of the most vulnerable locations to the impacts of rising sea levels. I apply a postcolonial theoretical framework to examine how differing knowledge systems can both complement and contradict one another. By analyzing government-enforced relocation policies in the Maldives, I find that points of contradiction between Western and indigenous environmental epistemologies can create opportunities to bridge the gap between isolated viewpoints and serve as moments to resist the dominant climate change discourse.
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Bücher zum Thema "Language policy – asia"

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Kirkpatrick, Robert, Hrsg. English Language Education Policy in Asia. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-22464-0.

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B, Kaplan Robert, und Baldauf Richard B. 1943-, Hrsg. Language planning and policy in Asia. Bristol, UK: Multilingual Matters, 2008.

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Rappa, Antonio L., und Lionel Wee. Language Policy and Modernity in Southeast Asia. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/0-387-32186-1.

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Kaplan, Robert B., und Richard B. Baldauf Jr, Hrsg. Language Planning and Policy in Asia, Vol.1. Bristol, Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21832/9781847690968.

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name, No. Fighting words: Language policy and ethnic relations in Asia. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003.

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1954-, Brown Michael E., Ganguly Sumit, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs., Georgetown University. Center for Peace and Security Studies. und Pacific Basin Research Center, Hrsg. Fighting words: Language policy and ethnic relations in Asia. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 2003.

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Amy, Tsui, und Tollefson James W, Hrsg. Language policy, culture, and identity in Asian contexts. Mahwah, N.J: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2007.

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Kirkpatrick, Andy, und Anthony J. Liddicoat. The Routledge International Handbook of Language Education Policy in Asia. Herausgegeben von Andy Kirkpatrick und Anthony J. Liddicoat. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315666235.

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A, Myers David, und Patience Allan, Hrsg. The politics of multiculturalism in the Asia/Pacific. [Darwin, N.T.]: Northern Territory University Press, 1995.

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Guan, Lee Hock, Suryadinata Leo und Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., Hrsg. Language, nation and development in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Language policy – asia"

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Kirkpatrick, Robert, und Thuy Thi Ngoc Bui. „Introduction: The Challenges for English Education Policies in Asia“. In Language Policy, 1–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-22464-0_1.

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Hashim, Azirah, und Gerhard Leitner. „Language policy and language education“. In English in Southeast Asia and ASEAN, 109–35. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge studies in world Englishes: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315101842-8.

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Kirkpatrick, Andy, und Anthony J. Liddicoat. „Language education policy in Asia“. In The Routledge International Handbook of Language Education Policy in Asia, 3–13. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315666235-1.

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Fierman, William. „Language policy and language in Central Asia“. In Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Central Asia, 391–408. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429057977-33.

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Meyers, Cliff. „Lao language policy“. In The Routledge International Handbook of Language Education Policy in Asia, 203–15. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315666235-14.

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Jain, Ritu, und Lionel Wee. „Language education policy“. In The Routledge International Handbook of Language Education Policy in Asia, 272–85. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315666235-19.

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Hashimoto, Kayoko, und Gregory Paul Glasgow. „English language policy in Japan“. In English in East and South Asia, 33–46. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429433467-4.

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McCormick, Patrick. „Language policy in Myanmar“. In The Routledge International Handbook of Language Education Policy in Asia, 243–56. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315666235-17.

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Dukpa, Lhundup. „Language policy in Bhutan“. In The Routledge International Handbook of Language Education Policy in Asia, 355–63. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315666235-25.

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Reagan, Timothy. „Language planning and language policy in Kazakhstan“. In The Routledge International Handbook of Language Education Policy in Asia, 442–51. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315666235-31.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Language policy – asia"

1

Omar, Asmah Haji. „The Malay Language in Mainland Southeast Asia“. In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.16-1.

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Today the Malay language is known to have communities of speakers outside the Malay archipelago, such as in Australia inclusive of the Christmas Islands and the Cocos (Keeling) Islands in the Indian Ocean (Asmah, 2008), the Holy Land of Mecca and Medina (Asmah et al. 2015), England, the Netherlands, France, and Germany. The Malay language is also known to have its presence on the Asian mainland, i.e. Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam. As Malays in these three countries belong to a minority, in fact among the smallest of the minorities, questions that arise are those that pertain to: (i) their history of settlement in the localities where they are now; (ii) the position of Malay in the context of the language policy of their country; and (iii) maintenance and shift of the ancestral and adopted languages.
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2

Karluk, S. Rıdvan, und Ayşen Hiç Gencer. „Turkey and Uzbekistan Relations within the Scope of Economic and Political Integration of Central Asia“. In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01466.

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan declared her sovereignty on June 20th, 1990 and her independence on September 1st, 1991. Turkey was the first country to recognize the Republic of Uzbekistan on December 16th, 1991. On March 4th, 1992, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan were established and more than 90 bilateral agreements and protocols were signed. Among the Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan has an important geopolitical location and has the largest Turkish population. Turkish and Uzbek people share the same culture and language (Uzbek-Chagatai Turkish). Prime Minister Erdoğan and President Kerimov emphasized the necessity of improving the Turkish-Uzbek relations at the opening ceremony of Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics. Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoğlu's visit on July 10th, 2014 started improving bilateral relations that had come to a halt in 2003. This paper analyzes Turkish-Uzbek relations in the framework of integration in Central Asia and with respect to the structural economic changes in Uzbekistan and her foreign trade policy.
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Morris, Gareth. „Employment Motivation and Job Satisfaction in Transnational Higher Education: A School Level Case Study“. In Tenth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head24.2024.17225.

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This paper is an executive style summary of a collection of studies that were carried out at a case study institution over a turbulent five-year period which began with a school level management overhaul, followed by the onset of a global pandemic. The academic school in question boasts the largest language centre in Asia, and employs over two hundred staff. The leadership insights presented in this paper should be of interest to educators, managers and policy makers alike.
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Karot, Thanathorn, und Choosak Pornsing. „Just-in-Case Inventory Management under Partial Supply Disruptions“. In The 11th Asia Conference on Mechanical and Materials Engineering. Switzerland: Trans Tech Publications Ltd, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/p-xkjro1.

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This study develops a mathematical model to optimize the partial delivery components allocation. This is one of a tactic of planning that be needed in a supply disruption situation. The new model considers the secondary supplier as a buffer. The order is triggered as soon as the primary supplier is disrupted. However, the component price is usually higher than buying from the primary supplier. Thus, we must investigate the model’s performance compared to existing allocation schemes. The mathematical model is linear programming and coded in AMPL language. The real-industrial data were excerpted and tested on a cloud computing service. The result was compared in terms of the total cost with the conventional value-at-risk policy, fair allocation scheme, and the company’s practice, the greedy procedure. The proposed method yields a lower total cost compared to other allocation schemes.
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Wirza, Yanty. „Bahasa Indonesia, Ethnic Languages and English: Perceptions on Indonesian Language Policy and Planning“. In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.16-8.

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Language policy and planning in Indonesia have been geared toward strengthening the national language Bahasa Indonesia and the preserving of hundreds of ethnic languages to strengthen its citizens’ linguistic identity in the mid of the pervasive English influences especially to the young generations. The study examines perceptions regarding the competitive nature of Bahasa Indonesia, ethnic languages, and English in contemporary multilingual Indonesia. Utilizing text analysis from two social media Facebook and Whatsapp users who were highly experienced and qualified language teachers and lecturers, the study revealed that the posts demonstrated discussions over language policy issues regarding Bahasa Indonesia and the preservation of ethnic language as well as the concerns over the need for greater access and exposure of English that had been limited due to recent government policies. The users seemed highly cognizant of the importance of strengthening and preserving the national and ethnic languages, but were disappointed by the lack of consistency in the implementation of these. The users were also captivated by the purchasing power English has to offer for their students. The users perceived that the government’s decision to reduce English instructional hours in the curriculum were highly politically charged and counterproductive to the nation’s advancement.
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Fatima Hajizada, Fatima Hajizada. „SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN VERSION OF THE BRITISH LANGUAGE“. In THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC – PRACTICAL VIRTUAL CONFERENCE IN MODERN & SOCIAL SCIENCES: NEW DIMENSIONS, APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES. IRETC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/mssndac-01-10.

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English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.
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Poalelungi, Olga. „Integrarea străinilor în Republica Moldova. Între provocări și necesități“. In International Scientific-Practical Conference "Economic growth in the conditions of globalization". National Institute for Economic Research, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36004/nier.cdr.v.2023.17.23.

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The article examines issues related to the integration of foreigners in the Republic of Moldova. Reforms, visa liberalization, and the conclusion of bilateral agreements on migration and/or social protection of migrants have made the country attractive for immigration not only from traditional CIS countries but also from Asia, Africa, and North America. As a result, greater attention needs to be paid to the cultural and socio-economic integration policies of immigrants in the Republic of Moldova. This article provides an overview of existing forms of immigrant integration (assimilation, multiculturalism, social and economic integration), analyzes the dynamics and key characteristics of immigration flows into the country over the last three decades, and offers a brief overview of national policies in this area. The article provides a brief overview of the situation of immigrants in the country and the level of their integration, addressing issues such as education and knowledge of the state language, immigrants' access to the national education and healthcare systems, and their employment/economic activities. The effectiveness of the policies implemented is also discussed, including the conditions and opportunities for immigrants to obtain Moldovan citizenship, their relationship with the local population, and mechanisms to prevent discrimination based on ethnic or cultural characteristics. Additionally, the article examines the socio-economic and demographic conditions for the development of a national integration policy in the context of the implementation of European directives as part of the Association Agreement and the country's status as a candidate for EU membership. The analysis shows that despite the positive national policy being implemented, there is a need for modernizing existing approaches to the integration of foreigners.
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Fedorova, Kapitolina. „Between Global and Local Contexts: The Seoul Linguistic Landscape“. In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2020. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2020.5-1.

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Multilingualism in urban spaces is mainly studied as an oral practice. Nevertheless, linguistic landscape studies can serve as a good explorative method for studying multilingualism in written practices. Moreover, resent research on linguistic landscapes (Blommaert 2013; Shohamy et. al. 2010; Backhaus 2006) have shed some light on the power relations between different ethnic groups in urban public space. Multilingual practices exist in a certain ideological context, and not only official language policy but speaker linguistic stereotypes and attitudes can influence and modify those practices. Historically, South Korea tended to be oriented towards monolingualism; one nation-one people-one language ideology was domineering public discourse. However, globalization and recent increase in migration resulted in gradual changes in attitudes towards multilingualism (Lo and Kim 2012). The linguistic landscapes of Seoul, on the one hand, reflect these changes, and However, they demonstrates pragmatic inequality of languages other than South Korean in public use. This inequality, though, is represented differently in certain spatial urban contexts. The proposed paper aims at analyzing data on linguistic landscapes of Seoul, South Korea ,with the focus on different contexts of language use and different sets of norms and ideological constructs underlying particular linguistic choices. In my presentation I will examine data from three urban contexts: ‘general’ (typical for most public spaces); ‘foreign-oriented’ (seen in tourist oriented locations such as airport, expensive hotels, or popular historical sites, which dominates the Itaewon district); and ‘ethnic-oriented’ (specific for spaces created by and for ethnic minority groups, such as Mongolian / Central Asian / Russian districts near the Dongdaemun History and Culture Park station). I will show that foreign languages used in public written communication are embedded into different frameworks in these three urban contexts, and that the patterns of their use vary from pragmatically oriented ones to predominately symbolic ones, with English functioning as a substitution for other foreign languages, as an emblem of ‘foreignness.’
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Marushiakova, Elena, und Vesselin Popov. „Images and Symbols of the Gypsies (Roma) in the Early USSR“. In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2022.6-2.

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The October Revolution and the subsequent creation of the USSR, located on a vast area in Eurasia, was a spectacular historical attempt to create a ‘new society,’ characterised by radical changes in all social and cultural spheres, as well as the creation of new, Soviet symbolisms. This general historical context reflected on all spheres of life, including the state policy towards the Gypsies (labelled today as Roma), which was particularly active in the 1920s and 1930s. The name ‘Gypsies,’ which was used at that time, is more appropriate in our case, because in this general category, in addition to Roma (living scattered throughout the USSR), several other communities either did not identify as Roma or were not Roma by origin (Dom and Lom in the South Caucasus region, and the Lyuli or Jugi in Central Asia), but all shared Indian origin. Soviet policy towards the Gypsies had various dimensions, including codification of the Romani language, creation of Gypsy national literature and of a Gypsy national theater, Gypsy schools, Gypsy collective farms, and artisan’s artels. Along with this, new public images and symbolisms related to the Gypsies were created, and were presented in various forms in the USSR itself and broadcast to the West for propaganda. The new Soviet Gypsy symbolisms, were, using Stalin’s popular formulation of Soviet literature as an analogy, ‘national in form and socialist in content.’ Based on this formulation, the two main directions in which these images and symbols were developed and popularised were determined – firstly, based on the ancient social and cultural traditions of the Gypsies, and, secondly, in the presentation of the new, socialist dimensions which were occurring in their lives. In the synopsis, we will analyse examples of public images and symbols, distributed through various channels – photographs in the press (Gypsy and mainstream), the layout and illustrations of books, posters, stage plays, movies, etc. – covering both indicated directions. At the same time, we reveal how this new symbolism affected the Gypsy community and Soviet society as a whole, as well as a wider dimension, outside the USSR, including that of the present-day. Part of this symbolism (of the first type) is presently used, in a modified form, in digital spaces, mostly by various Roma organisations worldwide creating a new virtual world of Pan-Roma unity.
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Rosmaladewi, Rosmaladewi, und Amirullah Abduh. „Implementational Spaces of Language Policy in Indonesian Higher Education“. In 8th International Conference of Asian Association of Indigenous and Cultural Psychology (ICAAIP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icaaip-17.2018.41.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Language policy – asia"

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Igarashi, Takiko, und Daniel Suryadarma. Linguistic Diversity, School Language of Instruction Policy, and Learning Outcomes across Asia and the Pacific. Asian Development Bank Institute, Mai 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.56506/ruzq5137.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail und Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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3

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail und Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Mapping the Public Voice for Development—Natural Language Processing of Social Media Text Data: A Special Supplement of Key Indicators for Asia and the Pacific 2022. Asian Development Bank, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/fls220347-3.

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This publication explores how natural language processing (NLP) techniques can be applied to social media text data to map public sentiment and inform development research and policy making. The publication introduces the foundations of natural language analyses and showcases studies that have applied NLP techniques to make progress on the Sustainable Development Goals. It also reviews specific NLP techniques and concepts, supported by two case studies. The first case study analyzes public sentiments on the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) in the Philippines while the second case study explores the public debate on climate change in Australia.
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