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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Labour party (GB) – 2000-"
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Banner, Duncan. „A Century of Labour. A History of the Labour Party,1900-2000 Keith Laybourn“. English Historical Review 115, Nr. 463 (September 2000): 1033–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.463.1033.
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Banner, D. „A Century of Labour. A History of the Labour Party,1900-2000 Keith Laybourn“. English Historical Review 115, Nr. 463 (01.09.2000): 1033–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.463.1033.
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Buturlimova, O. „EVOLUTION AND ACTIVITIES OF THE BRITISH LABOR PARTY (1893-1931): A HISTORIOGRAPHY“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, Nr. 145 (2020): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.4.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiography of the British Labour Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The author tries to systematize an array of scientific literature on this theme based on the problem-chronological approach. The works were divided into four main groups: 1) the works of theorists and the Labour movement activists, 2) the studies devoted to the general history of the formation and activities of the Labour Party of this period, 3) the works devoted to the history of the relationship between church organizations and British Labour Party 4) Ukrainian researches in the field of British Labour history. The author proposes to outline 3 chronological periods in the scientific study of the history of the British Labour Party when a great amount of works has appeared. As we can see, the first period was 1930-1940’s, when the vast amount of the works of prominent leaders and active members of the Labour movement and the Labour Party were published. The second period, as we can outline, was in the 1950’s – the beginning of the 1960’s when the Labour Party lost its positions in the political sphere of Great Britain. And the third period is nowadays when in the early 2000’s Labour Party’s 100th anniversary was celebrated and besides it, the Party achieved the greatest success - it won parliamentary election three times in a row (1997, 2001 and 2005). The author concluded that the history of the British labor movement of the second half of the 19th – the first third of the 20th centuries and the theme of the party struggle for the electorate among the workers still needed to be reconsidered and re-evaluated. Although there are many works devoted to the British Labour Party history, the reasons for its strengthening, the factors of its rapid growth at the beginning of the 20th century, the causes and consequences of the crisis of 1931, etc. still remain debatable. Therefore, it is not a quiet time to talk about the completeness of the research topic. The author also noted that despite the number of historical researches of modern Ukrainian scholars, Ukrainian British studies still lack investigations with the analysis of the organizational structure of the British Labour party and its leadership.
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ROBBINS, KEITH. „LABOURING THE POINT“. Historical Journal 47, Nr. 3 (September 2004): 775–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003954.
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The Lancashire working classes, c. 1880–1930. By Trevor Griffiths. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Pp. viii+390. ISBN 0-19-924738-2. £55.00.Labour in crisis: the second Labour government, 1929–1931. By Neil Riddell. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999. Pp. xi+267. ISBN 0-7190-5084-7. £45.00.Classes and cultures: England, 1918–1951. By Ross McKibbin. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Pp. xiii+324. ISBN 0-19-820853-3. £18.99.The Labour party in Wales, 1900–2000. Edited by Duncan Tanner, Chris Williams, and Deian Hopkin. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2000. Pp. xiii+324. ISBN 0-7083-1586-0. £35.00.Labour's first century. Edited by Duncan Tanner, Pat Thane, and Nick Tiratsoo. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Pp. x+418. ISBN 0-521-65184-0. £25.00.Red Flag and Union Jack: Englishness, patriotism and the British Left, 1881–1924. By Paul Ward. Woodbridge: Royal Historical Society/Boydell Press, 1998. Pp. viii+232. ISBN 0-86193-239-0. £35.00.Austerity in Britain: rationing, controls and consumption, 1939–1955. By Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Pp. xiii+286. ISBN 0-19-820453-1. £40.00.Publishers and historians have been unable to resist the opportunity provided by one hundred years of ‘Labour’ to subject the history of the party to fresh scrutiny. Centenary history, however, must rest upon an assumption of continuity. In this case, it is assumed that there is a clear line of descent from the Labour Representation Committee formed in February 1900 to the ‘New Labour’ of the present. There is nothing improper about writing the history of a political party on this basis. Yet, as with other social movements, it is no vast discovery to observe that parties change through time as circumstances and conditions change. The accompanying rhetoric, however, has often skated over such disconcerting realities. When Labour celebrated its half-century, for example, its rise was presented by its chroniclers as a ‘forward march’ in which were enrolled ‘those of all ages and all classes’ who were not afraid to fight for the progress of mankind. Mr Attlee, in his foreword to the volume by Francis Williams, put the matter somewhat differently. Labour's story, he claimed, was very characteristic of Britain. It recorded ‘the triumph of reasonableness and practicality over doctrinaire impossibilism’. It was to be only a decade later, however, that various contemporary observers asked themselves whether the ‘tide of history’ had turned against the party. In the 1970s and 1980s, indeed, commentators and academic writers almost invariably reached for words like ‘crisis’ or ‘decay’ as they contemplated its fate. It looked, indeed, as though the ‘forward march’ might be going nowhere.
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Marsh, Holly. „Changing Pressure-group Politics: The Case of the TUC 1994–2000“. Politics 22, Nr. 3 (September 2002): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00169.
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Since, the election of a Labour government in 1997 there has been a renewed interest in the changing relationship between the TUC and the government. This article uses the TUC General Council Reports to establish the number of contacts that took place, who initiated the contact, at what level of government the contact occurred and what kind of contact took place for the years 1994 to 2000. The data indicates that the number of contacts between the TUC and government has increased significantly since Labour came to power. As such, it provides the first detailed quantitative evidence about the nature of the relationship between the TUC and the Labour Party in power. However, I also argue that, although the data I present is useful for addressing the question of the extent and type of contacts between the government and the TUC since 1997, its limitations also need to be acknowledged. In contrast to earlier claims by Neil Mitchell, my view is that such data can tell us little, if anything, about the changing power of the unions.
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Sun, Yuanduo. „Design of Engineering Cost Prediction Algorithm Based on Neural Network Model“. Advances in Engineering Technology Research 4, Nr. 1 (18.03.2023): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.56028/aetr.4.1.444.2023.
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There are major problems in the current project cost management, which is bound to cause huge economic losses to the construction party, the construction party and even the financial institutions. It can be seen that how to reasonably determine the estimate of the early stage of the project to make scientific investment decisions and how to effectively control the project cost is a very important work. Improving the level of project cost prediction is the premise of reasonably determining the project cost, effectively controlling the construction cost, and realizing the lean project cost management, and is the basis of system planning and decision-making. The data in this paper shows that when the number of nodes is small, the acceleration ratio has little difference, and the increasing trend is basically the same. But after the number of nodes increases to 24, the acceleration ratio curve when the data volume is 2000 and 4000 GB has almost no fluctuation, while the acceleration ratio curve when the data volume is 6000 GB continues to show a small upward trend. Through NN (Neural Network), a model can match all existing engineering data samples, and control the error within a certain range. We think this model has a certain prediction function. However, this matching function is not simple linear regression, because any factor affecting the project cost is nonlinear.
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Robie, David. „EDITORIAL: Culture and conflict“. Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 7, Nr. 1 (01.09.2001): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v7i1.694.
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One of the many ironies of Fiji's May 2000 general election was the demise of one of the "godfathers" of the indigenous Taukei movement, Apisai Tora. The man who was once a firebrand trade unionist and who jointly led the 1959 oil workers' strike, later became an indigenous nationalist and helped unleash the forces that overthrew the first Labour Party coalition government in two military coups in 1987.
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TOYE, RICHARD. „THE STUDY OF POLITICS AS A VOCATION“. Historical Journal 48, Nr. 1 (März 2005): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004327.
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The myth of Mr Butskell: the politics of British economic policy, 1950–1955. By Scott Kelly. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002. Pp. viii+248. ISBN 0-7546-0604-X. £42.50.The Labour party and taxation: party identity and political purpose in twentieth-century Britain. By Richard Whiting. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Pp. xii+294. ISBN 0-521-57160-X. £45.00.British social policy since 1945. Second edition. By Howard Glennerster. Oxford: Blackwell, 1995, 2000. Pp. xii+260. ISBN 0-631-22022-4. £15.99.Governance, industry and labour markets in Britain and France: the modernising state in the mid-twentieth century. Edited by Noel Whiteside and Robert Salais. London and New York: Routledge, 1998. Pp. xi+295. ISBN 0-415-15733-1. £45.00.The final result of political action often, no, even regularly, stands in completely inadequate and often even paradoxical relation to its original meaning. Max Weber, Politics as a Vocation (1918–19)Hugh Gaitskell (Labour chancellor of the exchequer, 1950–1) remarked in 1957 that ‘professional politicians, when they have been in the job for any length of time, are not well fitted for really deep thinking, partly because they have no time for it and partly because the very practice of their art involves them in continual simplification’. This candid observation has important implications for the study of how past politicians formulated policy. The books under review all deal with differing aspects of British (and also, in one case, French) economic and social policy in the twentieth century. They all show, to varying degrees, that parties, governments, and other political actors have proffered apparently simplistic and muddled solutions to important problems. But was this because of intellectual deficiency on their part, or was it an inevitable consequence of the exercise of what Rab Butler, Gaitskell's Conservative successor, famously called ‘the art of the possible’?
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Mayfield, Ben. „Access to the countryside: the tragedy of the house of commons“. Legal Studies 37, Nr. 2 (Juni 2017): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lest.12154.
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The Countryside and Rights of Way Act 2000 (the CRoW Act) serves as an example of the way in which ideology can frequently become a casualty of realpolitik. Wider access to the countryside was a pillar of Labour Party general election manifestos from the 1950s until the introduction of the CRoW Act. This article examines the antecedents and emergence of this statute to determine whether the eventual form of the rights of access under the CRoW Act represent a missed opportunity to grant public rights over private land.
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Etchemendy, Sebastián. „The Politics of Popular Coalitions: Unions and Territorial Social Movements in Post-Neoliberal Latin America (2000–15)“. Journal of Latin American Studies 52, Nr. 1 (21.10.2019): 157–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x19001007.
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AbstractAt a general level of neoliberal repudiation or expansion of social policies, most post-neoliberal Latin American governments in the 2000s have exhibited similarities. However, coalitions with popular actors have displayed a lot of variation. In order to compare popular-sector coalitions the article constructs a framework with two central dimensions: electoral and organisational/interest; in post-import substitution industrialisation (ISI) Latin America the latter is composed of both unions and territorial social movements (TSMs). It contends that the region witnessed four types of popular coalitions: electoral (Ecuador and Chile), TSM-based (i.e. made up of informal sector-based organisations, Venezuela and Bolivia), dual (i.e. composed of both unions and TSMs, Argentina and Brazil) and union/party-based (Uruguay). The study argues that government–union coalitions are largely accounted for by the relative size of the formal economy, and by the institutional legacies of labour based-parties. Coalitions with informal sector-based organisations are rooted in the political activation of these TSMs during the anti-neoliberal struggles of the 1990s and early 2000s.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Labour party (GB) – 2000-"
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L'Hôte, Émilie. „The language of politics : a corpus-based cognitive analysis on new Labour discourse (1994-2007)“. Lille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL30031.
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Nous présentons une analyse du discours du new Labour party au Royaume-Uni de 1994 à 2007. Notre étude trouve son originalité dans les cadres théoriques et méthodologiques de l'analyse, et dans ses interprétations. Nous élaborons une analyse cognitive de discours politique basée sur une étude de corpus. D'un point de vue théorique, nous combinons les ressources le la linguistique cognitive (théorie de la métaphore conceptuelle, théorie des espaces mentaux, blending theory) et celles de l'analyse de discours, pour offrir un regard nouveau sur le fonctionnement du discours politique, tout en conservant un maximum d'objectivité dans notre analyse. Notre étude se base sur un corpus de textes du new Labour Party, ainsi que deux corpus secondaires composés de textes du parti Conservateur et du "old" Labour Party (1945-1993). En surcroît d'analyses qualitatives détaillées, nous procédons à une analyse quantitative de nos données grâce à WMatrix, qui permet un travail sur concordances, collocations et mots-clés définis par le test du rapport de vraisemblance. Nous montrons que l'élaboration d'une méthode originale permet d'éclairer le fonctionnement d'un discours politique : il s'agit à la fois de comprendre comment le discours des nouveaux travaillistes reflète les changements du part au niveau des choix politiques et de l'organisation, et de montrer comment le discours du parti fait partie intégrante de ses stratégies de rénovation, puis de maintien au pouvoir. Nous traitons des questions de l'identité, de stére��otypes politiques, de la place du changement dans le discours, avant d'étendre notre réflexion à l'élaboration d'un modèle métaphorique de discours politique contemporainWe present an analysis of new Labour discourse in Britain over the 1994-2007 period. Our study find its originality both in its frameworks of analysis and in the interpretations it offers. Our goal is to design a copus-based cognitive analysis of political discourse. From a theoretical point of view, we combine elements of cognitive linguistics (conceptual metaphor theory, mental space theory, blending theory) and elements of discourse analysis, to offer a fresh look on efficient political discourse, while preserving a satisfying degree of objectivity in our analysis. Our study is based on a large corpus of texts and speeches from the new Labour Party, as well as on two secondary corpora composed of texts from the Conservative Party of the same time-period, and of texts from the Labour for the 1945-1993 period. In addition to detailed qualitative analyses, we present a quantitative analysis of our data with the online software WMatrix, which allows us to work on concordances, collocations and keyword analysis as defined by log-likehood scoores. We show how the elaboration of an innovative and efficient method can shed light on how political discourse works : new Labour discourse not only reflects policy and organisational changes inside the party, but it also an essential part of the strategies of renovation and of power legitimation used by the Blair-Brown team. We tackle issues of party identity, political stereotypes, and change in discourse, before opening up our study to the elaboration of a metaphorical model of contemporary political discourse
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Rayer, Denis. „Un parti en mouvement(s) ? : recompositions du travaillisme britannique sous Jeremy Corbyn (2015-2020)“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2025. http://www.theses.fr/2025EHES0014.
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Cette thèse étudie les recompositions du travaillisme britannique qui se sont produites entre 2015 et 2020, lorsque Jeremy Corbyn dirigeait le Parti travailliste. Durant cette période, de nombreux militants socialisés à l’engagement politique dans les mobilisations du début des années 2010 ont convergé vers le Parti travailliste et ses marges afin de soutenir Jeremy Corbyn. Ce travail s’interroge sur les effets produits sur le parti et son environnement par ce phénomène collectif de reconversion militante, formulant l’hypothèse de la formation d’un milieu partisan protestataire. Il vise également à comprendre les différentes façons dont ces militants se sont adaptés – ou non – à un nouveau cadre d’engagement très institutionnalisé. Pour explorer ces questions, cette thèse s’appuie sur un corpus de données principalement qualitatives composé de 46 entretiens semi-directifs, d’observations réalisées dans le cadre de séjours ethnographiques à Londres, Oxford et Manchester, et de documents récoltés sur le terrain d’enquête. En se penchant sur les processus et les entrepreneurs de la fabrique organisationnelle, ce travail analyse la genèse de structures hybrides au sein du système d’organisations travailliste. Il montre les formes d’engagement et de mobilisation atypiques que ces organisations ont fait émerger. Étudiant leur rapport au Parti travailliste, il montre également que les contraintes institutionnelles exercées par le parti sur l’ensemble de son environnement ont eu tendance à faire converger ces organisations vers sa propre culture, ou à les contraindre à la marginalité si elles résistaient à cette conversion. Analysant les trajectoires individuelles et collectives des militants protestataires reconvertis à l’engagement partisan, il montre que ces acteurs étaient également confrontés à ces contraintes institutionnelles, qui fonctionnaient comme un cadre socialisateur. Dès lors, les militants les moins disposés à interagir avec le parti ne sont parvenus qu’à l’influencer de façon très limitée, tandis que ceux qui parvenaient à s’y acculturer avaient tendance à y perdre leurs dispositions protestataires. Cette thèse soutient alors que les recompositions du travaillisme engagées par des militants de culture protestataire ont été pour l’essentiel marginales et contrariées. Elle souligne néanmoins que ce constat n’amoindrit pas le caractère original et remarquable des organisations, des pratiques et des trajectoires qu’elles ont impliquéesThis thesis studies reconfigurations within and around the British Labour Party which occurred between 2015 and 2020, while Jeremy Corbyn was leading the Labour Party. During this period, many activists whose political socialisation took place in the movements of the early 2010s converged towards the Labour Party and its fringes to support Corbyn. This research examines the effects induced on Labour and its environment by this collective movement towards the party, hypothesizing the formation of an activist ‘partisan milieu’. It also aims to understand the different ways in which these activists adapted – or did not – to a new, highly institutionalised, framework of political participation. In the aim of this enquiry, the thesis relies on a set of primarily qualitative data consisting of 46 semi-structured interviews, observations conducted during ethnographic stays in London, Oxford, and Manchester, and documents collected in the field. By examining the processes and entrepreneurs of organisational production, this research analyses the genesis of hybrid structures within Labour’s system of organizations. It brings into relief the novel forms of activism and mobilisation that these organisations brought into being. Studying their relationship with the Labour Party, it also shows that the institutional constraints imposed by the party on its entire environment tended to make these organizations converge towards its own partisan culture, or to compel them into marginality if they resisted this conversion. Analysing the individual and collective trajectories of protest activists who have transitioned to partisan mobilisation, the research shows that these actors were also confronted with these institutional constraints, that operated as a socialising framework. Therefore, the activists least inclined to interact with the party only managed to influence it in a very limited way, while those who managed to acculturate themselves tended to lose their activist dispositions.This thesis argues that the reconfigurations of the Labour Party initiated by activists with a culture rooted in social movements have been largely marginal and thwarted. It nevertheless emphasizes that this observation does not diminish the original and remarkable nature of the organizations, practices, and trajectories which they involved
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Berbéri, Carine. „Le parti travailliste et les syndicats britanniques face au Système monétaire européen et à l'Union économique et monétaire (1979-2002)“. Le Mans, 2003. http://cyberdoc.univ-lemans.fr/theses/2003/2003LEMA3002_1.pdf.
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La fin des années 1980 (1988-1989) a marqué la conversion du mouvement travailliste tout entier à l'Europe et aux projets européens de construction monétaire bien que ce changement ait été perceptible dès le début de la décennie. Cette thèse vise à étudier l'attitude du Parti travailliste, du Trades Union Congress (TUC) et des principaux syndicats britanniques à l'égard du SME et de l'union monétaire entre 1979 et 2002. Elle cherche en particulier à déterminer les facteurs qui ont poussé chacun de ces protagonistes à adopter un point de vue plus positif sur ces questions au cours des années 1980 et à comparer leur évolution. Par ailleurs, elle tente d'examiner dans quelle mesure le mouvement travailliste a accepté cette conversion et a fait preuve d'unité. Cette thèse se divise en trois chapitres. Le premier présente, tout d'abord, le contexte historique, c'est-à-dire le processus de construction de l'Union économique et monétaire, ainsi que la ligne de conduite originelle du mouvement travailliste envers ces initiatives avant 1979. Le deuxième chapitre se concentre sur le Parti travailliste. Il met en évidence son évolution progressive vis-à-vis du SME et de l'union monétaire et les considérations, essentiellement électorales, qui ont motivé sa conversion. Le demier chapitre étudie la ligne de conduite du mouvement syndical, à savoir celle du TUC et des cinq principaux syndicats britanniques - UNISON, le TGWU, MSF, l'AEEU et le GMB -, en insistant sur les motivations sociales qui ont incité les syndicats à adopter un point de vue plus favorable au SME et à l'union monétaireThe Iate 1980s (1988-1989) showed the conversion of the Labour movement to a pro-European stance and to European monetary plans even though the first signs of this change were already noticeable at the beginning of the decade. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the attitude of the Labour Party, the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and the main British trade unions towards the EMS and monetary union from 1979 to 2002. More particularly, it is aimed at highlighting the reasons which induced each of these protagonists to adopt a more positive viewpoint on these issues during the 1980s and at comparing their evolution. Furthermore, this work tries to determine to what extent the Labour movement accepted this conversion and remained united. The thesis can be divided into three different chapters. The first part gives the historical background, i. E. , the progress to full economic and monetary union. This first chapter also analyses the original policy followed by the Labour movement on these European developments before 1979. The second part focuses on the Labour Party, bringing to the fore its slow evolution towards the EMS and monetary union, and the electoral factors which mainly accounted for its conversion. Finally, the third part studies the line of action of the trade union movement, in other words that of the TUC and of the five major British trade unions - UNISON, the TGWU, MSF, the AEEU and the GMB -, insisting on the social developments which encouraged the trade unions to adopt a more favourable view towards the EMS and monetary union
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Bihet, Karine. „De la social-démocratie au social-libéralisme. Les débats au sein de la social-démocratie européenne : 1990-2010“. Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020006.
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La thèse vise à appréhender la situation de la social-démocratie européenne et son évolution au cours des deux dernières décennies. Adoptant une approche comparatiste, elle repose sur l’étude du Parti socialiste français, du Parti social-démocrate allemand et du Parti travailliste britannique. En partant du projet de Troisième voie proposé par Tony Blair et les modernisateurs du New Labour, il s’agit de montrer la mutation doctrinale et programmatique de ces partis. Ceux-ci, avec des divergences et des spécificités nationales, ont, dans les programmes adoptés et les politiques gouvernementales menées, convergé vers une même orientation d’ensemble, marquée par un accueil beaucoup plus favorable aux thèses libérales. Cette prise de distance par rapport au modèle traditionnel pour tendre vers un paradigme social-libéral ne signifie pas pour autant l’abandon des valeurs propres à la social-démocratie. Les partis concernés ont essayé de s’adapter au nouveau contexte économique et social tout en préservant les principes et les idéaux sociaux sur lesquels ils se sont construits. Le socle identitaire de cette famille politique demeure ainsi largement préservé. Cette évolution idéologique s’accompagne d’une mutation des organisations partisanes qui l’accomplissent. Celles-ci ont connu à la fois une modification de leur sociologie, électorale et militante(caractérisée par une désaffection des soutiens traditionnels), et une diminution de leur ancrage dans la société liée à la baisse du nombre d’adhérents et à l’éloignement par rapport aux syndicats. Leur place au sein des systèmes partisans nationaux est également remise en cause : dans la recherche du bon positionnement sur l’échiquier politique, la question des alliances avec les autres partis constitue alors un enjeu essentiel. Le mode de fonctionnement de ces organisations a enfin lui aussi connu des modifications significatives. Les réformes internes menées par les dirigeants tendent à valoriser l’adhérent et accroître son rôle ; de nouvelles pratiques militantes, plus individualistes, apparaissent. La fonction et la spécificité de ces partis s’en trouvent diminuéesThe thesis aims to understand the situation of european social democracy and its evolution over the last two decades. Taking a comparative approach, it is based on the study of French Socialist Party, the German Social Democratic Party and the British Labour Party. Beginning from the Third Way project proposed by Tony Blair and New Labour modernizers, the matter is to show the doctrinal and programmatic transformation of these parties. These, with some differences and national characteristics, in the programs and policies undertaken, have converged towards the same overall direction, marked by a much more favorable reception to liberal theories. This distancing from the traditional model to move towards a social-liberal paradigm does not necessary mean the abandonment of values belonging to the Social Democrats. The parties involved have tried to adapt to new economic and social context while preserving the principles and social ideals on which they are built. The base of this political family’s identity remains largely well preserved. The ideological evolution goes with a mutation of partisan organizations who realize it. These have experienced both a change in their sociology, electoral and activist (characterized by a dis like of traditional supporters), and a decrease from their roots in society related to the decline in membership and distance against unions. Their position within the party systems is also questionned : in search of good positioning on the political spectrum, the question of alliances with other parties is then a key issue. The modus operandi of these organizations has finally also experienced significant changes. Internal reforms undertaken by the leaders tend to enhance the member and increase its role and new militant practices, more individualistic, appear. The function and specificity of these parties have diminished
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Cassagnau, Olivier. „Le Royaume-Uni et la dimension fédéraliste de la construction européenne depuis 1997“. Paris 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA030152.
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Les ouvrages abondent sur les études fédéralistes – en particulier dans leur dimension européenne, puisque, pour de nombreux europhiles, le modèle fédéral est le plus approprié à l’unification d’un espace culturellement très divers et peuplé de plus de cinq cents millions d’habitants – et il en est de même pour le New Labour et les aspects de la politique blairiste. Par contre, à notre connaissance, il n’existe que peu d’ouvrages de littérature primaire et secondaire liant expressément les deux thématiques du fédéralisme et des études britanniques, notamment en ce qui concerne la période des deux premiers mandats de Tony Blair (1997-2005), qui constitue une époque importante pour la progression des idées fédéralistes en Europe, ce dont témoignent des avancées communautaires fortes comme l’extension de l’espace Schengen à presque tous les Etats d’Europe occidentale, la création de l’euro et une nouvelle impulsion pour la Politique étrangère de sécurité commune (PESC) avec la création d’une Force de réaction rapide européenne. C’est cette lacune que le présent travail entend comblerThere are numerous books about federalist studies – particularly in their European dimension, since, according to numerous Europhiles, the federal model is the one most appropriate to the unification of a domain that is very diverse culturally speaking and peopled with over five hundred million inhabitants. There have also been many books written on New Labour and aspects of Tony Blair’s policies. On the other hand, as far as we know, there are but few books of primary or secondary literature linking the two topics of federalism and British studies expressly, particularly as far as Tony Blair’s first two terms (1997-2005) are concerned. This was an important time for the advancement of federalist ideas in Europe, with strong progress prompted by the European Union such as the extension of the Schengen area to almost all the states in Western Europe, the creation of the euro and fresh impetus for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) with the creation of a European rapid reaction force. It is this gap we mean to fill in this piece of work
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Motard, Anne-Marie. „Changement social et problématique du pouvoir : le parti travailliste britannique de 1983 à 1992“. Bordeaux 3, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995BOR30033.
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L'echec de james callaghan aux elections legislatives de 1979 a marque le debut de graves perturbations au sein du parti, accelerees par l'election de michael foot a la tete du mouvement en 1980. Apres la defaite electorale de 1983, la necessite d'une remise en ordre devient une priorite aux yeux d'un nombre croissant de responsables et d'adherents. Neil kinnock, qui prend la direction en 1983, incarne la volonte du parti de retrouver les chemins du pouvoir. Parallelement a sa ferme reprise en main du mouvement, il engage un processus de renouvellement ideologique en profondeur. La reorganisation de la structure et la revision programmatique, policy review, sont les deux aspects qui dominent les annees 80 au sein du parti travailliste. Ces changements s'inscrivent dans le contexte de l'evolution sociale, economique et politique de la grande-bretagne sous les gouvernements successifs de margaret thatcher. Si le "parti du travail" a surmonte un certain nombre de problemes vis-a-vis de l'opinion publique, comme l'extremisme politique ou l'unilateralisme en matiere de defense, sa difficulte majeure, a l'oree des annees 90, est son incapacite a soulever l'enthousiasme des britanniques, et a s'assurer le soutien de groupes sociaux specifiquesIn the 80s, the british labour party went through a series of significant changes. When james callaghan lost the general election in 1979, the party experienced serious difficulties, worsened by the election of michael foot as leader of the party in 1980. After the 1983 electoral defeat, a reordering was seen as a priority by a growing number of party members and officials. The action of neil kinnock, who became leader in 1983, expresses the will of the party to succeed in the next election. He started a process oof ideological reneewal, the "policy review", as well as a restructuring of the movement. The backgrop to these changes is the social, economic and political changes in great britain, under the successive thatcher governments. The labour party does not seem to be able to rally people's interest : though it has overcome some difficulties in relation to public opinion (unilaterialism or political extremism for instance), it doesn't arouse people's enthusiam. While at the beginning of the 20th century, the working class from which the "party of labour" originated was, practically and symbolically, its political basis, no social group can now embody the labour values
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Freedman, Des. „The television policies of the British Labour Party 1951-2000“. Thesis, University of Westminster, 2000. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9444v/the-television-policies-of-the-british-labour-party-1951-2000.
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This thesis provides an extended analysis of the television policies of the British Labour Party from 1951 up to the present day. It examines the evolution of Labour's television policy and focuses on the social, political and economic contexts in which policies were developed, the party forums in which policies were discussed and the consequenceso f thesep olicies for British television as a whole. It evaluatest he contrasting contributions to television policy made by the parliamentary leadership, the Labour left, the trade unions, and intellectuals sympathetic to the party. Although the Conservatives have been widely acknowledged to be responsible for the majority of innovations in British television, the thesis refutes the view that this is due to any lack of interest in television policy inside the Labour Party. Drawing on extensive archive material and interviews with key participants, it argues that the Labour Party has intervened in all the main debates concerning British broadcasting and has produced a wide range of proposals for the reform, modemisation and consolidation of television structures in the UK. The thesis examines the party's response to the development of commercial television in the 1950s and to the Pilkington Report in the early 1960s. It assesses the impact on television policy of the Labour governments in the 1960s and highlights the contribution of left-wing demands for television reform in the 1970s. The thesis then considers the government's response to the Annan Report at the end of the 1970s and analyses how the party responded to the Conservative government's reform of television in the following decade. The thesis concludes with an evaluation of the role of television in the emergence of New Labour and provides a critique of the current Labour government's record concerning television developments. The thesis suggests that divisions between rival interests in the Labour Party have undermined the possibility of a unified television policy. The result of these divisions has been that the leadership has marginalised innovative proposals for reform in favour of policies that have safeguarded the existing structures of and power relations in television.
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Ovey, Joey-David. „Between Nation and Europe : labour, the SPD and labour in the European Parliament, 1994-1999 /“. Opladen : Leske + Budrich, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50738826.html.
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Avril, Emmanuelle. „Ethnographie des congrès politiques : le cas du congrès annuel du parti travailliste britannique“. Paris 3, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA030029.
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L'objectif de la recherche est de comprendre comment l'identite du parti travailliste se construit a l'occasion de son congres annuel (congres de 1992, 1993 et 1994), le "parti politique" etant ici defini comme le produit de l'interaction de ses membres, sur lesquels le parti ainsi constitue a en retour des effets. L'analyse se concentre sur les participants au congres annuel, en ce qu'ils sont les agents de la construction de la realite du congres, et emprunte a des techniques d'enquete tres variees : techniques classiques de la politologie (entretiens et questionnaires) ou ethnographie (observation participante). Le congres, organe souverain du parti travailliste selon les statuts du parti, acquiert en outre une dimension rituelle tres forte du fait de son caractere annuel. Il s'agit de comprendre comment la diversite des representations contribue a la constitution de cette "entite" sociale qu'est le parti travailliste, simultanement groupe en interaction avec d'autres groupes et lieu d'une interaction entre des agentsThe aim of this research is to understand the process by which the identity of the labour party is being constructed during its annual conference (1992, 1993 and 1994 conferences), the "political party" being defined as the product of the interaction of its members on whom the resulting entity in turn has an effect. This analysis concentrates on the participants who are involved in the construction of the reality of the conference, and is based on a variety of research tools : from the traditional tools of political science (interviews and questionnaires) to those of ethnography (participant observation). The annual conference, which, according to the party constitution, is the sovereign body of the labour party, also acquires a very strong ritual dimension because of it is an annual event. The aim is to understand how the diversity of representations contributes to the construction of this social entity known as the labour party, which is simultaneously a group interacting with other groups and the place where different agents interact with one another
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SULIS, MARC. „Le parti travailliste britannique et la communaute economique europeenne (1964-1979)“. Paris 4, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA040098.
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Sur le continent devaste quelques hommes d'etat songeaient a batir ensemble une nouvelle europe, ou les guerres seraient impossibles. Les politiciens britanniques consideraient toujours la grande-bretagne comme une superpuissance au centre de trois zones d'influence traditionnelle : l'europe, le commonwealth, l'amerique du nord; la situation economique et politique etant differente, ils n'accorderent pas d'interet a la c. E. E. Tres vite une vive expansion eut lieu dans cette communaute, mais la grande-bretagne declinait. Le gouvernement conservateur suggera de transformer la c. E. E en une zone de libre-echange, les interets britanniques de l'outre-mer seraient ainsi preserves. Ce projet echoua; une demande d'adhesion a la c. E. E fut formulee, de gaulle lui apposa son veto. Cet echec enchanta le parti travailliste, mais lorsqu'il revint aux affaires en 1964, son leader, wilson, confronte a une pire situation fit une seconde demande d'adhesion, de gaulle la rejeta. Les relations avec la france empirerent jusqu'a la demission du general et le sommet de la haye. Probablement wilson aurait amarre son pays a l'europe, s'il n'avait pas perdu les elections de 1970. Son successeur heath etait un europeen convaincu, il suivit la meme politique, la grande-bretagne entra dans la c. E. E le 1er janvier 1973. Les conservateurs et la c. E. E etaient impopulaires, l'aile gauche travailliste en profita pour defier le gouvernement et accroitre son influence au sein du parti aux depens de l'aile droite plus europeenne. Pour eviter une irremediable cassure dans le parti, wilson et callaghan eurent recours a un stratageme. Loursque l'on reviendrait au pouvoir, les conditions de l'adhesion seraient renegociees, puis un referendum national permettrait aux electeurs de trancher. Le 5 juin 1975 l'adhesion fut confirmee, mais l'aile gauche pleine de ressentiments refusa le verdict, diriger le parti devint plus difficile, les elections de 1979 furent perdues, certains elements moderes de l'aile droite quitterent le parti travailliste et fonderent le parti social-democrate, laissant leur ancien parti declinerOn the devastated continent some leaders wanted to build together a new kind of europe, making wars impossible. British politicians considered britain as a great power with three traditional areas of influence : europe, commonwealth, north america; the economic and political situations were different, they gave no attention to the e. E. C. Very soon a sharp expansion took place in the e. E. C, meanwhile britain declined. The conservative government suggested to reshape the e. E. C as a free trade area, where british overseas interests would be preserved. The project failed; a clear application to join the e. E. C as a member state was made, de gaulle's veto was the answer. This failure pleased the labour party, but when it took the power in 1964, its leader wilson confronted with a worst situation made a second application, rejected again by de gaulle. The relations with france worsened until de gaulle's resignation and the summit of the hague. Probably wilson would have brought britain in the e. E. C if he had not lost the general election of 1970. His successor heath was a convinced european, he followed his policy, britain joined the e. E. C on january the 1st of 1973. The tories and the e. E. C. Were getting impopular, the labour party's left wing used the opportunity to challenge the government and to increase its own influence within the party against the pro-e. E. C right wing. To avoid the dramatic split of their party, wilson and callaghan used a stratagem. When back in power, the conditions of membership would be renegociated and a national referendum would allow the people to decide. On june 5th of 1975, the british membership was confirmed, but the frustrated left wing remained anti-european, the management of the party was getting difficult, the general election in 1979 was lost, some moderate right wing leaders left the labour and founded the s. D. P, letting the first one declining
Bücher zum Thema "Labour party (GB) – 2000-"
1
Duncan, Tanner, Williams Chris 1963- und Hopkin Deian, Hrsg. The Labour Party in Wales, 1900-2000. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2000.
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Deian, Hopkin, Tanner Duncan und Williams Chris 1963-, Hrsg. The Labour Party in Wales: 1900-2000. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2001.
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3
Mandelson, Peter. The Blair revolution: Can new Labour deliver? London: Faber and Faber, 1996.
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4
Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers. Usdaw and Labour: Campaigning in partnership : Executive Council Statement to the 2000 Annual Delegate Meeting. Manchester: Usdaw, 2000.
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5
Mandelson, Peter. Blair devrimi: Yeni isçi partisis basarabilir mi? Istanbul: Boyut Kitaplari, 1997.
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Morgan, Kenneth O. Labour people: Leaders and lieutenants, Hardie to Kinnock. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989.
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Morgan, Kenneth O. Labour people: Leaders and lieutenants, Hardie to Kinnock. Oxford [England]: Oxford University Press, 1992.
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8
Deborah, Benady, und Labour Party (Great Britain), Hrsg. Centenary celebration: 100 years of the Labour Party, February 1900-February 2000. London: Labour Party, 2000.
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1946-, Steele Tom, Hrsg. British Labour and higher education, 1945 to 2000: Ideologies, policies and practice. London: Continuum, 2011.
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Tomlinson, Jim. Democratic socialism and economic policy: The Attlee years, 1945-1951. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
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1
Smith, Martin J. „Tony Blair and the Transition to New Labour: 1994-2000“. In The Labour Party, 143–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230595583_7.
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2
Capet, Antoine. „Foreign Policy in the Labour Party Manifestos, 1945–1997: What Primacy?“ In The Primacy of Foreign Policy in British History, 1660–2000, 319–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230289628_21.
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„The Democratic Labour Party (2000–07)“. In The Failure of Socialism in South Korea, 138–59. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315691022-8.
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