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Rama, Taraka. „Three tree priors and five datasets“. Language Dynamics and Change 8, Nr. 2 (01.10.2018): 182–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00802005.
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Abstract The age of the root of the Indo-European language family has received much attention since the application of Bayesian phylogenetic methods by Gray and Atkinson (2003). With the application of new models, the root age of the Indo-European family has tended to decrease from an age that supported the Anatolian origin hypothesis to an age that supports the Steppe origin hypothesis (Chang et al., 2015). However, none of the published work in Indo-European phylogenetics has studied the effect of tree priors on phylogenetic analyses of the Indo-European family. In this paper, I intend to fill this gap by exploring the effect of tree priors on different aspects of the Indo-European family’s phylogenetic inference. I apply three tree priors—Uniform, Fossilized Birth-Death (FBD), and Coalescent—to five publicly available datasets of the Indo-European language family. I evaluate the posterior distribution of the trees from the Bayesian analysis using Bayes Factor, and find that there is support for the Steppe origin hypothesis in the case of two tree priors. I report the median and 95 % highest posterior density (HPD) interval of the root ages for all three tree priors. A model comparison suggests that either the Uniform prior or the FBD prior is more suitable than the Coalescent prior to the datasets belonging to the Indo-European language family.
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Svensson, Miguel Villanueva. „Indo-European *pr- and *pr̥h₂- ‘before, in front of’“. Indogermanische Forschungen 123, Nr. 1 (01.08.2018): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2018-0006.
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Abstract All Indo-European languages present local adverbs and other derivatives from a basic root *per-, e.g. Gk. πρό, πρότι, περί, παρά, πάρος, πρίν, πρῶτος/πρᾶτος, etc. It is generally agreed that the data point to two root variants, *pr-and *pr̥h₂-, but the origin of the extra *‑h₂‑has never been satisfactorily explained. In this article it is argued that the variation *pr-~ *pr̥h₂-is exclusively found in local adverbs from an archaic root noun *per-/*pr-and that it originated in false segmentation of the PIE (Indo-Hittite) directive case *pr̥‑h₂á(viz.its locativization *pr̥‑h₂ái). The spread of *pr̥h₂-at the expense of *pr-took place almost entirely in dialectal Indo-European.
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Lloyd, Albert L. „Germanic Evidence for a Neglected Indo-European Root“. American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 1, Nr. 1 (Januar 1989): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542700000064.
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ABSTRACTAn IE root *bhel(ə)- ‘strike, hit, hew, chop’, although not included in the standard IE etymological dictionaries, is shown to underly a number of etymologically obscure Germanic words, such as OHG bolz(o) ‘bolt’, Go. bliggwan ‘to beat’, OIcel. bella ‘to hit’, blak ‘slap, blow’, OHG blast ‘a throwing to the ground’, OHG bloh, bloc ‘block of wood’, and possibly OHG balko ‘beam’. Since related words can be found in Italic, Celtic, Baltic, and perhaps also Slavic and Greek, there would seem to be sufficient justification for the addition of this root to the inventory of recognized IE roots.
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Pozza, Marianna. „Vista conoscenza, parola: lo “Schema del contenitore” applicato a un caso di polisemia indoeuropea“. Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 66, Nr. 3 (20.09.2021): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2021.3.15.
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"View, Knowledge, Word: The Container Image-Schema Applied to a Case of Proto-Indo-European Polysemy. The present discussion aims at reconsidering the theoretical process of knowledge in some ancient Indo-European languages in the light of the prerequisites offered by cognitive linguistics and prototype theory. Thanks to the dynamic pattern of the Container Image-Schema – which is a primitive mental structure – some historical outcomes of a polysemic Indo-European root will be discussed in order to place them within the continuum of the semantic space in which the container is located. Keywords: Conceptual metaphor; polysemy; Image-Schema; Indo-European; semantics. "
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Kerkhof, Peter Alexander. „Germanic goblins and the Indo-European fireplace“. Indogermanische Forschungen 120, Nr. 1 (16.10.2015): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2015-0005.
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Abstract In this article the etymology of the Modern German word Kobold ‘house spirit’ and its cognates is revised. It is argued that the Germanic root *kub- meaning ‘hut, small chamber’ which consitutes the first element of Modern German Kobold, is a loan from the Latin/Romance group of words deriving from Lat. cubīle, cubīculum. This Romance element may have replaced an earlier PGm. *gub- meaning ‘fire’, attested in Old Norse gufa ‘vapour, steam’, which goes back to the PIE root *ghu̯obh-. This theory is supported by French gobelin where the initial *g- is easily explained from Germanic *g-. The second element of the compound should be identified with the source of Finnish haltija ‘house spirit’ which derives from Gm. *haldija-. The compound was therefore Gm. *gub-haldija- and referred to the house spirit as the keeper of the fire, a concept well-known from Northern European folklore.
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Shields, Kenneth. „Latin Super, Hittite Šer, and the Indo-European Numeral ‘7’“. Lingua Posnaniensis 53, Nr. 1 (01.01.2011): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10122-011-0006-5.
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LatinSuper, HittiteŠer, and the Indo-European Numeral ‘7’In this brief paper, it is argued that the initial*s- found in the Latin and perhaps Greek reflexes of the Indo-European adprep*uper(i)‘over, above’ derives from blending with another adprep of the same meaning,*ser(i). Evidence is also presented for the creation of another blend involving these two forms,*sep-, which may underlie the Indo-European root for ‘7’. This latter assertion is strengthened by typological precedent.
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Villanueva Svensson, Miguel. „Indo-European Middle Root Aorists in Anatolian (Part II)“. Die Sprache 49, Nr. 1 (2012): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/spr.49.1.006.
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Villanueva Svensson, Miguel. „Indo-European Middle Root Aorists in Anatolian (Part I)“. Die Sprache 47, Nr. 2 (2010): 203–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/spr.47.2.203.
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Kölligan, Daniel. „Greek and the Indo-European Verb“. Mnemosyne 72, Nr. 4 (21.06.2019): 673–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342700.
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AbstractThis article reviews Andreas Willi’s study of the history and prehistory of the Greek and Proto-Indo-European (PIE) verbal system which tries to put the data of one of the ‘classical’ languages of PIE reconstruction back onto the centre stage after much attention has been given to Anatolian (Hittite, etc.) and Tocharian in recent decades. It argues that in the earliest reconstructable phase PIE had ergative alignment and that the switch to nominative-accusative alignment triggered a series of changes leading to the distribution of stem formations found in Greek and other ancient PIE languages (root aorists, reduplicated aorists and presents, thematic aorists and presents, s-aorists and s-futures, etc.). The review tries to show that the study presents a series of thought-provoking and well-argued hypotheses, while with its focus on prehistory its philological analyses tend to rely on a few chosen examples.
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BARTOLOTTA, ANNAMARIA. „Root lexical features and inflectional marking of tense in Proto-Indo-European“. Journal of Linguistics 45, Nr. 3 (30.09.2009): 505–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226709990016.
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This paper examines early inflectional morphology related to the tense-aspect system of Proto-Indo-European. It will be argued that historical linguistics can shed light on the long-standing debate over the emergence of tense-aspect morphology in language acquisition. The dispute over this issue is well-known; it has been pursued mostly by scholars following various general linguistic approaches, from typology to acquisition, but also by historical linguists and Indo-Europeanists, who have long debated about the precedence of aspect or tense from both a synchronic and a diachronic perspective. However, so far Indo-Europeanists have rarely confronted their results in a successful way with recent research in other fields such as acquisition or neurolinguistics. The aim of this paper is to put forward evidence from the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European verbal system concerning the prominent role of root lexical aspect features in the emergence of grammatical marking of tense in the proto-language. More precisely, by means of a comparison between the residual archaic verbal forms of theinjunctivein Vedic Sanskrit and the corresponding augmentless preterites in Homeric Greek, it will be argued that the [±telic] lexical feature of the inherited verbal root is responsible for a non-random distribution of past tense inflected forms in an earlier verbal paradigm.
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Nigrelli, Castrenze. „From Thinking to Raging: Reflexes of Indo-European *Men- Polysemy in Homer“. International Journal of Linguistics 12, Nr. 2 (01.03.2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v12i2.16257.
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This paper aims at investigating the semantic value of the verb μαίνομαι “to rage, to be furious” in Homeric Greek, in order to clarify the striking semantic relationship between the common ‘irrational’ meaning of the verb and the original ‘rational’ meaning of the Indo-European root *men- “to think”, to which the verb traces back. The corresponding words for μαίνομαι in other Indo-European languages (e.g. OInd. mányatē; Av. mainyeite; OIr. (do)moiniur; OCS mъnjo; Lit. miniu) can be translated as “to think”, thus showing an opposite meaning. From a textual analysis of all the occurrences of μαίνομαι in the Iliad and the Odyssey, the study aims at finding semantic traces of the original meaning “to think” belonging to the Indo-European root *men-, in order to account for the apparently impossible semantic relationship between the verb and the original root. Textual data show a significant polysemy of μαίνομαι, which refers to particular psychosomatic dynamics and which can be explained by taking into account the Homeric ‘body-mind’ association and the role of the heart as the crucial organ which supervises all the vital functions, including the psychic and the cognitive ones.
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Iverson, Gregory K., und Joseph C. Salmons. „The phonology of the Proto-Indo-European root structure constraints“. Lingua 87, Nr. 4 (August 1992): 293–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(92)90014-a.
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Vijūnas, Aurelijus. „Vedic nouns of the rétas- ‘stream; semen’ type and several related problems of Indo-European morphology“. Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 9, Nr. 1 (01.01.2008): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2008.1.3723.
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National Kaohsiung Normal UniversityThe present article is dedicated to the historical analysis of the formant -t- appearing in the Sanskrit neuter s-stem nouns srótas- ‘stream’, rétas- ‘stream; (male) semen’, and †vétas- ‘reed; stick’, as well as the structure and derivation of these nouns. Already Hermann Hirt already proposed that the formant -t- in these nouns was related to the Indo-European t-stems, but alternative interpretations have been put forward as well. Among the existing theories regarding the origin of the formant -t- in these s-stems, Hirt’s theory appears to be the most plausible. A different interpretation regarding the structure and development of their root is proposed in this article, however. Hirt claimed that the normal grade of the root in these nouns was inherited from Indo-European, but an analysis of data suggests that late Indo-European t-stems built to roots of this structure must have had zero grade. The attested full grade must have been introduced only when the reformed roots *srut-, *rit- and *wit- (← **R-t-) were secondarily re-used to build new s-stem nouns.
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Mihaylova, Bilyana. „Words for Laughing“. Chuzhdoezikovo Obuchenie-Foreign Language Teaching 50, Nr. 2 (25.04.2023): 128–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/for23.202lesm.
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The article examines the origin of the words denoting ‘laugh’ and ‘laughter’ in the Indo-European languages. The semantic changes are analyzed on the basis of the relation ‘A’ > ‘laugh, laughter’, A being the source meaning. The descendants of a single root with primary meaning ‘laugh’ are spread out in several Indo-European languages: the root *smey-. Expectedly, the most common source of the words for laugh are some primary concepts related to different sounds. Other semantic developments that have been found are from words with primary meaning ‘show one’s teeth, make a grimace’, ‘brilliant, joy’, ‘pleasure’ and ‘burst’, the latter giving also rise to expressions such as English ‘burst in laugh’.
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Kapranov, Y. V. „Diachronic Interpretation of Phonomorphological and Semantic Regularities of Nostratic (Based on *HuḲa “eye”)“. Scientific Journal of National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Series 9. Current Trends in Language Development, Nr. 19 (12.01.2020): 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series9.2019.19.05.
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The diachronic interpretation of Indo-European *hṷekṷ- / *heuk- “eye, to see”, Altaic *uka- “to notice, to understand” and Afro-Asiatic *Hwq- “to know”, originating from Nostratic *HuḲa “eye, to see”, allowed to establish both divergent and convergent types of linguistic relationship among them, for which the close (Indo-European, Altaic, Afro-Asiatic) and remote / distant (Indo-European / Afro-Asiatic and Altaic) types of language relationship have been established, depending on the action of the main phonomorphological and semantic regularities.The degree of manifestation of phonomorphological laws indicates a close type of language relationship among Indo-European, Altaic and Afro-Asiatic language families. They are: 1) the law on the three-letter / three-phonemic root structure of an archetype (according to E. Benvenist), which corresponds to the law on the consonant root (according to A G. Belova): it helped to fix three phonemes in Indo-European *hṷekṷ- / *heuk-, Altaic *uka- and Afro-Asiatic *Hwq-, as well as to trace the reflexes of this structure in the genetic data material of these language families; 2) the law of the mora is fixed in the Indo-European *hṷekṷ- / *heuk-, Altaic *uka- and Afro-Asiatic *Hwq-, the forms of which correspond to a monosyllable structure, and mono- and multisyllable structures have been observed in the genetic data material; 3) the process of spirantisation consists in weakening the consonant phoneme /q/, i.e. the reflection /q/ into /k/ and /x/; 4) the process of “pharyngisation” can be traced at the end of monosyllabic words, where it could occur by analogy with those forms of the word where the consonant was intervocal; 5) the law on the pronunciation of short vowel phonemes /a/ and /u/, where such features are represented: 1) the degree of solution of the oral cavity; 2) hardness / softness (low tonality / high tonality); 3) absence or presence of labilisation; 6) the law of prosody, which consists in the realisation of stress in accordance with various languages; 7) the law of an open syllable.The degree of phonomorphological manifestations indicates a remote / distant form of language relationship between Indo-European / Afro-Asiatic and Altaic language families, where one of the provisions of the phonetic prohibitions of Jucquо, i.e. when the initial and final laryngals are not allowed, is traced in the Indo-European *hṷekṷ- / *heuk- and Afro-Asiatic *Hwq-.The degree of manifestation of semantic laws indicates a close type of language relationship among Indo-European, Altaic and Afro-Asiatic language families, where 2 lexico-semantic variants (LSV) were fixed: 1) somatism; 2) action. If in the Indo-European *hṷekṷ- / *heuk- “eye, to see” 2 LSVs are fixed: 1) somatism; 2) action, but in the Altaic *uka- “to notice, to understand”, including Turkic *uk(ā)- “to raise, to listen” and Mongolian *uk- “to notice”, as well as the Afro-Asiatic *Hwq- “to know” – only 1 LSV – 2) action.
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Hart, Gillian R. „‘Class I present’, subjunctive and middle voice in Indo-European“. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53, Nr. 3 (Oktober 1990): 446–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00151353.
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Section 1. Introduction 1.01. All the above-mentioned categories have been the subject of considerable interest in the last few years. T. Gotō (1987) has devoted a book to Class I presents (thematic presents with normal grade of the root and stable root accent) in Sanskrit, and H. Rix has published a monograph on Indo-European moods (1986) and an article on the middle voice (1988). B. Barschel (1986) has addressed the question of the antiquity of the subjunctive and optative, and their absence from the Anatolian branch of IE. The question of the special primary endings of the singular active in the thematic conjugation was reopened by W. Cowgill (1985). Yet despite all this attention some questions still remain puzzling.
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Rychło, Mikołaj, und Joanna Retman-Wieczór. „Polish 'wydra' and English 'otter'“. Beyond Philology An International Journal of Linguistics, Literary Studies and English Language Teaching, Nr. 20/4 (15.12.2023): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/bp.2023.4.03.
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The aim of this paper is to trace the development and relationship between Polish wydra and English otter in a broader Indo-European context. The methodology of the research involves three steps: gathering cognates (to determine the time and place of attestation), identifying morphological structure and describing the sound changes that have occurred in two descending lines of development: one, from ProtoIndo-European *ud-r-eh2 leading to Polish wydra, and the other, from Proto-Indo-European *ud-r-o- to English otter. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the word for ‘otter’ in Proto-Indo-European must have had distinct masculine and feminine forms and, structurally, represents a substantivized adjective meaning ‘aquatic’: its root was the zero-grade form of PIE *uod-r/n- ‘water’ and the -r- suffix used to perform the adjectival function.
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Asatiani, Rusudan, Marine Ivanishvili und Ether Soselia. „Relationship between the Kartvelian Roots *γwn- ‘wine’ and *γun - ‘creep, curve, twist’ Rusudan Asatiani, Marine Ivanishvili & Ether Soselia“. Athens Journal of Philology 9, Nr. 4 (11.11.2022): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajp.9-4-2.
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Thomas Gamkrelidze &Viacheslav Ivanov’s fundamental work, based on lexical borrowings and structural-typological similarities of the Indo-European, Kartvelian, and Semitic Proto-Languages, confirms that the Georgians (Kartvelian tribes) together with the representatives of ancient civilizations (Indo-Europeans and Semites) historically belong to the same chronological stage. In this respect, the lexical units denoting ‘wine’ in the above-mentioned languages, being the subject of much research, seem very notable. The views on the Kartvelian origin of the respective stems are as old as that of considering the Kartvelian form as an Indo-European borrowing. Various viewpoints exist because the reasonable etymology of the stem has not been established based on Kartvelian data. The paper examines the Common-Kartvelian stem *γvin- ‘wine’, reconstructed by the comparison of Georgian, Megrelian, Laz, and Svan (resp. Kartvelian languages) linguistic data. Taking into account that the root represents a regular form defined by the rules of Kartvelian ablaut alternations, it is possible to regard this form as a Kartvelian stem derived from the verb *γun- denoting ‘creep, curve, twist’, and not as an Indo-European borrowing, as it used to be accepted. Thus, another linguistic-typological parallel between Kartvelian and Indo-European languages has been revealed at the lexical level. Keywords: Kartvelian languages, Indo-European languages, Semitic languages, Comparative-Historical linguistics, Kartvelian ablaut patterns, the lexeme wine
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Kroonen, Guus. „Hittite kapart-/kapirt - ‘small rodent’ and Proto-Semitic *ˁkbr-t- ‘mouse, jerboa’“. Indogermanische Forschungen 121, Nr. 1 (01.11.2016): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2016-0003.
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Abstract The Hittite doublet kapart-/kapirt-, designating a small rodent, is currently assumed to continue an Indo-European formation. Hittitologists almost unanimously analyze it as an ablauting t-stem coined from the preverb *ko(m)- ‘together’ and the Indo-European root *bʰer- ‘to carry’, i. e. *ko(m)-bʰēr-t- or *ko(m)- bʰr̥-t. Accordingly, the meaning ‘small rodent’ is explained as having developed from ‘collector’ or ‘hoarder’. It appears that there is a good alternative to this etymology, however, as the Semitic languages offer evidence for a feminine t-stem to the root *ˁkbr- meaning ‘mouse; jerboa’, viz. Akkadian akbartu-, Phoenician ˁkbrt and Syriac ˁuḳbartā. It seems more plausible that this is the source of Hitt. kapart-/kapirt-.
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Cholan, Victoria, und Vira Ponomarova. „LINGUOCULTURAL CONSTANTS OF SLAVONIC TYPICAL TEXTS“. Scientific Journal of Polonia University 43, Nr. 6 (18.06.2021): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/4302.
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The subsystem of the linguistic cultural constants formed at the early stages of the ethnic genesis and correlated with the subsystem of the ethnos’ moral and ethical values expressed by linguistic means, represents the basis of each idioethnical linguistic system, since it reflects the existential perception of the world and oneself in it as an individual linguistic personality and the community of individuals as a whole. The formal and semantic structural plans of the basic constants, expressed by linguistic units of the ancient Indo-European origin, are associated with Indo-European roots. It is the ancient Indo-European root (the first root) of a linguistic unit of the lexical level as a component of a textual construction that often acts as an etymon (archetype) in the etymological reconstruction of a lexical unit. In turn, the primary meaning of the Indo-European root (the formal-semantic basis of the lingual cultural constant) necessarily correlates with the ancient sacred symbol-image that exists in the collective-individual consciousness of the ethnos, possibly from the pre-literary period, sacred for the ethnos, sometimes with several symbol-images forming a semiotic sacred-mythological linguistic subsystem. The subsystem of the linguistic cultural constants characterizing an ethnos contains information on its ontological peculiarities: its language system and its cultural profile as a set of the linguistic unity, the type of thinking and the nature of textual information perception. Consequently, the social dynamics of the linguistic cultural constants, represented by the translated Typical, or Statutory canonical Christian texts in the Slavic Liturgical discourse of the Kiev Russian at the end of the tenth century determines the specific stability of the purposeful verbal impact as the content of the Slavic-speaking communicative process that took place during the Christianization of the society of Kievan state.
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BEZPALENKO, Anatolii. „Vocalism of Indo-European root in the mirror of probability theory“. Humanities science current issues 1, Nr. 40 (2021): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2308-4863/40-1-13.
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Jaszczyński, Maciej. „Indo-European Roots of the Helen of Troy“. Studia Ceranea 8 (30.12.2018): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.08.01.
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As a part of the series on female deities and demons in the Indo-European culture, the article begins by establishing Helen’s divine character in the Greek tradition and religion. The first area where the Indo-European character of Helen is displayed concerns the etymology of her name, which has been the subject of discussion and controversy throughout several decades. The most prominent theories are presented, including the concept of Pokorny and West to explain her name as ‘Lady of Light’ from the Proto-Indo-European root *swel- or *swelh1-, the idea of Skutsch to connect Helen with Vedic Saṛanyū, the etymology by Clader relying on the local Greek ritual practices and finally the new etymology provided by Pinault explaining the name as ‘having a year like a thread’ from Proto-Indo-European *suh1-l̥-h1eno. The second part of the article deals with the cultural, literary and religious attributes of Helen which connect her with the Indo-European world, especially with the Vedic tradition. The most interesting aspects include the issue of Helen’s parenthood and her birth, her relationship with her brothers – the Dioskouroi – the prototypical Indo-European Divine Twins, as well as similarities with Vedic goddesses Uṣās – Dawn and Sūryā́ – the Sun Princess. The final part of the article establishes Helen as the Greek representation of the Indo-European myth of an abducted wife. Relying heavily on the analysis of Jamison, it draws on the similarities between the passages in the book III of the Mahābhārata and the book III of the Iliad, which from the comparative perspective explains well the inclusion of this scene in the Homeric epic and Helen’s role in it as well as sheds more light on the Indo-European practices regarding marriage. Lastly, the article mentions a connection between Helen and Vedic Saṛanyū by the story of eidolon – a phantom, which both characters created at certains points in some literary traditions.
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Mikić, A. „Grain legume crop history among Slavic nations traced using linguistic evidence“. Czech Journal of Genetics and Plant Breeding 50, No. 2 (12.06.2014): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/212/2013-cjgpb.
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With Proto-Slavic and other Proto-Indo-European homelands close to each other and on the routes of domestication of the first cultivated grain legumes, now known as pulses, one may assume that the ancestors of the modern Slavic nations knew field beans, peas or lentils quite well. The main goal of this short note was to examine the origin and the diversity of the words denoting field bean, pea and lentil in most of the modern Slavic languages. The common ancestor of all modern Slavic words denoting field bean is the Proto-Slavic *bobŭ, derived from the Proto-Indo-European *bhabh-, bhabhā, also denoting field bean and meaning literally something swelling. The Proto-Slavic root *gorhŭ, denoting pea, is the origin of the words denoting pea in all the Slavic languages and was derived from the Proto-Indo-European *ghArs-, ghers-2, that denoted a leguminous plant in general. The words denoting lentil in the modern Slavic languages form two etymologically distinct groups. The first one owes the origin to the Proto-Slavic *lętjā, also denoting lentil and deriving from the Proto-Indo-European root *lent-, *lent-s-, with the same meaning. Another group has its origin in the Proto-Slavic *sočevicа, somehow related to the Proto-Slavic *sòkŭ, denoting juice. This short thesaurus is a testimony of the significant role the most ancient Eurasian grain legumes, such as field bean, pea and lentil, have been playing in the everyday life of the modern Slavic nations.
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Oguibénine, Boris. „Notes on Some Russian Wordsand Their Indo-European Relations“. Slavic and Balkan Linguistics, Nr. 2 (2019): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3372.2019.2.2.
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1. Etymology of озóрный, озорнóй ‘mischievous, misbehaving'; 2. Variants of мнить ‘to think, imagine' 1. The root element -зор- extracted from the demorphologized (decomposed) verb ра-зор-ить is probably borrowed from Ossetic (Digor) zol ‘skew, oblique' > ‘false, unjust, unfair' after it underwent rhoticism. The proposed hypothesis helps to etymologize the above verb rejecting previous attempts making use of Proto-Slavic preverb *orz combined with the verb *oriti ‘to destroy'. 2. Russian verbs мнить and млеть [if refl ecting Indo-European *m(V)R-] are related assuming the alternation мн- /мл-. Both verbs belong to the semantic fi eld of thinking, imagining and, specifi cally, of praying.
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Yermolenko, S. „RECONSTRUCTION OF THE SEMANTIC STRUCTURE OF GERMANIC-BALTIC-SLAVIC WORD FAMILIES (INDO-EUROPEAN *BHLENDH-)“. Comparative studies of Slavic languages and literatures. In memory of Academician Leonid Bulakhovsky, Nr. 36 (2020): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2075-437x.2020.36.03.
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Being a research within the framework of the genetical word family approach to the comparative-historic study of Indo-European lexis and semantics, the article focuses on the semantic structure of the historical-etymological word family of the Indo-European root *bhlendh- encompassing words of the Germanic, Baltic and Slavonic languages. Analyzing the evidence provided by the reflexes of this word family’s underlying etymon, the author reconsiders the reconstruction of its primitive meaning and, outlining principal directions of its further semantic development, gives an explanation to certain peculiarities of this development which up till now remained unaccounted for.
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Далалян, Т. С. „Из истории одной армяно-осетинской изоглоссы: ard- (< и.-е. *art-)“. Bulletin of Armenian Studies, Nr. 8 (21.12.2022): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.58226/2579-275x-2022.8-41.
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Статья посвящена когнатам одного индоевропейского корня, которые в осетинском и армянском языках представляют исключительную изоглоссу. Рассматриваются армянские и осетинские производные и.-е. *art- (*r̥-to-) в разные периоды истории армянского и осетинского языков, в частности их семантические трансформации. Данный корень является одним из ключевых понятий в системе индоевропейских религиозно- мифологических представлений. Привлекается также материал клинописных надписей Ванского царства – Урарту. The article is devoted to cognates of the Indo-European root, representing an exclusive isogloss in the Ossetic and Armenian languages. We consider the Armenian and Ossetic derivatives of the IE *art- (*r̥-to-) in different periods of the history of the Armenian and Ossetic languages, in particular, their semantic transformations. This root concerns one of the key concepts of Indo- European religious-mythological system. We also examine the material of the cuneiform inscriptions of the Kingdom of Van – Urartu.
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Pyataeva, N. V. „Indo-European root *do- and proto-slavic theonym Дажьбог: etymology and semantics“. Yazyk i kul'tura, Nr. 2(30) (01.06.2015): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19996195/30/10.
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Taranets, Valentyn, Nataliia Shkvorchenko und Ihor Peresada. „THE ORIGIN OF THE SWEDES (HISTORICAL-LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE ETHNOS)“. Naukovy Visnyk of South Ukrainian National Pedagogical University named after K. D. Ushynsky: Linguistic Sciences 2019, Nr. 29 (November 2019): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2616-5317-2019-29-17.
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The article is dedicated to the problem of the origin of the Swedes tribe against the background of Indo-European ethnogenesis in comparison with the Rus tribe, which were formed on the basis of territorial and pagan proximity to a relatively single ethnic group and a super-language (koine) on the Don. The study is based on the mythological material of the Ynglinga saga and the Book of Veles, lexicographic, toponymic features of the indicated tribes, in which the roots of the ethnic groups stand out. The latter is confirmed in Finnish names regarding the country of Sweden, which the Finns call Ruotsi, Ruossi, Ruohti, Ruotti, the Votes – Rôtsi, the Estonians – Rôťs, on the other hand, the name of the country Sweden has the ancient forms of Swes, Sues, Swēorice “Kingdom of the Swedes” and modern with the meaning “Sweden”: Icelandic Svíþjóð, Swedish Sverige. The origin of the Slavic and German ethnic groups occurred during the period of cohabitation of these peoples in the Indo-European proto-ethnics on the banks of the Don River, approximately in the second millennium BC. These origins include the origin of Indo-European root of kweruki, which the names of the ethnic groups are evolved from: * kweruχi (palatalization)> rusi> rusy “Rus” and * kwеruki ~ * ruti (substitution)> fin. ruotsi “swedes”. The Indo-European root of *kwa in the meaning of “Universe, God” is the origin of Germanic *sve- / swe-, which gave birth to the names of Suionen (Tacitus), Swēorice “Kingdom of the Swedes” and Swerikl, Swealand, Swithiod, as well as Latin Svedia, Svecia, Sveonia with the meaning “Sweden”. The above is proved by the presence of the common goddess Mother-SVA (Slavs) and Moder Svea (Swedes).
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Vasko, Roman, Alla Korolyova und Yan Kapranov. „Phonological and semantic transposition of the etymon *'wet "water" and the results of its reflection in native speakers consciousness of Nostratic“. MESSENGER of Kyiv National Linguistic University. Series Philology 24, Nr. 2 (27.01.2022): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2311-0821.2.2021.252090.
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The article deals with the phonological and semantic reconstruction of Nostratic etymon *'wet and its genetic transformations that were restored on the basis of five language families.The process of transposition of the generalized sign *'wet is established to have taken place in the development of sacred meanings in its semantic structure. These meanings were connected with the initial ideas of Nostratic native speakers about water as a liquid (substance) and its movement: horizontal, vertical, speed.The motivational macromodel WATER – LIQUID / SUBSTANCE was built, which was gradually transformed into a universal metaphorical model WATER – MOVEMENT with three micromodels typical of the studied etymons of five language families: WATER – HORIZONTAL MOVEMENT (Afro-Asiatic *wada?e "water, river" (as a result of the initial fixation of figurative-sacred meanings "to fluctuate" and "long", preserved in the semantic transpositions of Indo-European roots of del-2 and del-5); WATER – VERTICAL MOVEMENT (Altaic *оdV "rain", the meaning of which is completely preserved in the Indo-European root del-4 "rain"); WATER – SLOW MOVEMENT (VERTICAL-HORIZONTAL / SOURCE) (for Dravidian *vat- (-d-) and fixed in the semantic transpositions of the Indo-European del-5).It is assumed that the polysemy of meanings influenced the phonological transpositions in the etymons of five language families, one of which is the transition from a simple form of Nostratic *t-root to extended (complex) preforms with *d-root.The polysemy of meanings, as well as the phonological transposition in the etymologies of the five language families, probably took place according to two regular schemes: radial and chain-radial. The radial scheme of polysemy with phonological transposition is typical of Afro-Asiatic *wada?e "water, river"; Dravidian *vat- (-d-) "flow, run in a small stream"; Indo-European *'wed- / *'wod- / *'ud- "water", meanwhile the chain-radial scheme with phonological transformations – of Altaic *оdV "rain" and Uralic *wete "water".
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Lindeman, Fredrik Otto. „Indo-european 'laryngeals' and Hittite hinik-, heu-: some critical observations“. Linguistica 33, Nr. 1 (01.12.1993): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.33.1.113-116.
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Referring to 'lex Eichner' 1 certain scholars2 teach that the he- of Hittite heu 'rain' (heu-/he-aw-)3 goes back ultimately to the lengthened e-grade (*H-ēy-) of a root *H2ey-, the zero-grade of which is attested by the Hittite nasal infix verb stem hinik 'to rain'< *H2inek- (cf. heus hinikta, Laroche, RHA. 23, 1965, p. 68f.); a variant form of the stem *H2inek- is *sH2in( e)k- (with s-mobile) allegedly underlying Vedic siñcáti 'pour, sprinkle', Avest. hinčaiti 'id.'. Hence, the basic verbal theme from which these nasal infix presents are all ultimately derived, must be reconstructed as IE. *(s)H2eyk-.
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ГУТИЕВА, Э. Т. „REFLEXES OF THE COMMON INDO-EUROPEAN ROOT “PERSON, MAN” IN ENGLISH AND OSSETIAN LANGUAGES“. Известия СОИГСИ, Nr. 50(89) (20.12.2023): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.46698/vnc.2023.89.50.003.
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Количество рефлексов общеиндоевропейского корня *dhg'həmo-/*dhg'homo-«человек, мужчина» увеличивается по мере увеличения глубины диахронического анализа практически всех языков индоевропейской семьи языков. На более ранних этапах исторического развития рефлексов его было больше, семантика их была более общей, деривационный потенциал выше. В силу комплекса языковых и экстралингвистических причин они претерпевали семантические изменение, редукцию лексической сочетаемости, ослабление связей с однокоренными словами, утрату продуктивности, превращение в отдельные словообразовательные элементы. Корень являлся частью общегерманского лексического фонда, что зафиксировано письменными памятниками северо- и западногерманских языков. Особенно показательным является то, что сохранению корня в английском языке не способствовало многолетнее влияние французского, представителя романской группы языков, в которой основной номинацией «мужчина», «человек» являются производными именно данного корня. Также не имело место и заимствование французских когнатов. Отсутствие его видимых рефлексов на современной стадии не означает его полной элиминации. Корень *gumô в английском языке сохранился в составе композита bridegroom, опознание которого затрудняет эпентетический согласный -r-. Аналогичным образом в осетинском языке корень, потеряв способность к самостоятельному употреблению, также мог сохраниться в композитных образованиях. Ревизия слов, номинирующих человека, мужчину, позволяет считать возможными рефлексами корня элементы, сохранившиеся в композитных образованиях: (нæл)гоймаг, сылгоймаг, фæсгоймаг, удгойма, хургом. Кроме того, нам представляется, что могла иметь место и ревитализация данного корня, который на современном этапе стал использоваться в качестве гендернонейтральной единицы «человек, лицо, личность». The number of reflexes of the common Indo-European root *dhg'həmo-/*dhg'homo- “man, man” increases with the depth of diachronic analysis of almost all languages of the Indo-European family of languages. At the earlier stages of their historical development there were more reflexes, with more general semantics, and their derivational potential was higher. Due to a complex of linguistic and extralinguistic reasons, they underwent semantic changes, reduction of lexical compatibility, weakening of connections with cognate words, loss of productivity, and transformation into separate word-forming elements. The root was part of the common Germanic lexical fund, which is recorded in written works of the North and West Germanic languages. It is worthy of special mention, that the preservation of the root in the English language was not facilitated even by the long-term influence of French, a representative of the Romance group of languages, in which the main nomination “man”, “person” are derivatives of this particular root. Borrowing of the French cognates did not take place either. The absence of the visible reflexes of the root at the modern stage does not mean its complete elimination. The root *gumô in English is preserved as part of the composite “bridegroom”, the identification of which is complicated by the epenthetic consonant -r-. Similarly, in the Ossetian language, the root, having lost the ability to be used independently, could also have been preserved in the composite formations. A revision of the words nominating a person, a man, allows us to consider elements preserved in Ossetian composite formations as possible reflexes of the root: (næl)goymag, sylgoymag, fæsgoymag, udgoyma, khurgom. In addition, it seems to us, that there could have been a revitalization of this root, since at the present stage goymag has begun to be used as a gender-neutral unit in the meaning “person, personality”.
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Beek, Lucien van. „Homeric κρείων ‘lord’ and the Indo-European word for ‘head’“. Indogermanische Forschungen 119, Nr. 1 (01.11.2014): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2014-0007.
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Abstract An old idea, commonly accepted today,1 is that Homeric κρείων ‘lord, ruler’, Classical Greek κρέων derives from the same verbal root as Vedic śri- ‘beauty, splendor’, śréyas- ‘more beautiful’, Avestan sraiiah- ‘id.’, sraiian- ‘beauty’ and other related forms. In this article, I will challenge this idea, and argue instead that κρείων derives from the PIE nominal stem *ḱrh₂-s- ‘head’. More precisely, κρείων is the outcome of a masculine n-stem derivative PGr. *krāh-on- ‘chief’, derivationally related to (but distinct from) the oblique PGr. *krāhn̥t- ‘head’, the outcome of the PIE neuter *ḱrh₂-s-n-. This PGr. *krāhon- was reshaped as *krāhontafter other nt-stems with a similar meaning, notably γέροντ- ‘old man’.
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Norman, Tal, Tamar Degani und Orna Peleg. „Transfer of L1 visual word recognition strategies during early stages of L2 learning: Evidence from Hebrew learners whose first language is either Semitic or Indo-European“. Second Language Research 32, Nr. 1 (11.10.2015): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658315608913.
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The present study examined visual word recognition processes in Hebrew (a Semitic language) among beginning learners whose first language (L1) was either Semitic (Arabic) or Indo-European (e.g. English). To examine if learners, like native Hebrew speakers, exhibit morphological sensitivity to root and word-pattern morphemes, learners made an off-line graded lexical decision task on unfamiliar letter strings. Critically, these letter strings were manipulated to include or exclude familiar Hebrew morphemes. The results demonstrate differential morphological sensitivity as a function of participants’ language background. In particular, Indo-European-L1 learners exhibited increased sensitivity to word-pattern familiarity, with little effect of root familiarity. In contrast, Semitic-L1 learners exhibited non-additive sensitivity to both morphemes. Specifically, letter strings with a familiar root and a familiar word-pattern were the most likely to be judged as real words by this L1-Semitic group, whereas strings with a familiar root in the absence of a familiar word-pattern were the most likely to lead to a non-word decision. These findings show that both groups of learners activate their morphological knowledge in Hebrew in order to process unfamiliar Hebrew words. Critically, the findings further demonstrate transfer of L1 word recognition processes during the initial stages of second language (L2) learning.
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Watkins, Calvert. „‘In the interstices of procedure’“. Historiographia Linguistica 13, Nr. 1 (01.01.1986): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.13.1.05wat.
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Summary “Ancient law is hidden in the interstices of procedure” (Sir Henry Sumner Maine). We examine three Indo-European linguistic and cultural analogs form the sphere of legal language, each illustrating a different approach to comparative Indo-European Law. 1) structural: The forms of oath for the three non-servile castes in Hindu law, satyena, vāhānayudhaih, gobījakāñcanaih (Mn.8.113) reflect the hierarchy of Dumézil’s idéologie des trois functions. Parallels for the second and third are noted in Old Norse, Old Irish, and archaic Latin oaths. 2) lexical: Cretan Greek (peuthen), Germanic (*beudan) and Old Irish (ad-boind) agree in attesting forms of the root *bheudh- in the meaning ‘give legal notice (of), announce, proclaim.’ This meaning is inherited and part of the semantics of Indo-European active transitive *bhunédh-ti (*bhunéddhi). 3) institutional: The ‘Pecularly Roman’ opposition of res mancipi/res nec mancipi reflects a traditional hierarchy in the categories of property which is of Common Indo-European origin: large cattle, man, land. Indian law in the sanctions of false witness (Mn. 13.14–16) and Old Iranian law in the classes of contract (Vd. 4.1–4) both make reference to the identical hierarchy of the categories of property, as a traditional ‘yardstick’. By the tenets of the comparative method, these three traditional hierarchies, all equally arbitrarily within their own culture, require the postulation of a common original.
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Bichlmeier, Harald. „Der Flussname Inn, Ockhams Rasiermesser und moderne Indogermanistik“. Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 68, Nr. 1 (10.12.2021): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zcph-2021-0003.
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Abstract Some European hydronyms (among them also the river-name Inn) have sometimes been explained based on a root PIE “ *en‑/*on‑” (modern spelling: PIE *h₁en(H)-), which has usually been given the meaning ‘flow, river’ vel sim. This root cannot even be found in Pokorny’s Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (1959). No real proof for that root has been found in the appellative lexicon of any Indo-European language. Moreover, there aren’t any sure continuations of that root in the onymic lexicons of those languages. All names put forward as arguments can either be explained based on a root PIE *pen-/*pon- ‘swamp, (standing) water’ (because they are Celtic) or based on a root PIE *h₂en- ‘haul (water)’. As long as no proof of an appellative use of a root PIE *h₁en(H)- can be offered, which alone might tell us, what that root actually meant, the application of ‘Occam’s razor’ leaves us no other choice but to explain all regarding names from the other two roots.
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Schwartz, Martin. „Armeno-Iranica, Indo-Europaeica, and Gathica“. Iran and the Caucasus 26, Nr. 1 (17.03.2022): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20220104.
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I shall review the various etymological proposals for Armenian skay/hskay ‘giant’/ To be refuted is the pervasive hypothesis that the collocation Paroyr Skayordi represents the name of a Scyth (Assyrian Partatua, Greak Προτοθύης) who is supposedly ‘son (ordi) of a Saka (skay)’, whereby skay ‘giant’ is taken from Saka- ‘Scyth’. Then it will be discussed whether and how skay comes from Middle Persian kay, which will entail an exploration of the history of the latter word, from Avestan kauui- to various Middle Iranian forms, and relevant attesttaions in the Manichean Book of the Giants. With rejection of the explanations hitherto for the s- of the skay, a new account will be offered, with further discussion of the h- of hskay. APPENDIX I will set forth the Proto-Indo-European root *kelĝ and its intricate semantics. APPENDIX II will be devoted to phonic encryption in the Gathas.
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Lundquist, Jesse. „Penelope’s αἰνοπαθῆ (σ 201)“. Journal of Greek Linguistics 21, Nr. 2 (11.11.2021): 193–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02102001.
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Abstract The Homeric hapax αἰνοπαθής ‘terribly suffering’ has been adduced as evidence for ancient processes of Indo-European word-formation. In particular, the vocalism of the root, α of -παθ-, would derive from *n̥, an ablaut grade conditioned by the accent on the ending -ής (a “hysterokinetic” s-stem adjective). I reexamine the passage where the word is found and argue the vocalism of -παθής reflects not an archaism but an innovation in Homeric Greek. Using this reanalysis as a point of departure, I review recent literature on s-stem adjectives in Greek, Vedic, and Proto-Indo-European, disputing that the evidence suffices for a hysterokinetic reconstruction. I propose that the PIE accent was borne on the first member of these exocentric compounds as we find it in earliest Old Indic, in the prehistory of Greek, and in certain Greek archaisms.
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Sandell, Ryan. „Vedic dāśvā́ṃs- ‘pious one’, Homeric ἀδηκότες ‘inattentive’, and the “long-vowel” perfects of Proto-Indo-European“. Indo-European Linguistics 6, Nr. 1 (05.12.2018): 117–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00601004.
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Abstract Although the morphological components of the Vedic noun dāśvā́ṃs- are, from the Indo-European point of view, relatively transparent (root */dek̑-/ ‘perceive’, perfect participle suffix */-u̯ós-/), the exact derivation of the form is disputed, insofar as its history is bound up with an understanding of Proto-Indo-European “long-vowel preterites” (Schumacher 2005, Jasanoff 2012). This article argues that a shallow synchronic derivation of dāśvā́ṃs- in Vedic Sanskrit encounters problems in both morphology and phonology that have been overlooked by proponents of such a derivation (Jasanoff 2012, LIV2: 110–111). The article then further proposes that a cognate of dāśvā́ṃs- is to be found in the isolated Homeric adjective, ἀδηκότες, previously without certain interpretation or etymology; here the gloss ‘inattentive, oblivious, unheeding’ is proposed. The etymological connection of dāśvā́ṃs- to Homeric (ἀ-)δηκότ(-ε/ας) thus supports the reconstruction of a Proto-(Nuclear)-Indo-European (PNIE) form *[dēk̑u̯ós-]; within the grammar of PNIE itself, such a form would be synchronically derived as a perfect participle /RED-dek̑-u̯ós-/, in which a “long-vowel” form surfaces in perfect stems whose zero-grade form is phonologically dispreferred and therefore repaired (cf. Schumacher 2005, Zukoff 2014, Sandell 2015a, Sandell 2015b: Ch. 8, Zukoff 2017a: Ch. 5, 7). The larger implication is at least some “long-vowel” preterites of PNIE can be explained as phonologically driven allomorphs of perfect weak stems.
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Repanšek, Luka. „Ocra — an Etymological Proposal“. Вопросы Ономастики 21, Nr. 1 (2024): 187–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2024.21.1.009.
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The ancient name of the mountain (pass) that lies at the junction of the Julian and Dinaric Alps (nowadays Mt Nanos and the adjoining Razdrto Pass in southwestern Slovenia) is attested as Ocra in Latin (Pliny) and ῎Oκρα in Greek sources (Strabo, Ptolemy). The name is surely Italic and is argued to go back to Proto-Indo-European *H2ok̑reH2- (to *H2ek̑ - ‘to be/become/make sharp’). Given that an o-grade root is not expected in a deverbal adjective in -ro- (i.e. *H2ek̑-ró- ‘sharp’), such a formation is only interpretable as a substantivized feminine form of the possessive adjective *H2ok̑-r-ó- ‘sharp,’ derived from an acrostatic heteroclite neuter abstract noun *H2ók̑-r-/*H2ék̑-n- ‘sharpness.’ As such, Ocra ~ ῎Oκρα is the only unambiguous evidence for the existence of a deverbal abstract with o : e ablaut in Proto-Indo-European. In the addendum a brief etymological account is given of the place-name Acumincum ~ Acimincum from Pannonia Inferior, which likewise goes back ultimately to the PIE root *H2ek̑ -, arguing in favour of the Ptolemaic variant with Acu- (as opposed to Aci-) as the forma difficilior. The proposed etymology starts from PIE *H2ek̑-m̥n-o- > *akumno- ‘rock’ + *-enko- (*akumnenko- ‘rocky (place)’), from which *akumenko- > *akuminko- would then be produced by simple regressive dissimilation.
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Krasukhin, Konstantin. „The Root *dheh1- ‘Put, Pose; Make, Act’ in Old Greek and Italic on the Indo-European Background“. Izvestiia Rossiiskoi akademii nauk. Seriia literatury i iazyka 81, Nr. 1 (2022): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s160578800018925-3.
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The development of root *dheh1- is considered, previously in Greek and Italic. This root, as also some other with laryngeal auslaut, is developed into a stem with auslaut *¬-k-, whose origin is disputable. Probably, it appeared as a glide, a result connection of two laryngeals (in 1 Sg. perfect), and originally characterized its “strong” forms. This glide is spread on the stem of aorist, and became a marker of active singular. In some other roots it spread on the whole verbal paradigm in all tenses. The verbal stem in Italic is formed with this *-k- – the variant with full grade in preterit, and derived present with zero grade and suffix *-io-; then a stative verb with suffix -ē-. Traces of the same morphological process are attested also in Germanic language; in Tocharian languages there are stems with -k-, what replaces an old laryngeal. The morphological and semantic archaisms of the root *dheh1- is argued
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Laskowski, Maciej. „Etymology as a vehicle for Polish-English cultural links“. Applied Linguistics Papers 4/2023, Nr. 27 (18.12.2023): 26–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32612/uw.25449354.2023.4.pp.26-33.
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Etymology is one of the ways to demonstrate cultural links between Poland and England and can be used in glottodidactics. The cardinal objective of the article is to present the results of an etymological analysis of selected Polish and English words that derive from the same etymon. It also outlines the advantages and ways of using elements of etymology in language teaching. Since the languages share a common ancestor in the form of the Proto-Indo-European language, it is not surprising that a significant number of Polish and English words share a common origin. What seems intriguing and less obvious is how the shape and meaning of some of them have evolved over time, and this non-obviousness was one of the criteria for selecting the words analysed. For example, from the Proto-Indo-European root *gu̯en- come both the Polish word żona ‘wife’ and the English word queen ‘wife of a king’, which used to refer to ‘woman in general’ in both languages.
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Majer, Marek. „A Note on the Balto-Slavic and Indo-European Background of the Proto-Slavic Adjective *svętъ ‘Holy’“. Studia Ceranea 7 (30.12.2017): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.07.09.
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The standard etymological explanation of the Proto-Slavic adjective *svętъ ‘holy, saint’ – a word of extreme literary, cultural and religious importance in the Slavic world – concentrates on the formal match with Lithuanian šventas ‘id.’ and Avestan spəṇta‑ ‘life-giving, holy’ (PIE *ḱwen‑to‑, from the root *ḱwen‑). This article highlights the verbal formation seen in Latvian svinêtsvin svinẽjo ‘celebrate, venerate’, generally recognized as another reflex of the root *ḱwen‑ in Balto-Slavic, but without due attention to the formal implications. It is argued that both in Av. and in BSl. the adjective spəṇta‑/*svętъ behaves as an item participating in the so-called ‘Caland System’ (a set of arbitrary morphological alternations reconstructible for Proto-Indo-European).
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Vijūnas, Aurelijus. „The long vowel in WGmc. *hlūdV“. Indogermanische Forschungen 119, Nr. 1 (01.11.2014): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2014-0006.
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Abstract Although there is a long tradition of deriving Old English hlūd, Old High German hlūt ‘loud’, Old English hlӯd ‘sound’ etc. from the Proto-Indo-European root *ḱleu̯- ‘hear’, such a derivation poses insurmountable phonological problems. Several attempts have been made to explain these West Germanic formations away as analogical after seṭ-roots in the zero grade, but a closer investigation (described in this paper) has revealed that the latter formations could not serve as the source of analogy for the forms of the hlūd-type. In this article, it is proposed that the forms of the hlūd-type derive from another verbal root altogether.
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Bichlmeier, Harald. „On the Etymology of the River-name Ruhr and Some of its Central-European Cognates: Celtic or not Celtic – That is the Question“. Journal of Celtic Linguistics 22, Nr. 1 (01.01.2021): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jcl.22.3.
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Traditionally, the river-nameRuhr and its siblings are said to be derived from the root PIE *reuH - 'tear up, dig up' (outdated form of reconstruction: *reu-, *reu-, *ru - [IEW 868]) and they are regarded as part of the so-called 'Old European hydronymy'. Reviewing the literature on the river-namesRuhr, Rur, Rulles, and the place-name Ruhla, we find that two different pre-forms tend to be reconstructed, *rūr° and * rur°. It can be shown that by applying a sound-law generally accepted in Indo-European linguistics (Dybo's Law), the pre-form must be reconstructed as * rur°, even if we start from the root mentioned above (PIE *ruH-ró- > Late (Western-)PIE * ruró-). But as the semantics of that root appears to be not very satisfactory, further roots are tried as starting-points for etymologizing the names in question. The following roots are possible from a structural/phonological point of view: a) PIE *h3reuH- 'shout, roar': PIE *h3ruH-ró- > late PIE *(h3)ruró -; b) PIE *h2 reu - 'shine, sparkle (reddishly)': PIE * h2 ru- ró- > late PIE *( h2 )ruró -; c) PIE *h3 reu - 'move quickly, dash forward': PIE * h3 ru- ró- > late PIE *(h3)ruró -. Two language groups are attested in the areas, where the rivers are situated: Germanic and Celtic. But out of the three roots just mentioned none is continued in Germanic and only PIE *h2 reu- 'shine, sparkle (reddishly)' and PIE *h3 reu- 'move quickly, dash forward' are continued in Celtic. A formation from another root, PIE * preu- 'jump' (* pru-ró- > PCelt. * []ruró-) would give the correct result in Celtic, but the root does not have descendants in any Celtic language. Thus we arrive at the result that the river names, which are all on potentially Celtic territory, are most probably Celtic. The names meant either 'the quick(ly flowing) one' or 'the gleaming one' – both solutions are semantically typical for the oldest layers of hydronyms. No decision between these two results is possible. But as we can offer an etymology now anchored in a single Indo-European language (group), there is no reason anymore to regard these names as 'voreinzelsprachlich' and thus part of the 'Old European hydronymy'. It remains to be researched, whether all the hydronyms traditionally derived from the root PIE *reuH - 'tear up, dig up' (outdated form of reconstruction: *reu-, *reu-, *ru-) are really necessarily to be connected with this root, now that three other roots (PIE *h3reuH- 'shout, roar', PIE * h2reu- 'shine, sparkle (reddishly)', PIE *h3 reu - 'move quickly, dash forward') offer phonologically and semantically possible starting-points for etymologies.
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Bozzone, Chiara. „The Origin of the Caland System and the Typology of Adjectives“. Indo-European Linguistics 4, Nr. 1 (2016): 15–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00401003.
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This paper argues that the Caland system rests on a Pre-PIE verb-like adjective class, which formed root aorists. The Caland system as we know it came to be when PIE shifted to having a noun-like adjective class, and the Caland roots had to be adapted to the new system via derivation (while the old root aorists were gradually lost). Evidence for root aorists to Caland roots in Vedic is reviewed, and a typologically informed scenario for the shift is proposed. Finally, the paper argues that this scenario clarifies the origin of the *-eh1- stative in Indo-European (following Jasanoff (2002–2003)’s account), which would have arisen as PIE shifted from verb-like adjectives to nominal adjectives, and came to have a switch adjective system based on aspect.
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Mees, Bernard. „Two difficult forms on the Tune memorial“. European Journal of Scandinavian Studies 52, Nr. 2 (01.10.2022): 281–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ejss-2022-2011.
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Abstract The Tune runestone preserves one of the most important older runic inscriptions. Yet two main interpretations have been proposed for the text on side B of the early Norwegian memorial. The more recent interpretation relies on the existence of a Proto-Germanic fabricatory verb *dālijaną that is not attested otherwise. Side B also features a superlative adjective featuring the ending -jōstēz whose root has equally been the subject of a range of unlikely proposals. The early runic verb dalidun is most plausibly taken as reflecting a loan of *dāl-, the Celtic reflection of the Indo-European verbal root *deh 1 (i̯)- ‘to divide’, while the superlative appears to be most obviously comparable to Gothic sinistans ‘elders’.
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Freynik, Suzanne, Kira Gor und Polly O’Rourke. „L2 processing of Arabic derivational morphology“. Mental Lexicon 12, Nr. 1 (18.06.2017): 21–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.12.1.02fre.
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Abstract The current study examined how non-native speakers process the highly productive derivational morphology of Arabic in which, in contrast to Indo-European languages, word formation involves interleaving a root and template structure. Previous research shows that native speakers of Arabic decompose morphologically complex words in lexical processing. Using cross-modal priming, the current study shows that non-native speakers of Arabic (L1 English) also decompose derived forms such that there is priming between words that share a common root which is not due to semantic or phonological overlap. In spite of the typological distance, native English speakers organize their L2 Arabic lexicons in a manner similar to native Arabic speakers.
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Cherniukh-Matsiievska, Nadiia. „VERBAL ROOT *ΜΑΝ- IN ANCIENT GREEK: ETYMOLOGY AND DERIVATIONAL FIELD“. Studia Linguistica, Nr. 21 (2022): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/studling2022.21.78-87.
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The current paper has sought to look at the etymology and derivational capacity of the sub-concept ΜΑΝΙΑ, which belongs to the group of sub-concepts ΝΟΣΟΣ, ΑΣΘΕΝΕΙΑ and ΑΡΡΩΣΤΙΑ that make up the core of the macro-concept DISEASE in the ancient Greek language. The result displays that the root μαν- in ancient Greek can be traced back to the Indo-European root *men-/man and refers to the mental sphere. This conclusion is supported by the analysis of derivatives existing in some Indo-European languages. Following the line of thought that studying the derivational capacity is of crucial importance for the analysis of the chosen sub-concept, the paper singles out 28 derivatives formed from the verbal root μαν- with the meaning of mental disorder. The head of all derivatives that evolved from the mentioned root is the noun ἡ μανία and the verb μαίνομαι which belong to the archaic layer of the Greek lexicon. The majority of derived lexemes are represented by adjectives (14 units) and verbs (12 units). A lot of compound adjectives contain –μανης as the second component and the number of such compounds increased from the Hellenistic era onwards. The paper substantiates that when these adjectives realize the nuclear seme “excessive addiction” it combines with the semes of the first component that commonly serve to express the cause of state. Suffixation and stem compounding that are generally typical for nominal parts of speech (nouns, adjectives) were discovered to be the principal types of word formation. Prefixation was less common and was characteristic of verbs. The research findings illustrate how prefixes partially modify the meaning of primary stems and provide new coinages with additional shades of intensity, relationality, directiveness, sociativity. The semantics of derivatives is motivated by the meaning of the initial stem – “presence of mental deviations”, which later developed into the seme of “inadequacy of behavior”, “exaltation” and “inspiration”. All derivatives maintain close semantic ties with the initial stem.
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Witczak, Krzysztof Tomasz. „Greek Durative Verbs with the Nasal Infix and Suffix“. Fluminensia 32, Nr. 2 (2020): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31820/f.32.2.9.
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The Indo-European nasal infix presents have not been explained so far from the semantic point of view. The present author argues that the infix *-n(e)- originally expressed the feature of durativity. Due to the diachronic externalization of inflection this nasal morpheme later evolved into a suffix added to the verbal root. Numerous durative verbs with the nasal marker -an- are attested as early as the 2nd millennium BCE in the Anatolian languages; cf. Hittite iy-ann-a/i- ‘to march, go a long distance’, Palaic iyannnai ‘he marches (a long distance)’ vs. Hitt. i- ‘to go’, Luw. i-, Hier.Luw. i-, Lat. eō, īre, Lith. eĩti, OChSl. iti ‘id.’ (< PIE. *h1ei- ‘to go’). The durative verbs in question, as well as the related nouns with the durative suffix *-ano-, also appear in other Indo-European languages, cf. Toch. B yaneṃ ‘they walk, go (for a long time)’. Numerous Greek present forms (e.g. ἁνδάνω, θιγγάνω, λαμβάνω, λανθάνω, λιμπάνω, μανθάνω, πυνθάνομαι and so on) document the same nasal morpheme not only infixed into a verbal root, but also in the form of the suffix -αν-. It is to be explained as the effect of the diachronic externalization of the durative (nasal) morpheme. The Greek verbal forms with the nasal infix and the nasal suffix should be treated as intermediate or hybrid. Newer forms (indicating the durativity of the action) in Greek contain only a nasal suffix (e.g. αὐξάνω, ἱζάνω, ἰσχάνω, κευθάνω, ληθάνω, οἰδάνω, ῥοφάνω).
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Sayers, William. „Divine Displacement“. Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 82, Nr. 1 (17.01.2022): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340246.
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Abstract The reconstructed name of the early Germanic god *Wōdanaz is generally traced to a Proto-Indo-European root *u̯ā̆t- meaning ‘spiritually aroused, possessed’. The signification contrasts sharply with the attributes of the primal Germanic sky and war god *Tīwaz, whose name references the bright sky. In a cultural development not yet fully explained, the former displaces the latter as the chief god. In this article, a homophone of the above PIE root, designated *u̯ā̆t- (2), and meaning ‘to bow down, bend, stoop’, is posited as the root of a theonym meaning ‘the bent, stooped one’. He is identified as the Germanic psychopomp and lord of the dead with ties to an ancestor cult. From a largely quiescent role as the bowed or bent-knee god, he emerges from the underworld, when Germanic tribes resemanticized the reflex of the *u̯ā̆t- (2) root ‘bent, bowed’ – militarized it. The new chief god was understood as ‘the master of battle rage’, based on the prioritization of the signification inherent in the root *u̯ā̆t- (1).