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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Kuendhro (The Indo-European root)"

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Rama, Taraka. „Three tree priors and five datasets“. Language Dynamics and Change 8, Nr. 2 (01.10.2018): 182–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00802005.

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Abstract The age of the root of the Indo-European language family has received much attention since the application of Bayesian phylogenetic methods by Gray and Atkinson (2003). With the application of new models, the root age of the Indo-European family has tended to decrease from an age that supported the Anatolian origin hypothesis to an age that supports the Steppe origin hypothesis (Chang et al., 2015). However, none of the published work in Indo-European phylogenetics has studied the effect of tree priors on phylogenetic analyses of the Indo-European family. In this paper, I intend to fill this gap by exploring the effect of tree priors on different aspects of the Indo-European family’s phylogenetic inference. I apply three tree priors—Uniform, Fossilized Birth-Death (FBD), and Coalescent—to five publicly available datasets of the Indo-European language family. I evaluate the posterior distribution of the trees from the Bayesian analysis using Bayes Factor, and find that there is support for the Steppe origin hypothesis in the case of two tree priors. I report the median and 95 % highest posterior density (HPD) interval of the root ages for all three tree priors. A model comparison suggests that either the Uniform prior or the FBD prior is more suitable than the Coalescent prior to the datasets belonging to the Indo-European language family.
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Svensson, Miguel Villanueva. „Indo-European *pr- and *pr̥h₂- ‘before, in front of’“. Indogermanische Forschungen 123, Nr. 1 (01.08.2018): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2018-0006.

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Abstract All Indo-European languages present local adverbs and other derivatives from a basic root *per-, e.g. Gk. πρό, πρότι, περί, παρά, πάρος, πρίν, πρῶτος/πρᾶτος, etc. It is generally agreed that the data point to two root variants, *pr-and *pr̥h₂-, but the origin of the extra *‑h₂‑has never been satisfactorily explained. In this article it is argued that the variation *pr-~ *pr̥h₂-is exclusively found in local adverbs from an archaic root noun *per-/*pr-and that it originated in false segmentation of the PIE (Indo-Hittite) directive case *pr̥‑h₂á(viz.its locativization *pr̥‑h₂ái). The spread of *pr̥h₂-at the expense of *pr-took place almost entirely in dialectal Indo-European.
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Lloyd, Albert L. „Germanic Evidence for a Neglected Indo-European Root“. American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 1, Nr. 1 (Januar 1989): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542700000064.

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ABSTRACTAn IE root *bhel(ə)- ‘strike, hit, hew, chop’, although not included in the standard IE etymological dictionaries, is shown to underly a number of etymologically obscure Germanic words, such as OHG bolz(o) ‘bolt’, Go. bliggwan ‘to beat’, OIcel. bella ‘to hit’, blak ‘slap, blow’, OHG blast ‘a throwing to the ground’, OHG bloh, bloc ‘block of wood’, and possibly OHG balko ‘beam’. Since related words can be found in Italic, Celtic, Baltic, and perhaps also Slavic and Greek, there would seem to be sufficient justification for the addition of this root to the inventory of recognized IE roots.
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Pozza, Marianna. „Vista conoscenza, parola: lo “Schema del contenitore” applicato a un caso di polisemia indoeuropea“. Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 66, Nr. 3 (20.09.2021): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2021.3.15.

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"View, Knowledge, Word: The Container Image-Schema Applied to a Case of Proto-Indo-European Polysemy. The present discussion aims at reconsidering the theoretical process of knowledge in some ancient Indo-European languages in the light of the prerequisites offered by cognitive linguistics and prototype theory. Thanks to the dynamic pattern of the Container Image-Schema – which is a primitive mental structure – some historical outcomes of a polysemic Indo-European root will be discussed in order to place them within the continuum of the semantic space in which the container is located. Keywords: Conceptual metaphor; polysemy; Image-Schema; Indo-European; semantics. "
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Kerkhof, Peter Alexander. „Germanic goblins and the Indo-European fireplace“. Indogermanische Forschungen 120, Nr. 1 (16.10.2015): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2015-0005.

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Abstract In this article the etymology of the Modern German word Kobold ‘house spirit’ and its cognates is revised. It is argued that the Germanic root *kub- meaning ‘hut, small chamber’ which consitutes the first element of Modern German Kobold, is a loan from the Latin/Romance group of words deriving from Lat. cubīle, cubīculum. This Romance element may have replaced an earlier PGm. *gub- meaning ‘fire’, attested in Old Norse gufa ‘vapour, steam’, which goes back to the PIE root *ghu̯obh-. This theory is supported by French gobelin where the initial *g- is easily explained from Germanic *g-. The second element of the compound should be identified with the source of Finnish haltija ‘house spirit’ which derives from Gm. *haldija-. The compound was therefore Gm. *gub-haldija- and referred to the house spirit as the keeper of the fire, a concept well-known from Northern European folklore.
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Shields, Kenneth. „Latin Super, Hittite Šer, and the Indo-European Numeral ‘7’“. Lingua Posnaniensis 53, Nr. 1 (01.01.2011): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10122-011-0006-5.

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LatinSuper, HittiteŠer, and the Indo-European Numeral ‘7’In this brief paper, it is argued that the initial*s- found in the Latin and perhaps Greek reflexes of the Indo-European adprep*uper(i)‘over, above’ derives from blending with another adprep of the same meaning,*ser(i). Evidence is also presented for the creation of another blend involving these two forms,*sep-, which may underlie the Indo-European root for ‘7’. This latter assertion is strengthened by typological precedent.
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Villanueva Svensson, Miguel. „Indo-European Middle Root Aorists in Anatolian (Part II)“. Die Sprache 49, Nr. 1 (2012): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/spr.49.1.006.

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Villanueva Svensson, Miguel. „Indo-European Middle Root Aorists in Anatolian (Part I)“. Die Sprache 47, Nr. 2 (2010): 203–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/spr.47.2.203.

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Kölligan, Daniel. „Greek and the Indo-European Verb“. Mnemosyne 72, Nr. 4 (21.06.2019): 673–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342700.

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AbstractThis article reviews Andreas Willi’s study of the history and prehistory of the Greek and Proto-Indo-European (PIE) verbal system which tries to put the data of one of the ‘classical’ languages of PIE reconstruction back onto the centre stage after much attention has been given to Anatolian (Hittite, etc.) and Tocharian in recent decades. It argues that in the earliest reconstructable phase PIE had ergative alignment and that the switch to nominative-accusative alignment triggered a series of changes leading to the distribution of stem formations found in Greek and other ancient PIE languages (root aorists, reduplicated aorists and presents, thematic aorists and presents, s-aorists and s-futures, etc.). The review tries to show that the study presents a series of thought-provoking and well-argued hypotheses, while with its focus on prehistory its philological analyses tend to rely on a few chosen examples.
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BARTOLOTTA, ANNAMARIA. „Root lexical features and inflectional marking of tense in Proto-Indo-European“. Journal of Linguistics 45, Nr. 3 (30.09.2009): 505–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226709990016.

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This paper examines early inflectional morphology related to the tense-aspect system of Proto-Indo-European. It will be argued that historical linguistics can shed light on the long-standing debate over the emergence of tense-aspect morphology in language acquisition. The dispute over this issue is well-known; it has been pursued mostly by scholars following various general linguistic approaches, from typology to acquisition, but also by historical linguists and Indo-Europeanists, who have long debated about the precedence of aspect or tense from both a synchronic and a diachronic perspective. However, so far Indo-Europeanists have rarely confronted their results in a successful way with recent research in other fields such as acquisition or neurolinguistics. The aim of this paper is to put forward evidence from the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European verbal system concerning the prominent role of root lexical aspect features in the emergence of grammatical marking of tense in the proto-language. More precisely, by means of a comparison between the residual archaic verbal forms of theinjunctivein Vedic Sanskrit and the corresponding augmentless preterites in Homeric Greek, it will be argued that the [±telic] lexical feature of the inherited verbal root is responsible for a non-random distribution of past tense inflected forms in an earlier verbal paradigm.
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Bücher zum Thema "Kuendhro (The Indo-European root)"

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Frederick, McCurdy James. Aryo-Semitic speech: A study in linguistic archaeology. Andover: Warren F. Draper, 1986.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Kuendhro (The Indo-European root)"

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Fernandez Sanchez, Eulalio. „Wine conceptualizing and lexicalization in Indo-European languages“. In Text and Wine, 67–77. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ivitra.38.05san.

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Translation and typological studies have traditionally evidenced the significant prevalence of the lexeme ‘wine’ in most Indo-European-based languages. The somehow universal presence of this term has been explained by the insight provided by etymologists, linguists, historians, archaeologists and anthropologists, amongst others. Such an interdisciplinary approach unveils the complex network of factors required for understanding the context in which this term was originated within a particular culture, at a given time in history and how it became part of the lexicon of most languages not only spoken in Europe, but also in other language families. Based on that interdisciplinary evidence, it is possible to ascertain when and how the term ‘wine’ arose and spread west and east all over Europe, Indo-Asia and down to the north of Africa. Our contribution intends to broaden this approach by introducing a new question, that is, why. Whether a single process of conceptualizing originated in just one Indo-European language or an analogous process resulting from a similar morphological process, the lexicalization of ‘wine’ has proved successful. We will endeavour to explain the reasons for that successful choice, which no doubt reveals that it was not an arbitrary one but based on a socio-linguistic context that favoured culturally the choice of an existing root and the lexicalization of grammatical and phonological varieties in different Indo-European languages.”
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de Vaan, Michiel. „Een mooi paar mouwen“. In Investigating West Germanic Languages, 69–78. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sigl.8.05de.

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This paper investigates the etymology of Dutch mooi ‘beautiful’. It argues that Dutch mooi and Dutch mouw ‘sleeve’, which are not directly related within Germanic, may be derived from the same Proto-Indo-European root *muH- ‘to move’.
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nt-Formations, On Some Greek. „On Some Greek nt-Formations“. In Indo-European Perspectives, 266–76. Oxford University PressOxford, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199258925.003.0019.

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Abstract In the revised version of my Ph.D. thesis I followed the claim made by members of the Erlangen School and, most notably, Helmut Rix that in PIE nt-participles built on athematic non-Narten root presents or root aorists simply inflected the hysterokinetic way, i.e. added the e-grade variant of the suffix *-ent-to the zero grade of the verbal root in the strong cases, and the zero grade of the suffix *-nt-to the very same zero grade of the root in the weak cases (Peters 1980: 2‡4–5).1Reasonable as such a view might seem at first sight, since it is capable of explaining why it is the zero grade of the root that regularly shows up in nt -participles of a non-Narten pedigree,2 I abandoned it immediately upon the publication of my monograph, and this was mostly due to a careful (re)reading of Anna Morpurgo’s seminal
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„Chapter Four — The structure of the Indo-European root“. In Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans, 185–230. De Gruyter Mouton, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110815030.1.185.

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Mallory, J. P., und D. Q. Adams. „Indo-European Flora“. In The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World, 156–72. Oxford University PressOxford, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199287918.003.0010.

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Abstract As with animals, there is also an extensive reconstructed vocabulary relating to the various forms of plant life in Proto-Indo-European. The general name for ‘tree’, *do´ru, is attested in eleven different groups, either under its root form (e.g. OIr daur ‘oak’, Grk do´ru ‘tree trunk; wood; spear’. Hit ta¯ru ‘tree, wood’. Av da¯uru ‘tree, tree trunk; wooden weapon’. Skt da´¯ru ‘wood’. Toch AB or ‘wood’) or in derivation (NE tree is a derived form as are, e.g. Grk drus ‘tree, oak’, OCS druva ‘wood’, Alb dru ‘wood, tree’, drushk ‘oak’, OCS dreˇvo ‘tree’). In Celtic and Greek, it tends to mean specifically the ‘oak’ and has religious connotations, e.g. a druid is a ‘tree-knower’.
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Jasonoff, Jay H. „The h 2 e-conjugation: Root Presents“. In Hittite and the Indo-European Verb, 64–90. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249053.003.0003.

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„2.3. Root Structure Patterning in Proto-Indo-European“. In The Nostratic Macrofamily, 56–59. De Gruyter Mouton, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110875645.56.

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L.Sihler, Andrew. „Moods In Proto-Indo-European“. In New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin, 590–91. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195083453.003.0107.

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Abstract History of the Moods. It is common to say that the mood markers of PIE are limited to finite forms, and occur between the verb stem and the person ending. However, the use of moods in the Rigveda is constrained in ways not compassed in that statement: in the earliest Indic, subjunctives formed to secondary stems (frequentatives, causatives, desideratives, intensives, 456-7) are notably few in number; and optatives based on such stems are genuinely rare. This rarity is especially apparent in the case of the causative/frequentative formations in -dya- (456.2): for all of this very numerous class-there are some 150 stems in the RV-a mere four optative forms are found. Among the hundred-odd denominative stems there are a total of eight optatives; there are 18 optative forms to stems in -ya- (for example pafyema ‘may we see’); and not a single one to the passives in -yd-. In contrast, optatives are formed by the dozens to the 130 or so root-present stems; for example, a single, moderately common thematic stem, saca- ‘follow’, has 15 optative forms-half the tally of all characterized thematic stems together.
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Vernet, Mariona. „Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Semitic Verbal Root Incompatibilities:“. In Babel und Bibel 9, 207–26. Penn State University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/j.ctv1bxh139.15.

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Mallory, J. P., und D. Q. Adams. „Speech and Sound“. In The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World, 352–67. Oxford University PressOxford, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199287918.003.0021.

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Abstract There is a rich vocabulary pertaining to speech and sound that may be reconstructed to Proto-Indo-European. Below we briefly review the evidence, first of ‘speech’ in its more general aspect and then at higher registers, e.g. the language of poets, and finally in terms of the various sounds that might be emitted by either a human or animal. Because of the very nature of this latter semantic sphere, many roots or words will be by their very nature onomatopoeic and there will be frequent instances where it is simply impossible to determine whether the root in question was inherited, borrowed, or independently created.
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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Kuendhro (The Indo-European root)"

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Mort, Martin. „A Comparison of Chinese and Western Interpretations of Cause, Will, and Free Will“. In International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/ijeb9256.

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A cross-cultural comparison of how constructs overlapping with cause, will (human cause), and free will (human cause of a controversial kind) have evolved from concrete origins reflected by Chinese pictographs and the Indo-European etymologies of Greek written words. Cause-related constructs compared are Zhang Dainian’s 元 (yuán), 因 (yīn), 故 (gù), and 所以 (suóyǐ) and the Greek terms aitia (αιτια; “cause”), archē (αρχε; “origin”) and genesis (γενεσις, “genesis”). 因 (yīn) is said, for example, to show a man enclosed (by determinants, possibly prison walls), while aitia (“cause”) is said to be related to aisa (“fate”) and ultimately to the Indo-European root *aito- (“share,” “allotment,” what fate has—concretely, it is contended here—allotted to a person). Reflections on cause lead to interpretations of the more specific cause called will, encountered as 志 (zhì) and 意志 (yìzhì) in Mandarin. Whether the ancient Greeks relied on a construct like will has been debated, but volition in some sense underlies the hekusion (εκούσιον), the voluntary. Volition immediately raises the much debated issue of whether the will is “free.” i.e., whether there is a subset of willed acts without antecedents, spontaneous, emerging ex nihilo. Examination of the etymologies of the characters used to translate the term free will into Chinese—自由的意志 (zìyóu de yìzhì, “freedom of the will”)—and of the Indo-European etymologies of Greek terms like hekusion and prohairesis (προαιρεσις, “deliberated choice”), suggest that neither the Chinese nor the ancient Greeks postulated the existence of free will.
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