Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Khoi-Khoi (Langue)“

In this article the Orange River variety of modern Afrikaans is investigated in terms of Van Coetsems types of language interference: borrowing and imposition. It is argued that the initial contact between Dutch and Khoi resulted in the imposition of Khoi forms on seventeenth-century Dutch. These two forms of interference can still be traced in modern Orange River Afrikaans. A modern variety of a language can thus be studied in order to shed some light on the history of that language.

SUMMARY Tone languages can be characterized by the degree to which they realize one of two tone language prototypes defined in terms of tone function. Type A tone languages (usually Asian) employ tone lexically and in minor morphological patterns. Type B tone languages (usually African and Mesoamerican) employ tone to make major morphological distinctions in addition to performing type A functions. For communicative reasons, these functions are necessarily linked to other structural properties of the languages of each type. This paper discusses three tone languages which have undergone different degrees of tone language type change and, as a result, are genetically or areally atypical: !Xũ (Khoisan), Gokana (Niger-Congo), and Mpi (Tibeto-Burman). It is the claim of the author that the driving force behind tone language type change, as exemplified by these three languages, is a change in the role of segmental morphology. RÉSUMÉ On peut caractériser les langues tonales par le degré par lequel elles réalisent un des deux prototypes de langues tonales définis en terme de fonction tonale. Les langues tonales de type A (généralement asiatiques) emploient le ton pour des fonctions lexicales et des fonctions morphologiques mineures. Outre les fonctions de type A, les langues tonales de type B (généralement africaines et mésoaméricaines) emploient le ton pour des fonctions morphologiques majeures. La communication ayant ses exigences, ces fonctions sont inévitablement liées aux autres propriétés structurales de chaque type. Dans cette étude il s'agit de trois langues tonales qui ont subi différents degrés de changement de type tonal et qui sont, par conséquent, atypiques du point de vue génétique et régional: !Xũ (Khoisan), Gokana (Niger-Congo), et Mpi (Tibeto-Birman). Se fondant sur ces trois langues, l'auteur émet l'hypothèse que la causalité de l'évolution du ton se trouve dans un changement du rôle de la morphologie segmentate. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Tonsprachen kônnen nach dem Grade, nach dem sie einem der beiden Pro-totypen folgen, charakterisiert werden, und zwar im Sinne ihrer Funktion: Typ A Tonsprachen (meistens asiatische) verwenden Ton lexikalisch und in we-niger wichtigen morphologischen Strukturen; Typ B Tonsprachen (zumeist afrikanische und mittelamerikanische) hingegen verwenden Ton, um wichtige morphologische Unterscheidungen zu treffen, wâhrend sie gleichzeitig auch Funktionen des Typ A wahrnehmen. Aus kommunikativen Griinden sind die Funktionen notwendigerweise mit anderen Struktureigenschaften der Sprachen des jeweiligen Typs verbunden. Der Aufsatz analysiert drei Tonsprachen, die zu verschiedenen Graden Ànderungen in ihrem Tonsystemtyp erfahren haben und daher als entweder genetisch oder areal gesehen atypisch sind: !Xu (Khoi-san), Gokana (Niger-Kongo) und Mpi (Tibeto-Burmesisch). Die Autorin ist der Auffassung, daB die treibende Kraft hinter diesem Tonsprachentypwandel, wie er in diesen drei Sprachen aufgezeigt wird, in der Verânderung in der Rolle der segmentalen Morphologie in diesen Sprachen zu suchen sei.

Abstract This paper examines preverbal clitic clusters in the Tanzanian Rift Valley, an area of high linguistic diversity with representatives of the Bantu, Cushitic, and Nilotic families, as well as Sandawe (possibly a distant member of the Khoi-Kwadi family), and the language isolate Hadza. An earlier work (Kießling, Roland, Maarten Mous & Derek Nurse. 2008. The Tanzanian Rift Valley area. In Bernd Heine & Derek Nurse (eds.), A linguistic geography of Africa, 186–227. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) identified preverbal clitic clusters as a widespread feature across many languages of the Rift Valley, and posited the preverbal clitic cluster as a feature characteristic of a ‘Tanzanian Rift Valley Area’. The current paper provides further detail on preverbal clitic clusters across the languages of the region and examines possible routes of development for these structures. From this analysis, the picture that emerges is complex: contact scenarios cannot be restricted to ones in which West Rift Cushitic or its predecessor languages are the only models for the development of a preverbal clitic cluster and, in the case of Sandawe (and perhaps the Datooga varieties), it appears as if the development of a preverbal clitic cluster cannot be linked to contact at all. In terms of what this means for the ‘areality’ of the Tanzanian Rift Valley, this paper forgoes discussions about geographical delineation or arguments for or against a ‘Tanzanian Rift Valley Area’ in favour of highlighting the individual historical events (c.f. Campbell, Lyle. 2017. Why is it so hard to define a linguistic area? In Raymond Hickey (ed.), The Cambridge handbook of areal linguistics, 19–39. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) that may have given rise to preverbal clitic clusters in the languages of our sample, as well as encouraging continued investigation into the nature of these histories, both from a linguistic and interdisciplinary perspective.

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In the search for the roots of Afrikaans, early linguists focused on similarities between Afrikaans and Dutch. The influence of non-European languages received little attention. In the course of time, the focus of this field of study changed. Closer attention was paid to language in contact situations in different regions where non-Dutch speakers, as well as Dutch speakers were involved. Data gained from these studies contributed to a better understanding of the origin and history of Afrikaans, and gave more answers to earlier unsolved questions. Discussed here are the details and importance of the contact and the interchange of languages among groups in the interior border area. Khoi-Afrikaans and stock farmers’ Afrikaans were both spoken in this region and gradually modified between 1700 and 1800. This could easily have been the most important phase in the history of Afrikaans, in which there were fundamental changes in the way the language was spoken. The circumstances under which contact took place and the change in social roles of these two languages are also discussed. Forms that were at first stigmatised as Khoi-Afrikaans, later became part of the general Afrikaans vocabulary and grammar. The central question is: How did this happen? The shifting of the norms regarding the spoken language in the interior border area can be understood when the sociohistorical situation in which these varieties of Afrikaans were used, is studied closely. One of the results of this contact and interchange between languages, and the gradual shifting in norms that followed, is discussed by way of illustration: the Khoi usage of ‘ons’ as subject and its integration into everyday Afrikaans.