Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Kaiapoi Rugby Football Club“

Objective. The purpose of this study was to compare the nature and proportion of total injuries occurring at Stellenbosch Rugby Football Club in Stellenbosch, South Africa, between the years 1973 - 1975 and 2003 - 2005. Design. Retrospective, descriptive study. Main outcome measures. Injured rugby players from the Stellenbosch Rugby Football Club from the different time periods were included in the study. Results from the 1973 - 1975 time period were obtained from two previously published articles (Roy, 1974; Van Heerden, 1976), while data from the 2003 - 2005 time period were available through the Stellenbosch University Rugby Injury Database. Results. An increase in the proportion of head and facial injuries from 1973 - 1975 (21%) to 2003 - 2005 (42%) was found as well as a doubling in the proportion of concussions between the two time periods (12% - 23%). There was an overall decrease in total injuries between the two time periods. Conclusion. The findings highlight the high and increased proportion of head and facial injuries in the game of rugby at the Stellenbosch Rugby Football Club. This is a matter that should be further investigated. South African Journal of Sports Medicine Vol. 19 (5) 2007: pp. 125-128

Le rugby à XIII a eu une histoire difficile sur le sol français en raison de son professionnalisme ouvert et du combat livré contre lui par le XV. L’exemple du Rugby Club albigeois plusieurs fois champion de France et dont les documents comptables sont conservés aux archives départementales du Tarn permet de comprendre comment ce rugby professionnel fonctionne à l’issue de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. L’essentiel des recettes provient sans surprise de la billetterie et sert surtout à payer le salaire de l’entraîneur et les primes et indemnités des joueurs qui ont aussi un métier. Le recrutement est local et les émoluments versés à l’effectif distinguent peu de vedettes, à l’exception du demi d’ouverture Charles Galaup qui devient en 1972 le conseiller technique du rival quinziste local, le Sporting club albigeois. Outre cette défection, le club albigeois du XIII aura eu à subir l’ostracisme d’une partie de la presse locale notamment la Dépêche du Midi.

Le premier match de rugby sur la pelouse de Colombes est disputé en 1908 par le Racing Club de France. Les dirigeants du club profitent des Jeux de 1924 pour construire une vaste enceinte qu’ils utiliseront toutefois de manière irrégulière pour les matchs de leur équipe de rugby. Du fait de l’éloignement de Paris, ils préfèrent notamment le stade Jean Bouin et, aujourd’hui, pour les rencontres du Racing 92, la Paris Défense Arena. En revanche, Colombes est le stade de l’équipe de France de rugby qui y gagne son premier match du Tournoi des Cinq Nations. Entre 1924 et 1972, les Bleus y disputent même l’essentiel de leurs rencontres, y battent pour la première fois les All Blacks (1954), gagnent leur premier Tournoi (1959) et leur premier grand chelem (1968). Toutefois, si les retransmissions télévisées en font un cadre familier des amateurs de rugby, leurs matchs remplissent rarement tout à fait la vaste enceinte de Colombes.

Les Girondins de Bordeaux et le Toulouse Football Club sont les deux seuls clubs de football de haut niveau du Sud-Ouest. Toulouse se considère comme une ville de rugby, du fait des résultats médiocres du TFC et des grandes performances de l'équipe de rugby locale, alors que les Girondins sont le club emblématique de Bordeaux. Par conséquent, le public des Girondins est plus nombreux et plus engagé que celui du TFC. Plutôt que du public, il convient de parler des publics puisque les comportements varient selon les tribunes. Notre enquête porte sur les associations de supporters de ces deux clubs. Elle met en évidence la diversité des formes du supportérisme organisé toulousain et les oppositions entre elles. À Bordeaux, elle se centre sur les groupes ultras, qui sont de loin les plus actifs, et elle analyse leur évolution. Si les mêmes types de supportérisme se retrouvent auprès des deux clubs, le contexte local leur donne des formes et des enjeux particuliers.

Cet article a pour objet la ville portuaire de Toulon et ses deux clubs aux destinées opposées. Végétant actuellement au quatrième échelon du football français, le Sporting Club de Toulon peine à retrouver sa sulfureuse stature de la fin des années 1980. Phare rugbystique du Sud-Est, le Rugby Club Toulonnais a pour sa part conquis une place de fer de lance identitaire. La méthodologie sociohistorique s’appuie sur les archives des deux clubs, sur des entretiens avec des acteurs locaux et sur la presse. La discussion analyse pourquoi la trajectoire du Sporting est si tumultueuse alors que cette ville portuaire méditerranéenne a des atouts pour avoir un club rayonnant. En attendant, nostalgie et désillusions rythment le quotidien des Azurs et Or.

Objective To assess the knowledge that professional rugby players have with regard to the benefits of wearing an oral mouth-guard and the importance that they give to wearing the appliance during play, then to compare these views with those of the parents of children who are beginning to play the sport. Design Questionnaires and covering letters were sent to the parents of children who played rugby at Malton & Norton Rugby Union Football Club (RUFC), which has teams for all age groups from under 7–8 years to adult. Similar questionnaires were sent to the first team squad of Leeds Tykes, a Zurich Premiership rugby union club. The questionnaires asked a series of questions on the use of mouthguards and knowledge of their importance in the prevention of injuries. Results The overall response rate was 76%. Seventy-four of the 100 questionnaires sent to the parents and 25 of the 30 sent to the professional players were completed and returned. Both the professional rugby players and parents felt that mouthguards were essential when playing rugby. The professionals seemed to have a much greater understanding of the benefits that mouth-guards provided. Although parents agreed that children should begin to wear mouthguards as soon as possible, very few actually did. The barriers to providing mouth protection were mainly financial combined with the difficulties of taking the child to the dentist. Conclusions If the results from this small study are representative of the current situation, with regard to the wearing of mouth-guards by professional players and children, it appears that there is a need for all those involved to ensure that rugby-playing children wear mouthguards. Rugby clubs could consider the appointment of honorary dental advisers and devise systems to ensure that cost is not a factor in preventing children from wearing mouthguards.

ResumenEl objetivo de este estudio es el de examinar el proceso de incorporación y arraigo del rugby en Cataluña entre el 1911 y el 1923 y mostrar la fuerte influencia francesa en la transmisión cultural del rugby en el caso catalán, con el fin de poder valorar el rol jugado por la colonia de aquel país, junto a jóvenes autóctonos que habían residido en Francia, en el proceso de crecimiento y desarrollo de este deporte en Barcelona. Después de los primeros partidos y competiciones prefederativas, en que la comunidad francesa tuvo un peso decisivo, y dentro de un contexto de efervescencia asociativa, la institucionalización del rugby fue el siguiente paso natural. Así pues, en 1922 se constituyó la Federación Española de Rugby en Barcelona y posteriormente, durante el 1923, se constituyó la Federació Catalana de Futbol-Rugby.La investigación se ha basado el análisis de prensa especializada de la época y se ha complementado con una revisión exhaustiva de la documentación de archivos públicos y privados, como el del antiguo Gobierno Civil de Barcelona, el archivo de la Unió Esportiva Santboiana o el del Futbol Club Barcelona.Los resultados de la investigación muestran como este caso de deportivización indirecta sumada al protagonismo de la Unió Esportiva Santboiana –club decano del rugby en España– hizo aflorar el estado latente en que se encontraba el deporte oval en la capital catalana, favoreciendo la creación de varios clubes en muy poco tiempo con una presencia francesa indiscutible. Este hecho coincide con los procesos de deportivización del rugby en otros países del sur de Europa. AbstractThe purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of French influence in the cultural transmission and implantation of rugby in Catalonia, and to assess the role played by French expatriates, together with some young locals who had lived in France, in the process of expansion and development of Rugby in Barcelona. After the first pre-Union matches and competitions, in which the French community had a decisive influence, and within a context of associative effervescence, the institutionalization of this sport was the next natural step. Consequently, Spanish Rugby Union was established in Barcelona in 1922, later followed, in 1923, by Catalan Rugby Football Union.The research was based on analysis of the specialized press of the time and has been complemented with an exhaustive review of the documentation of public and private archives, such as that of the former Gobierno Civil de Barcelona, the archive of the Unió Esportiva Santboiana, and the Futbol Club Barcelona.The results of the research show how this case of indirect sportification, together with the prominence taken by the Unió Esportiva Santboiana –the oldest rugby club in Spain– brought out the latent state in which the oval sport was in the Barcelona, inspiring the formation of several clubs in a very short period with an indisputable French presence. This fact coincides with the introduction and growth of rugby in other countries in southern Europe.

OBJECTIVE Multiple studies have illustrated that rugby headgear offers no statistically significant protection against concussions. However, there remains concern that many players believe rugby headgear in fact does prevent concussions. Further investigation was undertaken to illustrate that misconceptions about concussion prevention and rugby headgear may lead to an increase in aggressive play. METHODS Data were constructed by Internet survey solicitation among United States collegiate rugby players across 19 teams. Initial information given was related to club, age, experience, use of headgear, playing time, whether the rugger played football or wrestling in high school, and whether the player believed headgear prevented concussion. Data were then constructed as to whether wearing headgear would increase aggressive playing style secondary to a false sense of protection. RESULTS A total of 122 players responded. All players were male. The average player was 19.5 years old and had 2.7 years of experience. Twenty-three of 122 players (18.9%) wore protective headgear; 55.4% of players listed forward as their primary position. Overall, 45.8% (55/120) of players played 70–80 minutes per game, 44.6% (54/121) played football or wrestled in high school, 38.1% (45/118) believed headgear prevented concussions, and 42.2% (51/121) stated that if they were using headgear they would be more aggressive with their play in terms of running or tackling. Regression analysis illustrated that those who believed headgear prevented concussions were or would be more likely to engage in aggressive play (p = 0.001). CONCLUSIONS Nearly 40% of collegiate rugby players surveyed believed headgear helped to prevent concussions despite no scientific evidence that it does. This misconception about rugby headgear could increase aggressive play. Those who believed headgear prevented concussion were, on average, 4 times more likely to play with increased aggressive form than those who believed headgear did not prevent concussions (p = 0.001). This can place all players at increased risk without providing additional protection. Further investigation is warranted to determine if headgear increases the actual measured incidence of concussion among rugby players in the United States.

Environmental factors such as emerging technology, globalization, economic reform and social change are creating a background in which sporting organizations must seek to quickly adapt to manage their ongoing activities and operations. Focusing on emerging technology in the area of sport broadcasting, this research examined six preconditions for interorganizational relationship (IOR) formation from the perspective of professional football clubs in Australia. Based upon theories derived from the IOR literature, these six preconditions for IOR formation were considered to determine if emerging broadcasting technologies impact on IOR formation between Australian Football League (AFL) and National Rugby League (NRL) clubs and broadcasters. Semistructured in-depth interviews with senior managers of 11 AFL, and 10 NRL clubs were undertaken and data analyzed, coded and emergent themes identified. Results indicate that professional club managers display most of these attributes that precipitate the preconditions for IOR formation, but although these preconditions exist, there is little willingness by the clubs to formulate IORs with sport broadcasters.

Purpose Rugby union’s late move to professionalism in 1995 has led to concerns about the financial development of the game. The purpose of this paper is to extend the knowledge base on professional team sports in the UK by analysing the financial and sporting performance of rugby union clubs. Design/methodology/approach Data were obtained by dissecting the annual accounts of nine English Premiership rugby clubs between 2006 and 2015. Analysis was performed using the performance assessment model, which analyses both financial and sporting areas of performance and is devised through statistical analysis procedures to provide a holistic measure of overall performance for each club. Findings There is financial disparity amongst clubs that has widened over the period of the study. In terms of sporting performance, the data suggest that competition is more equal, something that is less evident in other UK professional team sports such as football and rugby league. Correlation analysis reveals that overall performance varies over time in cycles. Research limitations/implications The study has implications for the clubs competing in the English Premiership and for the league organisers themselves, particularly with reference to regulatory procedures such as raising the salary cap and increased broadcasting deals. Originality/value The paper has demonstrated the importance of balancing multiple performance objectives in professional team sports and has expanded the academic discussion on the financial health of professional team sports in the UK, particularly with reference to the financial health of rugby union where research has historically been scarce.

IntroductionIn professional rugby, sports-related concussion (SRC) remains the most frequent time loss injury. Therefore, accurately diagnosing SRC and monitoring player recovery, through a multi-modal assessment process, is critical to SRC management. In this protocol study, we aim to assess SRC over multiple time points post-injury to determine the value of multi-modal assessments to monitor player recovery. This is of significance to minimise premature return-to-play and, ultimately, to reduce the long-term effects associated with SRC. The study will also establish the logistics of implementing such a study in a professional setting to monitor a player’s SRC recovery.Methods and analysisAll players from the participating professional rugby club within the Irish Rugby Football Union are invited to participate in the current study. Player assessment includes head injury assessment (HIA), neuropsychometric assessment (ImPACT), targeted biomarker analysis and untargeted biomarker analysis. Baseline HIA, ImPACT, and blood draws are performed prior to the start of playing season. During the baseline tests, player’s complete consent forms and an SRC history questionnaire. Subsequently, any participant that enters the HIA process over the playing season due to a suspected SRC will be clinically assessed (HIA and ImPACT) and their blood will be drawn within 3 days of injury, 6 days post-injury, and 13 days post-injury.Ethics and disseminationEthical approval was attained from the Science and Engineering Research Ethics Committee, University of Limerick (Approval Code: 2018_06_11_S&E). On completion of the study, further manuscripts will be published to present the results of the tests and their ability to measure player recovery from SRC.Trial registration numberNCT04485494.

Introduction: The pressures of body image can be considered as demoralising, especially within the female sporting environment, where female athletes often express the greatest number of negative thoughts and feelings towards their own body shape, appearance, and dissatisfaction. Research surrounding body image, body composition and body mass index (BMI) has shown that when participants use visual impressions, for perceived body image (PBI) they have failed to produce realistic images and often lacked body stimuli with realistic weight manipulations (Madrigal, 2000). To portray more realistic statistically probable weight manipulations of a personalised stimuli, a 3D Avatar can be used to establish how female athletes perceive their body image. Therefore, the main objective of this investigation is to determine the correlation between actual and perceived BMI using a 3D Avatar within female athletes. Method:n =18 female participants between the ages of 18–23 years of age and competing in football and rugby at club and university level were recruited. Stretched stature (m) and body mass (kg) were taken and values used to calculate actual (kg/m²) and perceived BMI. A computer generated (Unity Player) 3D Avatar, with a visual slide from an underweight to average to obese continuum, was used to assess participants perceived BMI. P value was set at < 0.05 and a Paired Student t-Test was used to test for the difference. A Pearson’s Correlation Coefficient was then used to test the strength of the correlation between the actual and perceived BMI. Results: Actual BMI ranged from 19.5 - 36.9 (x̄ 25.1 ± 4.7), whereas the perceived BMI ranged from 23.2 - 30.8 (x̄ 26.7 ± 2.6). A Paired Student t–test set at P < 0.05 suggested a significant difference between actual and perceived BMI (P = 0.023), and a Pearson’s Correlation Coefficient test confirmed a strong correlation of r = 0.875. Conclusion: Results indicated that perceived BMI was higher than the participants actual BMI and suggested that female athletes competing in football and rugby have a large amount of body dissatisfaction.

Background: Little is known about the nature of concussion injury among university student-athletes, including concussion incidence and rates across sports, the mechanisms of injury, the type of activity during competition or practice, and the time to return to academics, return to sport, and symptom resolution. Purpose: To describe methods of the Ivy League–Big Ten Epidemiology of Concussion Study and first epidemiologic findings. Study Design: Descriptive epidemiology study. Methods: A prospective cohort study was conducted with data accrued through a surveillance system that was launched in the 2013-2014 athletic season. Surveillance continues to operate by detecting and collecting sport-related concussion (SRC) cases and non-SRC cases in addition to outcomes among university student-athletes. Results: A total of 1922 cases of SRC (649 women, 1004 men) among athletes from 27 sports, including varsity sports and club rugby, were enrolled during the 5 athletic seasons from 2013-2014 through 2017-2018. American football had the most cases (n = 495, 25.8%), followed by women’s rugby (n = 199, 6.2%), men’s ice hockey (n = 106, 5.5%), men's lacrosse (n = 105, 5.5%), women's soccer (n = 103, 5.4%), wrestling (n = 93, 4.8%), and men's soccer (n = 89, 4.6%), and women's ice hockey (n = 78, 4.1%). The highest overall concussion rates occurred in women’s lacrosse (1.35 concussions per 1000 athletic exposures [AEs]) and football (1.26 per 1000 AEs). Rates of concussion were generally higher during competition than practice and were highest during wrestling competition (4.06 per 1000 AEs) and second highest during football competition (3.68 per 1000 AEs). The median number of concussion symptoms was 7. Time to symptom resolution was longer for athletes with ≥7 symptoms versus <7 ( P < .001) but did not differ across the 4 sports with rules comparable by sex and did not differ significantly between women and men (median, 8 vs 9 days, respectively). Women and men did not differ in days to return to academics, exertion activities, or competition. Conclusion: This multisite collaborative endeavor has produced a robust database yielding novel opportunities to better understand the epidemiology of concussion among university student-athletes participating in a variety of sports. Given the setting and number of cases, these findings add to our understanding of SRC and are the first of many that will be generated over the coming years from this large study that continues in its sixth year.

Background: Previous research has described general injury patterns in community-level rugby union, but specific information on time-loss head injuries has not been reported. Purpose: To establish the incidence and nature of significant time-loss head injuries in English community rugby match play, and to identify the injury risk for specific contact events. Study Design: Descriptive epidemiology study. Methods: Over 6 seasons, injury information was collected from 46 (2009-2010), 67 (2010-2011), 76 (2011-2012), 50 (2012-2013), 67 (2013-2014), and 58 (2014-2015) English community rugby clubs (Rugby Football Union levels 3-9) over a total of 175,940 hours of player match exposure. Club injury management staff reported information for all head injuries sustained during match play whereby the player was absent for 8 days or greater. Clubs were subdivided into semiprofessional (mean player age, 24.6 ± 4.7 years), amateur (24.9 ± 5.1 years), and recreational (25.6 ± 6.1 years) playing levels. Contact events from a sample of 30 matches filmed over seasons 2009-2010, 2010-2011, and 2011-2012 provided mean values for the frequency of contact events. Results: The overall incidence for time-loss head injuries was 2.43 injuries per 1000 player match hours, with a higher incidence for the amateur (2.78; 95% CI, 2.37-3.20) compared with recreational (2.20; 95% CI, 1.86-2.53) ( P = .032) playing level but not different to the semiprofessional (2.31; 95% CI, 1.83-2.79) playing level. Concussion was the most common time-loss head injury, with 1.46 per 1000 player match hours. The tackle event was associated with 64% of all head injuries and 74% of all concussions. There was also a higher risk of injuries per tackle (0.33 per 1000 events; 95% CI, 0.30-0.37) compared with all other contact events. Conclusion: Concussion was the most common head injury diagnosis, although it is likely that this injury was underreported. Continuing education programs for medical staff and players are essential for the improved identification and management of these injuries. With the majority of head injuries occurring during a tackle, an improved technique in this contact event through coach and player education may be effective in reducing these injuries.

Although dehydration of ≥ 2% body weight (BW) loss significantly impairs endurance performance, dehydration remains prevalent among athletes and may be owing to a lack of knowledge in relation to fluid requirements. The aim of this study was to assess the hydration status of university/club level athletes (n = 430) from a range of sports/activities (army officer cadet training; bootcamp training; cycling; Gaelic Athletic Association camogie, football and hurling; golf; hockey; netball; rugby; running (sprinting and endurance); Shotokan karate and soccer) immediately before and after training/competition and to assess their nutritional knowledge. Urine specific gravity (USG) was measured immediately before and after exercise and BW loss during exercise was assessed. Nutritional knowledge was assessed using a validated questionnaire. 31.9% of athletes commenced exercise in a dehydrated state (USG >1.020) with 43.6% of participants dehydrated posttraining/competition. Dehydration was particularly prevalent (>40% of cohort) among karateka, female netball players, army officer cadets, and golfers. Golfers that commenced a competitive 18 hole round dehydrated took a significantly higher number of strokes to complete the round in comparison with their euhydrated counterparts (79.5 ± 2.1 vs. 75.7 ± 3.9 strokes, p = .049). Nutritional knowledge was poor among participants (median total score [IQR]; 52.9% [46.0, 59.8]), albeit athletes who were euhydrated at the start of exercise had a higher overall score in comparison with dehydrated athletes (55.2% vs. 50.6%, p = .001). Findings from the current study, therefore, have significant implications for the education of athletes in relation to their individual fluid requirements around exercise.

Abstract Seen as a psycho-social products, motivation, attitudes and the view of life depends on the education, socio-cultural environment etc. The individual’s personality marks his activities, motivations and interests, as it ensures the direction and dynamics of the participation to it. Within the group, the individual seeks to satisfy personal needs, in agreement with the achievement of the organizational goals. The level of motivation of the individual is determined by the action of several factors, and the contribution of each member of the group's performance is different. We aim to assess the level of motivation of the members of sports groups. The research sample was composed of athletes (N=158, 55 females, 103 males) from the sports groups within the city of Iasi, part of the first and second sports divisions (basketball, football, handball, rugby, and volleyball). The respondents answered to a adapted to the Romanian population 32-item questionnaire; the items were grouped into four factors: leadership (power needs), expertise / performance (achievement needs), bonding (affiliation needs, subsistence (existence needs). The homogeneity instrument was assessed for the entire scale, as well as independently for each factor. The lack of variance homogeneity made it impossible to get outcomes for the interaction of the independent variables such as the type of club and the status. No gender-based differences were found regarding the power needs. If the type of club does not influence the expert/performance factor, have identified a partial influences of this variable over the bonding factor. Professional athletes are more motivated to achieve the performance than semi professional athletes.

AbstractBackgroundEvent planning for mass gatherings involves the utilization of methods that prospectively can predict medical resource use. However, there is growing recognition that historical data for a specific event can help to accurately forecast medical requirements. This study was designed to investigate the differences in medical usage rates between two popular mass-gathering sports events in the UK: rugby matches and horse races.MethodsA retrospective study of all attendee consultations with the on-site medical teams at the Leicester Tigers Rugby Football Club and the Leicester Racecourse from September 2008 through August 2009 was undertaken. Patient demographics, medical usage rates, level of care, as well as professional input and the effects of alcohol use were recorded.ResultsMedical usage rates were higher at the Leicester Racecourse (P < .01), although the demographics of the patients were similar and included 24% children and 16% staff. There was no difference in level of care required between the two venues with the majority of cases being minor, although a higher proportion of casualties at the Leicester Tigers event were seen by a health care professional compared with the Leicester Racecourse (P < .001). Alcohol was a contributing factor in only 5% of consultations.ConclusionsThese two major sporting venues had similar attendance requirements for medical treatment that are comparable to other mass-gathering sports events. High levels of staff and pediatric presentations may have an impact on human resource planning for events on a larger scale, and the separation of treatment areas may help to minimize the number of unnecessary or opportunistic reviews by the on-site health care professionals.BurtonJO, CorrySJ, LewisG, PriestmanWS. Differences in medical care usage between two mass-gathering sporting events. Prehosp Disaster Med.2012;27(4):1-5.

This study sought to analyse the lived experiences of so-called “fast-tracked” coaches from men’s association football and rugby union by seeking to understand how these individuals prepared for and then transitioned into a post-athletic coaching career. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 13 male coaches. All participants were former elite athletes and had followed a fast-tracked pathway into their current post-athletic coaching roles. Participants were based in England and had retired from an athletic career within 12 months of being interviewed. Two general categories of “active” and “passive” coach pathways were identified for the career trajectory. Active coaches purposefully prepared for a coaching career during their athletic careers, whereas passive coaches did not. Passive coaches’ decisions to become a coach were often reactive and made after retiring from a competitive athletic career. Results indicate that only the career trajectory of passive coaches reflects a fast-track pathway. None of the active or passive coaches negotiated any formalised recruitment processes into their first post-athletic coaching roles. The suggestion is that prejudicial recruitment practices are enacted by senior club management which creates a homogenous coaching workforce. This furthers the need for greater governance of high-performance coach recruitment within England for these sports.

Background: Preseason training develops players’ physical capacities and prepares them for the demands of the competitive season. In rugby, Australian football, and American football, preseason training may protect elite players against in-season injury. However, no study has evaluated this relationship at the team level in elite soccer. Purpose/Hypothesis: The aim of this study was to investigate whether the number of preseason training sessions completed by elite soccer teams was associated with team injury rates and player availability during the competitive season. It was hypothesized that elite soccer teams who participate in more preseason training will sustain fewer injuries during the competitive season. Study Design: Descriptive epidemiology study. Methods: We used the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) injury dataset to analyze 44 teams for up to 15 seasons (total, 244 team-seasons). Separate linear regression models examined the association between the number of team preseason training sessions and 5 in-season injury measures. Injury-related problems per team were quantified by totals of the following: (1) injury burden, (2) severe injury incidence, (3) training attendance, (4) match availability, and (5) injury incidence. Results: Teams averaged 30 preseason training sessions (range, 10-51). A greater number of preseason training sessions was associated with less injury load during the competitive season in 4 out of 5 injury-related measures. Our linear regression models revealed that for every 10 additional preseason training sessions that the team performed, the in-season injury burden was 22 layoff days lower per 1000 hours ( P = .002), the severe injury incidence was 0.18 severe injuries lower per 1000 hours ( P = .015), the training attendance was 1.4 percentage points greater ( P = .014), and the match availability was 1.0 percentage points greater ( P = .042). As model fits were relatively low (adjusted R2 = 1.3%-3.2%), several factors that contribute to in-season injury outcomes were unaccounted for. Conclusion: Teams that performed a greater number of preseason training sessions had “healthier” in-season periods. Many other factors also contribute to in-season injury rates. Understanding the benefit of preseason training on in-season injury patterns may inform sport teams’ planning and preparation.

Background/aimTo evaluate the association of genetic polymorphisms APOE, APOE G-219T promoter, microtubule associated protein(MAPT)/tau exon 6 Ser53Pro, MAPT/tau Hist47Tyr, IL-6572 G/C and IL-6RAsp358Ala with the risk of concussion in college athletes.MethodsA 23-centre prospective cohort study of 1056 college athletes with genotyping was completed between August 2003 and December 2012. All athletes completed baseline medical and concussion questionnaires, and post-concussion data were collected for athletes with a documented concussion.ResultsThe study cohort consisted of 1056 athletes of mean±SD age 19.7±1.5 years, 89.3% male, 59.4% Caucasian, 35.0% African-American, 5.6% other race. The athletes participated in American football, soccer, basketball, softball, men’s wrestling and club rugby. A total of 133 (12.1% prevalence) concussions occurred during an average surveillance of 3 years per athlete. We observed a significant positive association between IL-6R CC (p=0.001) and a negative association between APOE4 (p=0.03) and the risk of concussion. Unadjusted and adjusted logistic regression analysis showed a significant association between IL-6R CC and concussion (OR 3.48; 95% CI 1.58 to 7.65; p=0.002) and between the APOE4 allele and concussion (OR 0.61; 95% CI 0.38 to 0.96; p=0.04), which persisted after adjustment for confounders.ConclusionsIL-6R CC was associated with a three times greater concussion risk and APOE4 with a 40% lower risk.

Predisposition to anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) rupture is multi-factorial, with variation in the genome considered a key intrinsic risk factor. Most implicated loci have been identified from candidate gene-based approach using case-control association settings. Here, we leverage a hypothesis-free whole genome sequencing in two two unrelated families (Family A and B) each with twins with a history of recurrent ACL ruptures acquired playing rugby as their primary sport, aimed to elucidate biologically relevant function-altering variants and genetic modifiers in ACL rupture. Family A monozygotic twin males (Twin 1 and Twin 2) both sustained two unilateral non-contact ACL ruptures of the right limb while playing club level touch rugby. Their male sibling sustained a bilateral non-contact ACL rupture while playing rugby union was also recruited. The father had sustained a unilateral non-contact ACL rupture on the right limb while playing professional amateur level football and mother who had participated in dancing for over 10 years at a social level, with no previous ligament or tendon injuries were both recruited. Family B monozygotic twin males (Twin 3 and Twin 4) were recruited with Twin 3 who had sustained a unilateral non-contact ACL rupture of the right limb and Twin 4 sustained three non-contact ACL ruptures (two in right limb and one in left limb), both while playing provincial level rugby union. Their female sibling participated in karate and swimming activities; and mother in hockey (4 years) horse riding (15 years) and swimming, had both reported no previous history of ligament or tendon injury. Variants with potential deleterious, loss-of-function and pathogenic effects were prioritised. Identity by descent, molecular dynamic simulation and functional partner analyses were conducted. We identified, in all nine affected individuals, including twin sets, non-synonymous SNPs in three genes: COL12A1 and CATSPER2, and KCNJ12 that are commonly enriched for deleterious, loss-of-function mutations, and their dysfunctions are known to be involved in the development of chronic pain, and represent key therapeutic targets. Notably, using Identity By Decent (IBD) analyses a long shared identical sequence interval which included the LINC01250 gene, around the telomeric region of chromosome 2p25.3, was common between affected twins in both families, and an affected brother’. Overall gene sets were enriched in pathways relevant to ACL pathophysiology, including complement/coagulation cascades (p = 3.0e-7), purine metabolism (p = 6.0e-7) and mismatch repair (p = 6.9e-5) pathways. Highlighted, is that this study fills an important gap in knowledge by using a WGS approach, focusing on potential deleterious variants in two unrelated families with a historical record of ACL rupture; and providing new insights into the pathophysiology of ACL, by identifying gene sets that contribute to variability in ACL risk.

This study aimed at determining the image stakeholders have towards KCB as a sports sponsor. Corporate image is defined by the constructs of good feeling, trust, admiration and respect, as informed by Fombrun and Gardberg’s RepTrakTM Pulse tool. A case study design was used in order to gain in-depth information about KCB. This study was premised on Stakeholder Theory as it focuses on the impact of a company’s activities on stakeholders, whereby these activities may result in a positive or a negative view of the company. Purposive sampling was used to select participants. This study was conducted in Nairobi County, and participants in this study were external stakeholders of KCB. Respondents included 10 players from KCB Rugby Football Club, 10 supporters (fans), 10 KCB agents and 15 KCB clients. A quantitative method of collecting data was used. Data was generated using a Likert-type scale questionnaire informed by RepTrakTM Pulse. Findings from this study revealed that KCB’s reputational capital is enhanced because it sponsored sports. Most of the respondents took a neutral stance on the statements informing the constructs of good feeling, trust, admiration, and respect. A small percentage of the respondents expressed disagreement with the statements, while a considerable percentage were positive and agreed with the statements. KCB’s corporate image is favourable as stakeholders have a good feeling towards it, trust and admire and respect it on account of sponsoring sports.

IntroductionImproving physical activity (PA) and healthy eating is critical for primary and secondary prevention of cardiovascular disease (CVD). Behaviour change programmes delivered in sporting clubs can engage men in health behaviour change, but are rarely sustained or scaled-up post trial. Following the success of pilot studies of the Australian Fans in Training (Aussie-FIT) programme, a hybrid effectiveness–implementation trial protocol was developed. This protocol outlines methods to: (1) establish if Aussie-FIT is effective at supporting men with or at risk of CVD to sustain improvements in moderate-to-vigorous PA (primary outcome), diet and physical and psychological health and (2) examine the feasibility and utility of implementation strategies to support programme adoption, implementation and sustainment.Methods and analysisA pragmatic multistate/territory hybrid type 2 effectiveness–implementation parallel group randomised controlled trial with a 6-month wait list control arm in Australia. 320 men aged 35–75 years with or at risk of CVD will be recruited. Aussie-FIT involves 12 weekly face-to-face sessions including coach-led interactive education workshops and PA delivered in Australian Football League (Western Australia, Northern Territory) and rugby (Queensland) sports club settings. Follow-up measures will be at 3 and 6 months (both groups) and at 12 months to assess maintenance (intervention group only). Implementation outcomes will be reported using the Reach, Effectiveness, Adoption, Implementation, Maintenance framework.Ethics and disseminationThis multisite study has been approved by the lead ethics committees in the lead site’s jurisdiction, the South Metropolitan Health Service Human Research Ethics Committee (Reference RGS4254) and the West Australian Aboriginal Health Ethics Committee (HREC1221). Findings will be disseminated at academic conferences, peer-reviewed journals and via presentations and reports to stakeholders, including consumers. Findings will inform a blueprint to support the sustainment and scale-up of Aussie-FIT across diverse Australian settings and populations to benefit men’s health.Trial registration numberThis trial is registered with the Australian New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry (ACTRN12623000437662).

It was the Canadian philosopher Marshall McLuhan who first introduced the term ‘global village’ into the lexicon, almost fifty years ago. He was referring to the phenomenon of global interconnectedness of which we are all too aware today. At that time, we were witnessing the world just opening up. In 1946, British Airways had commenced a twice weekly service from London to New York. The flight involved one or two touch downs en-route and took a scheduled 19 hours and 45 minutes. By the time McLuhan had published his book “Understanding media; the extensions of man”, there were regular services by jet around the globe. London to Sydney was travelled in just under 35 hours. Moving forward to a time immediately pre-covid, there were over 30 non-stop flights a day in each direction between London and New York. The travel time from London to Sydney had been cut by a third, to slightly under 22 hours, with just one touchdown en-route. The world has well and truly ‘opened up’. No place is unreachable by regular services. But that is just one part of the picture. In 1962, the very first live television pictures were transmitted across the Atlantic, via satellite. It was a time when sports’ fans would tune in besides a crackling radio set to hear commentary of their favourite game relayed from the other side of the world. Today of course, not only can we watch a live telecast of the Olympic Games in the comfort of our own homes wherever the games are being held, but we can pick up a telephone and talk face to face with friends and relatives in real time, wherever they may be in the world. To today’s generation – generation Z – this does not seem in the least bit remarkable. Indeed, they have been nicknamed ‘the connected generation’ precisely because such a degree of human interconnectedness no longer seems worth commenting on. The media technology and the transport advances that underpin this level of connectedness, have become taken for granted assumptions to them. This is why the global events of 2020 and the associated public health related reactions, have proved to be so remarkable to them. It is mass travel and the closeness and variety of human contact in day-to-day interactions, that have provided the breeding ground for the pandemic. Consequently, moving around and sharing close proximity with many strangers, have been the activities that have had to be curbed, as the initial primary means to manage the spread of the virus. This has caused hardship to many, either through the loss of a job and the associated income or, the lengthy enforced separation from family and friends – for the many who find themselves living and working far removed from their original home. McLuhan’s powerful metaphor was ahead of its time. His thoughts were centred around media and electronic communications well prior to the notion of a ‘physical’ pandemic, which today has provided an equally potent image of how all of our fortunes have become intertwined, no matter where we sit in the world. Yet it is this event which seems paradoxically to have for the first time forced us to consider more closely the path of progress pursued over the last half century. It is as if we are experiencing for the first time the unleashing of powerful and competing forces, which are both centripetal and centrifugal. On the one hand we are in a world where we have a World Health Organisation. This is a body which has acted as a global force, first declaring the pandemic and subsequently acting in response to it as a part of its brief for international public health. It has brought the world’s scientists and global health professionals together to accelerate the research and development process and develop new norms and standards to contain the spread of the coronavirus pandemic and help care for those affected. At the same time, we have been witnessing nations retreating from each other and closing their borders in order to restrict the interaction of their citizens with those from other nations around the world. We have perceived that danger and risk are increased by international travel and human to human interaction. As a result, increasingly communication has been carried out from the safety and comfort of one’s own home, with electronic media taking the place of personal interaction in the real world. The change to the media dominated world, foreseen by McLuhan a half century ago, has been hastened and consolidated by the threats posed by Covid 19. Real time interactions can be conducted more safely and more economically by means of the global reach of the internet and the ever-enhanced technologies that are being offered to facilitate that. Yet at a geopolitical level prior to Covid 19, the processes of globalism and nationalism were already being recognised as competing forces. In many countries, tensions have emerged between those who are benefitting from the opportunities presented by the development of free trade between countries and those who are invested in more traditional ventures, set in their own nations and communities. The emerging beneficiaries have become characterised as the global elites. Their demographic profile is one associated with youth, education and progressive social ideas. However, they are counter-balanced by those who, rather than opportunities, have experienced threats from the disruptions and turbulence around them. Among the ideas challenged, have been the expected certainties of employment, social values and the security with which many grew up. Industries which have been the lifeblood of their communities are facing extinction and even the security of housing and a roof over the heads of self and family may be under threat. In such circumstances, some people may see waves of new immigrants, technology, and changing social values as being tides which need to be turned back. Their profile is characterised by a demographic less equipped to face such changes - the more mature, less well educated and less mobile. Yet this tension appears to be creating something more than just the latest version of the generational divide. The recent clashes between Republicans and Democrats in the US have provided a very potent example of these societal stresses. The US has itself exported some of these arenas of conflict to the rest of the world. Black lives Matter and #Me too, are social movements with their foundation in the US which have found their way far beyond the immediate contexts which gave them birth. In the different national settings where these various tensions have emerged, they have been characterised through labels such as left and right, progressive and traditional, the ‘haves’ versus the ‘have nots’ etc. Yet common to all of this growing competitiveness between ideologies and values is a common thread. The common thread lies in the notion of competition itself. It finds itself expressed most potently in the spread and adoption of ideas based on what has been termed the neoliberal values of the free market. These values have become ingrained in the language and concepts we employ every day. Thus, everything has a price and ultimately the price can be represented by a dollar value. We see this process of commodification around us on a daily basis. Sports studies’ scholars have long drawn attention to its continuing growth in the world of sport, especially in situations when it overwhelms the human characteristics of the athletes who are at the very heart of sport. When the dollar value of the athlete and their performance becomes more important than the individual and the game, then we find ourselves at the heart of some of the core problems reported today. It is at the point where sport changes from an experience, where the athletes develop themselves and become more complete persons experiencing positive and enriching interactions with fellow athletes, to an environment where young athletes experience stress and mental and physical ill health as result of their experiences. Those who are supremely talented (and lucky?) are rewarded with fabulous riches. Others can find themselves cast out on the scrap heap as a result of an unfair selection process or just the misfortune of injury. Sport as always, has proved to be a mirror of life in reflecting this process in the world at large, highlighting the heights that can be climbed by the fortunate as well as the depths that can be plumbed by the ill-fated. Advocates of the free-market approach will point to the opportunities it can offer. Figures can show that in a period of capitalist organised economies, there has been an unprecedented reduction in the amount of poverty in the world. Despite rapid growth in populations, there has been some extraordinary progress in lifting people out of extreme poverty. Between 1990 and 2010, the numbers in poverty fell by half as a share of the total population in developing countries, from 43% to 21%—a reduction of almost 1 billion people (The Economist Leader, June 1st, 2013). Nonetheless the critics of capitalism will continue to point to an increasing gap between the haves and don’t haves and specifically a decline in the ‘middle classes’, which have for so long provided the backbone of stable democratic societies. This delicate balance between retreating into our own boundaries as a means to manage the pandemic and resuming open borders to prevent economic damage to those whose businesses and employment depend upon the continuing movement of people and goods, is one which is being agonised over at this time in liberal democratic societies around the world. The experience of the pandemic has varied between countries, not solely because of the strategies adopted by politicians, but also because of the current health systems and varying social and economic conditions of life in different parts of the world. For many of us, the crises and social disturbances noted above have been played out on our television screens and websites. Increasingly it seems that we have been consuming our life experiences in a world dominated by our screens and sheltered from the real messiness of life. Meanwhile, in those countries with a choice, the debate has been between public health concerns and economic health concerns. Some have argued that the two are not totally independent of each other, while others have argued that the extent to which they are seen as interrelated lies in the extent to which life’s values have themselves become commodified. Others have pointed to the mental health problems experienced by people of all ages as a result of being confined for long periods of time within limited spaces and experiencing few chances to meet with others outside their immediate household. Still others have experienced different conditions – such as the chance to work from home in a comfortable environment and be freed from the drudgery of commuting in crowded traffic or public transport. So, at a national/communal level as well as at an individual level, this international crisis has exposed people to different decisions. It has offered, for many, a chance to recalibrate their lives. Those who have the resources, are leaving the confines of the big capital cities and seeking a healthier and less turbulent existence in quieter urban centres. For those of us in what can be loosely termed ‘an information industry’, today’s work practices are already an age away from what they were in pre-pandemic times. Yet again, a clear split is evident. The notion of ‘essential industries’ has been reclassified. The delivery of goods, the facilitation of necessary purchase such as food; these and other tasks have acquired a new significance which has enhanced the value of those who deliver these services. However, for those whose tasks can be handled via the internet or offloaded to other anonymous beings a readjustment of a different kind is occurring. So to the future - for those who have suffered ill-health and lost loved ones, the pandemic only reinforces the human priority. Health and well-being trumps economic health and wealth where choices can be made. The closeness of human contact has been reinforced by the tales of families who have been deprived of the touch of their loved ones, many of whom still don’t know when that opportunity will be offered again. When writing our editorial, a year ago, I little expected to be still pursuing a Covid related theme today. Yet where once we were expecting to look back on this time as a minor hiccough, with normal service being resumed sometime last year, it has not turned out to be that way. Rather, it seems that we have been offered a major reset opportunity in the way in which we continue to progress our future as humans. The question is, will we be bold enough to see the opportunity and embrace a healthier more equitable more locally responsible lifestyle or, will we revert to a style of ‘progress’ where powerful countries, organisations and individuals continue to amass increased amounts of wealth and influence and become increasingly less responsive to the needs of individuals in the throng below. Of course, any retreat from globalisation as it has evolved to date, will involve disruption of a different kind, which will inevitably lead to pain for some. It seems inevitable that any change and consequent progress is going to involve winners and losers. Already airline companies and the travel industry are putting pressure on governments to “get back to normal” i.e. where things were previously. Yet, in the shadow of widespread support for climate activism and the extinction rebellion movement, reports have emerged that since the lockdowns air pollution has dropped dramatically around the world – a finding that clearly offers benefits to all our population. In a similar vein the impossibility of overseas air travel in Australia has resulted in a major increase in local tourism, where more inhabitants are discovering the pleasures of their own nation. The transfer of their tourist and holiday dollars from overseas to local tourist providers has produced at one level a traditional zero-sum outcome, but it has also been accompanied by a growing appreciation of local citizens for the wonders of their own land and understanding of the lives of their fellow citizens as well as massive savings in foregone air travel. Continuing to define life in terms of competition for limited resources will inevitably result in an ever-continuing run of zero-sum games. Looking beyond the prism of competition and personal reward has the potential to add to what Michael Sandel (2020) has termed ‘the common good’. Does the possibility of a reset, offer the opportunity to recalibrate our views of effort and reward to go beyond a dollar value and include this important dimension? How has sport been experiencing the pandemic and are there chances for a reset here? An opinion piece from Peter Horton in this edition, has highlighted the growing disconnect of professional sport at the highest level from the communities that gave them birth. Is this just another example of the outcome of unrestrained commodification? Professional sport has suffered in the pandemic with the cancelling of fixtures and the enforced absence of crowds. Yet it has shown remarkable resilience. Sport science staff may have been reduced alongside all the auxiliary workers who go to make up the total support staff on match days and other times. Crowds have been absent, but the game has gone on. Players have still been able to play and receive the support they have become used to from trainers, physiotherapists and analysts, although for the moment there may be fewer of them. Fans have had to rely on electronic media to watch their favourites in action– but perhaps that has just encouraged the continuing spread of support now possible through technology which is no longer dependent on personal attendance through the turnstile. Perhaps for those committed to the watching of live sport in the outdoors, this might offer a chance for more attention to be paid to sport at local and community levels. Might the local villagers be encouraged to interrelate with their hometown heroes, rather than the million-dollar entertainers brought in from afar by the big city clubs? To return to the village analogy and the tensions between global and local, could it be that the social structure of the village has become maladapted to the reality of globalisation? If we wish to retain the traditional values of village life, is returning to our village a necessary strategy? If, however we see that today the benefits and advantages lie in functioning as one single global community, then perhaps we need to do some serious thinking as to how that community can function more effectively for all of its members and not just its ‘elites’. As indicated earlier, sport has always been a reflection of our society. Whichever way our communities decide to progress, sport will have a place at their heart and sport scholars will have a place in critically reflecting the nature of the society we are building. It is on such a note that I am pleased to introduce the content of volume 43:1 to you. We start with a reminder from Hoyoon Jung of the importance of considering the richness provided by a deep analysis of context, when attempting to evaluate and compare outcomes for similar events. He examines the concept of nation building through sport, an outcome that has been frequently attributed to the conduct of successful events. In particular, he examines this outcome in the context of the experiences of South Africa and Brazil as hosts of world sporting events. The mega sporting event that both shared was the FIFA world cup, in 2010 and 2014 respectively. Additional information could be gained by looking backwards to the 1995 Rugby World Cup in the case of South Africa and forward to the 2016 Olympics with regard to Brazil. Differentiating the settings in terms of timing as well as in the makeup of the respective local cultures, has led Jung to conclude that a successful outcome for nation building proved possible in the case of South Africa. However, different settings, both economically and socially, made it impossible for Brazil to replicate the South African experience. From a globally oriented perspective to a more local one, our second paper by Rafal Gotowski and Marta Anna Zurawak examines the growth and development, with regard to both participation and performance, of a more localised activity in Poland - the Nordic walking marathon. Their analysis showed that this is a locally relevant activity that is meeting the health-related exercise needs of an increasing number of people in the middle and later years, including women. It is proving particularly beneficial as an activity due to its ability to offer a high level of intensity while reducing the impact - particularly on the knees. The article by Petr Vlček, Richard Bailey, Jana Vašíčková XXABSTRACT Claude Scheuer is also concerned with health promoting physical activity. Their focus however is on how the necessary habit of regular and relevant physical activity is currently being introduced to the younger generation in European schools through the various physical education curricula. They conclude that physical education lessons, as they are currently being conducted, are not providing the needed 50% minimum threshold of moderate to vigorous physical activity. They go further, to suggest that in reality, depending on the physical education curriculum to provide the necessary quantum of activity within the child’s week, is going to be a flawed vision, given the instructional and other objectives they are also expected to achieve. They suggest implementing instead an ‘Active Schools’ concept, where the PE lessons are augmented by other school-based contexts within a whole school programme of health enhancing physical activity for children. Finally, we step back to the global and international context and the current Pandemic. Eric Burhaein, Nevzt Demirci, Carla Cristina Vieira Lourenco, Zsolt Nemeth and Diajeng Tyas Pinru Phytanza have collaborated as a concerned group of physical educators to provide an important international position statement which addresses the role which structured and systematic physical activity should assume in the current crisis. This edition then concludes with two brief contributions. The first is an opinion piece by Peter Horton which provides a professional and scholarly reaction to the recent attempt by a group of European football club owners to challenge the global football community and establish a self-governing and exclusive European Super League. It is an event that has created great alarm and consternation in the world of football. Horton reflects the outrage expressed by that community and concludes: While recognising the benefits accruing from well managed professionalism, the essential conflict between the values of sport and the values of market capitalism will continue to simmer below the surface wherever sport is commodified rather than practised for more ‘intrinsic’ reasons. We conclude however on a more celebratory note. We are pleased to acknowledge the recognition achieved by one of the members of our International Review Board. The career and achievements of Professor John Wang – a local ‘scholar’- have been recognised in his being appointed as the foundation E.W. Barker Professor in Physical Education and Sport at the Nanyang Technological University. This is a well-deserved honour and one that reflects the growing stature of the Singapore Physical Education and Sports Science community within the world of International Sport Studies. John Saunders Brisbane, June 2021

This paper investigates the relationship between self‐determination and sport through the exploits of the Brisbane All Blacks, an Aboriginal rugby league football club established in Brisbane after the Second World War. When the club was formed, the government policy of “Protection,” which legalised the forced removal of Aboriginal peoples to government settlements, was giving way in Queensland to the policy of assimilation. Aboriginal people in Brisbane, including members of the Brisbane All Blacks, were expected to renounce their Aboriginality under the assimilation policy and culturally absorb into white society. Oral history and archival research show, however, that the Brisbane All Blacks actively pushed back against these expectations. The footballers strategically navigated their settler colonial environment in ways that allowed them to exploit the assimilation policy for their own needs and purposes. The All Blacks' football activities and associated Boathouse dances facilitated the emergence of a distinctly Aboriginal community in Southeast Queensland. This community demonstrated a sense of pride and empowerment, as well as forging strong social networks, which enabled Aboriginal initiatives in the following decades. The All Blacks are a meaningful example of self‐determination by Aboriginal peoples before formal self‐determination emerged federally on the political landscape or internationally at the United Nations.

Abstract Background Pre-participation cardiac screening (PCS) of “Super-League” rugby football league (RFL) athletes is mandatory but may be completed at any time point. The aim of this study was to assess cardiac electrical, structural and functional variation across the competitive season. Methods Elite, male, RFL athletes from a single Super-League club underwent cardiac evaluation using electrocardiography (ECG), 2D echocardiography and speckle tracking echocardiography (STE) at four time points across the RFL season; (1) End pre-season (ENDPRE), (2) mid-season (MIDCOMP), (3) end-season (ENDCOMP) and (4) End off-season (ENDOFF). Training loads for each time point were also determined. One-way ANOVA with post-hoc Bonferroni were used for statistical analyses. Results Total workload undertaken by athletes was lower at both MIDCOMP and ENDCOMP compared to ENDPRE (P < 0.001). ECG patterns were normal with training-related changes that were largely consistent across assessments. Structural data did not vary across assessment points. Standard functional data was not different across assessment points but apical rotation and twist were higher at ENDPRE (9.83˚ and 16.55˚, respectively compared to all other time points (MIDCOMP, 6.13˚ and 12.62˚; ENDCOMP, 5.84˚ and 12.12˚; ENDOFF 6.60˚ and 12.35˚). Conclusions Despite some seasonal variation in training load, the athletes’ ECG and cardiac structure were stable across a competitive season. Seasonal variation in left ventricular (LV) apical rotation and twist, associated with higher training loads, should be noted in the context of PCS.

The thirteenth of December 2021 marked the fiftieth anniversary of Buckley v Tutty where the High Court of Australia, in upholding an earlier ruling of the Full Court of the Supreme Court of New South Wales in Tutty v Buckley, found the New South Wales Rugby League’s retain and transfer system to be an unreasonable restraint of trade. The article points to the long-term importance of this decision, especially it being endorsed by lower courts and tribunals in striking down similar employment rules. Prior to the case, Justice Hardie of the Supreme Court of New South Wales found in Elford v Buckley that the NSWRL’s retain and transfer system was not an unreasonable restraint of trade. The article will examine the differences in approach of Justice Hardie in Elford and the Supreme Court of New South Wales and the High Court of Australia, respectively, in Tutty. The article begins with a brief analysis of Nordenfelt v Maxim Nordenfelt Guns and Ammunition which established the modern restraint of trade doctrine. It explores the meaning of ‘carrying on trade’ under this doctrine. It contrasts two possible meanings; ‘absolute freedom’ (subject to contractual and legislative norms) and ‘Hobsonian freedom’. This distinction is used to explain the differences between the Elford and Tutty courts. The article provides an examination of the decisions of courts in previous sports cases – Walker v Crystal Place Football Club, Hawick v Flegg, Eastham v Newcastle United Football Club and Nagle v Feilden – in reaching an understanding of the decision making of the respective courts.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the economic effects of Covid-19 on French men's professional basketball club championships. Three research questions are raised: What are the characteristics of the economic model of French men's professional basketball? Has this economic model changed over the 2008/2009 to 2018/2019 period? What are the economic effects of the Covid-19 crisis on the finance of French men's professional basketball clubs? Design/methodology/approach Relying on a privileged access to the financial data of professional clubs in the two top-tier divisions (456 observations: 222 in Pro A/Jeep Elite and 234 in Pro B), this research focuses on economic models of French men's professional basketball clubs. The breakdown of revenues, expenses and financial performance is examined over the 2008/2009 to 2018/2019 period. The short-term economic effects of Covid-19 are measured over the 2019/2020 and 2020/2021 seasons. Findings The Covid-19 crisis, at least in the short term (2019/2020 season), has affected revenues and expenses. With the closedown of the championship, two out of three main revenue sources have significantly decreased, while two main expense sources have decreased as well. The net incomes of Jeep Elite and Pro B clubs are in the black contrasting with the 2018/2019 season (pre-Covid) owing to clubs having benefited from governmental and federal measures and a stronger support from local authorities and their shareholders. Practical implications Given the financial difficulties that clubs would have faced without governmental support, the federation and leagues would be well advised to develop a real crisis management competence within professional clubs. Owners of French professional men’s basketball clubs must increasingly adopt product diversification strategies to be better prepared for future crises. Originality/value Recent research on the economic effects of Covid-19 has focused on professional and amateur football. To the best of our knowledge, one does not avail detailed research on the potential effects of a health crisis fought with containment measures on professional basketball clubs. French professional basketball deserves to be studied because it has the third largest professional league revenue (behind football and rugby) and it is the second most practiced sport in France. Its sources of finance, which are different from those witnessed in football and rugby, also make it an appropriate subject for study.

AbstractHamstring injuries and reinjuries are one of the most important sport lesions in several sport activities including soccer, Australian football, track and field, rugby, and in general in all sport activities requiring sprinting and acceleration. However, it is important to distinguish between the lesions of the biceps femoris and semitendinosus and semimembranosus. Indeed, three muscles representing the hamstring complex have a very different injury etiology and consequently require different prevention strategies. This fact may explain, at least in part, the high incidence of reinjuries. In soccer, hamstring injuries cause an important rate of time loss (i.e., in average 15–21 matches missed per club per season). The hamstring injury risk factors may be subdivided in three categories: “primary injury risk factors” (i.e., the risk factors mainly causing a first lesion), “recurrent injury risk factors” (i.e., the risk that can cause a reinjury), and bivalent injury risk factors” (i.e., the risk factors that can cause both primary injuries and reinjuries). The high incidence of hamstring lesions caused consequently an important increase in hamstring injury research. However, although the prevention has increased paradoxically, epidemiological data do not show a loss in injuries and/or reinjuries but, on the contrary, they show an increase in hamstring injuries. This apparent paradox highlights the importance both of the improvement in the prevention programs quality and the criteria for return to play after hamstring injury.

Lincolnshire, England. The crowd cheer when the ball breaks loose. From one end of the field to the other, the players chase, their snouts hovering just above the grass. It’s not a case of four legs being better, rather a novel way to attract customers to the Woodside Wildlife and Falconry Park. During the matches, volunteers are drawn from the crowd to hold goal posts at either end of the run the pigs usually race on. With five pigs playing, two teams of two and a referee, and a ball designed to leak feed as it rolls (Stevenson) the ten-minute competition is fraught with tension. While the pig’s contributions to “the beautiful game” (Fish and Pele 7) have not always been so obvious, it could be argued that specific parts of the animal have had a significant impact on a sport which, despite calls to fall into line with much of the rest of the world, people in Australia (and the US) are more likely to call soccer. The Football Precursors to the modern football were constructed around an inflated pig’s bladder (Price, Jones and Harland). Animal hide, usually from a cow, was stitched around the bladder to offer some degree of stability, but the bladder’s irregular and uneven form made for unpredictable movement in flight. This added some excitement and affected how ball games such as the often violent, calico matches in Florence, were played. In the early 1970s, the world’s oldest ball was discovered during a renovation in Stirling Castle, Scotland. The ball has a pig’s bladder inside its hand-stitched, deer-hide outer. It was found in the ceiling above the bed in, what was then Mary Queens of Scots’ bedroom. It has since been dated to the 1540s (McGinnes). Neglected and left in storage until the late 1990s, the ball found pride of place in an exhibition in the Smiths Art Gallery and Museum, Stirling, and only gained worldwide recognition (as we will see later) in 2006. Despite confirmed interest in a number of sports, there is no evidence to support Mary’s involvement with football (Springer). The deer-hide ball may have been placed to gather and trap untoward spirits attempting to enter the monarch’s sleep, or simply left by accident and forgotten (McGinnes in Springer). Mary, though, was not so fortunate. She was confined and forgotten, but only until she was put to death in 1587. The Executioner having gripped her hair to hold his prize aloft, realised too late it was a wig and Mary’s head bounced and rolled across the floor. Football Development The pig’s bladder was the central component in the construction of the football for the next three hundred years. However, the issue of the ball’s movement (the bounce and roll), the bladder’s propensity to burst when kicked, and an unfortunate wife’s end, conspired to push the pig from the ball before the close of the nineteenth-century. The game of football began to take its shape in 1848, when JC Thring and a few colleagues devised the Cambridge Rules. This compromised set of guidelines was developed from those used across the different ‘ball’ games played at England’s elite schools. The game involved far more kicking, and the pig’s bladders, prone to bursting under such conditions, soon became impractical. Charles Goodyear’s invention of vulcanisation in 1836 and the death of prestigious rugby and football maker Richard Lindon’s wife in 1870 facilitated the replacement of the animal bladder with a rubber-based alternative. Tragically, Mr Lindon’s chief inflator died as a result of blowing up too many infected pig’s bladders (Hawkesley). Before it closed earlier this year (Rhoads), the US Soccer Hall of Fame displayed a rubber football made in 1863 under the misleading claim that it was the oldest known football. By the late 1800s, professional, predominantly Scottish play-makers had transformed the game from its ‘kick-and-run’ origins into what is now called ‘the passing game’ (Sanders). Football, thanks in no small part to Scottish factory workers (Kay), quickly spread through Europe and consequently the rest of the world. National competitions emerged through the growing need for organisation, and the pig-free mass production of balls began in earnest. Mitre and Thomlinson’s of Glasgow were two of the first to make and sell their much rounder balls. With heavy leather panels sewn together and wrapped around a thick rubber inner, these balls were more likely to retain shape—a claim the pig’s bladder equivalent could not legitimately make. The rubber-bladdered balls bounced more too. Their weight and external stitching made them more painful to header, but also more than useful for kicking and particularly for passing from one player to another. The ball’s relatively quick advancement can thereafter be linked to the growth and success of the World Cup Finals tournament. Before the pig re-enters the fray, it is important to glance, however briefly, at the ball’s development through the international game. World Cup Footballs Pre-tournament favourites, Spain, won the 2010 FIFA World Cup, playing with “an undistorted, perfectly spherical ball” (Ghosh par. 7), the “roundest” ever designed (FIFA par.1). Their victory may speak to notions of predictability in the ball, the tournament and the most lucrative levels of professional endeavour, but this notion is not a new one to football. The ball’s construction has had an influence on the way the game has been played since the days of Mary Queen of Scots. The first World Cup Final, in 1930, featured two heavy, leather, twelve-panelled footballs—not dissimilar to those being produced in Glasgow decades earlier. The players and officials of Uruguay and Argentina could not agree, so they played the first half with an Argentine ball. At half-time, Argentina led by two goals to one. In the second half, Uruguay scored three unanswered goals with their own ball (FIFA). The next Final was won by Italy, the home nation in 1934. Orsi, Italy’s adopted star, poked a wildly swerving shot beyond the outstretched Czech keeper. The next day Orsi, obligated to prove his goal was not luck or miracle, attempted to repeat the feat before an audience of gathered photographers. He failed. More than twenty times. The spin on his shot may have been due to the, not uncommon occurrence, of the ball being knocked out of shape during the match (FIFA). By 1954, the Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) had sought to regulate ball size and structure and, in 1958, rigorously tested balls equal to the demands of world-class competition. The 1950s also marked the innovation of the swerving free kick. The technique, developed in the warm, dry conditions of the South American game, would not become popular elsewhere until ball technology improved. The heavy hand-stitched orb, like its early counterparts, was prone to water absorption, which increased the weight and made it less responsive, particularly for those playing during European winters (Bray). The 1970 World Cup in Mexico saw football progress even further. Pele, arguably the game’s greatest player, found his feet, and his national side, Brazil, cemented their international football prominence when they won the Jules Rimet trophy for the third time. Their innovative and stylish use of the football in curling passes and bending free kicks quickly spread to other teams. The same World Cup saw Adidas, the German sports goods manufacturer, enter into a long-standing partnership with FIFA. Following the competition, they sold an estimated six hundred thousand match and replica tournament footballs (FIFA). The ball, the ‘Telstar’, with its black and white hexagonal panels, became an icon of the modern era as the game itself gained something close to global popularity for the first time in its history. Over the next forty years, the ball became incrementally technologically superior. It became synthetic, water-resistant, and consistent in terms of rebound and flight characteristics. It was constructed to be stronger and more resistant to shape distortion. Internal layers of polyutherane and Syntactic Foam made it lighter, capable of greater velocity and more responsive to touch (FIFA). Adidas spent three years researching and developing the 2006 World Cup ball, the ‘Teamgeist’. Fourteen panels made it rounder and more precise, offering a lower bounce, and making it more difficult to curl due to its accuracy in flight. At the same time, audiences began to see less of players like Roberto Carlos (Brazil and Real Madrid CF) and David Beckham (Manchester United, LA Galaxy and England), who regularly scored goals that challenged the laws of physics (Gill). While Adidas announced the 2006 release of the world’s best performing ball in Berlin, the world’s oldest was on its way to the Museum fur Volkerkunde in Hamburg for the duration of the 2006 FIFA World Cup. The Mary Queen of Scot’s ball took centre spot in an exhibit which also featured a pie stand—though not pork pies—from Hibernian Football Club (Strang). In terms of publicity and raising awareness of the Scots’ role in the game’s historical development, the installation was an unrivalled success for the Scottish Football Museum (McBrearty). It did, however, very little for the pig. Heads, not Tails In 2002, the pig or rather the head of a pig, bounced and rolled back into football’s limelight. For five years Luis Figo, Portugal’s most capped international player, led FC Barcelona to domestic and European success. In 2000, he had been lured to bitter rivals Real Madrid CF for a then-world record fee of around £37 million (Nash). On his return to the Catalan Camp Nou, wearing the shimmering white of Real Madrid CF, he was showered with beer cans, lighters, bottles and golf balls. Among the objects thrown, a suckling pig’s head chimed a psychological nod to the spear with two sharp ends in William Golding’s story. Play was suspended for sixteen minutes while police tried to quell the commotion (Lowe). In 2009, another pig’s head made its way into football for different reasons. Tightly held in the greasy fingers of an Orlando Pirates fan, it was described as a symbol of the ‘roasting’ his team would give the Kaiser Chiefs. After the game, he and his friend planned to eat their mascot and celebrate victory over their team’s most reviled competitors (Edwards). The game ended in a nil-all draw. Prior to the 2010 FIFA World Cup, it was not uncommon for a range of objects that European fans might find bizarre, to be allowed into South African league matches. They signified luck and good feeling, and in some cases even witchcraft. Cabbages, known locally for their medicinal qualities, were very common—common enough for both sets of fans to take them (Edwards). FIFA, an organisation which has more members than the United Nations (McGregor), impressed their values on the South African Government. The VuVuZela was fine to take to games; indeed, it became a cultural artefact. Very little else would be accepted. Armed with their economy-altering engine, the world’s most watched tournament has a tendency to get what it wants. And the crowd respond accordingly. Incidentally, the ‘Jabulani’—the ball developed for the 2010 tournament—is the most consistent football ever designed. In an exhaustive series of tests, engineers at Loughborough University, England, learned, among other things, the added golf ball-like grooves on its surface made the ball’s flight more symmetrical and more controlled. The Jabulani is more reliable or, if you will, more predictable than any predecessor (Ghosh). Spanish Ham Through support from their Governing body, the Real Federación Española de Fútbol, Spain have built a national side with experience, and an unparalleled number of talented individuals, around the core of the current FC Barcelona club side. Their strength as a team is founded on the bond between those playing on a weekly basis at the Catalan club. Their style has allowed them to create and maintain momentum on the international stage. Victorious in the 2008 UEFA European Football Championship and undefeated in their run through the qualifying stages into the World Cup Finals in South Africa, they were tournament favourites before a Jabulani was rolled into touch. As Tim Parks noted in his New York Review of Books article, “The Shame of the World Cup”, “the Spanish were superior to an extent one rarely sees in the final stages of a major competition” (2010 par. 15). They have a “remarkable ability to control, hold and hide the ball under intense pressure,” and play “a passing game of great subtlety [ ... to] patiently wear down an opposing team” (Parks par. 16). Spain won the tournament having scored fewer goals per game than any previous winner. Perhaps, as Parks suggests, they scored as often as they needed to. They found the net eight times in their seven matches (Fletcher). This was the first time that Spain had won the prestigious trophy, and the first time a European country has won the tournament on a different continent. In this, they have broken the stranglehold of superpowers like Germany, Italy and Brazil. The Spanish brand of passing football is the new benchmark. Beautiful to watch, it has grace, flow and high entertainment value, but seems to lack something of an organic nature: that is, it lacks the chance for things to go wrong. An element of robotic aptitude has crept in. This occurred on a lesser scale across the 2010 FIFA World Cup finals, but it is possible to argue that teams and players, regardless of nation, have become interchangeable, that the world’s best players and the way they play have become identikits, formulas to be followed and manipulated by master tacticians. There was a great deal of concern in early rounds about boring matches. The world’s media focused on an octopus that successfully chose the winner of each of Germany’s matches and the winner of the final. Perhaps, in shaping the ‘most’ perfect ball and the ‘most’ perfect football, the World Cup has become the most predictable of tournaments. In Conclusion The origins of the ball, Orsi’s unrepeatable winner and the swerving free kick, popular for the best part of fifty years, are worth remembering. These issues ask the powers of football to turn back before the game is smothered by the hunt for faultlessness. The unpredictability of the ball goes hand in hand with the game. Its flaws underline its beauty. Football has so much more transformative power than lucrative evolutionary accretion. While the pig’s head was an ugly statement in European football, it is a symbol of hope in its South African counterpart. Either way its removal is a reminder of Golding’s message and the threat of homogeneity; a nod to the absence of the irregular in the modern era. Removing the curve from the free kick echoes the removal of the pig’s bladder from the ball. The fun is in the imperfection. Where will the game go when it becomes indefectible? Where does it go from here? Can there really be any validity in claiming yet another ‘roundest ball ever’? Chip technology will be introduced. The ball’s future replacements will be tracked by satellite and digitally-fed, reassured referees will determine the outcome of difficult decisions. Victory for the passing game underlines the notion that despite technological advancement, the game has changed very little since those pioneering Scotsmen took to the field. Shouldn’t we leave things the way they were? Like the pigs at Woodside Wildlife and Falconry Park, the level of improvement seems determined by the level of incentive. The pigs, at least, are playing to feed themselves. Acknowledgments The author thanks editors, Donna Lee Brien and Adele Wessell, and the two blind peer reviewers, for their constructive feedback and reflective insights. The remaining mistakes are his own. References “Adidas unveils Golden Ball for 2006 FIFA World Cup Final” Adidas. 18 Apr. 2006. 23 Aug. 2010 . Bray, Ken. “The science behind the swerve.” BBC News 5 Jun. 2006. 19 Aug. 2010 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/magazine/5048238.stm>. Edwards, Piers. “Cabbage and Roasted Pig.” BBC Fast Track Soweto, BBC News 3 Nov. 2009. 23 Aug. 2010 . FIFA. “The Footballs during the FIFA World Cup™” FIFA.com. 18 Aug. 2010 .20 Fish, Robert L., and Pele. My Life and the Beautiful Game. New York: Bantam Dell, 1977. Fletcher, Paul. “Match report on 2010 FIFA World Cup Final between Spain and Netherlands”. BBC News—Sports 12 Jul. 2010 . Ghosh, Pallab. “Engineers defend World Cup football amid criticism.” BBC News—Science and Environment 4 Jun. 2010. 19 Aug. 2010 . Gill, Victoria. “Roberto Carlos wonder goal ‘no fluke’, say physicists.” BBC News—Science and Environment 2 Sep. 2010 . Hawkesley, Simon. Richard Lindon 22 Aug. 2010 . “History of Football” FIFA.com. Classic Football. 20 Aug. 2010 . Kay, Billy. The Scottish World: A Journey into the Scottish Diaspora. London: Mainstream, 2008. Lowe, Sid. “Peace for Figo? And pigs might fly ...” The Guardian (London). 25 Nov. 2002. 20 Aug. 2010 . “Mary, Queen of Scots (r.1542-1567)”. The Official Website of the British Monarchy. 20 Jul. 2010 . McBrearty, Richard. Personal Interview. 12 Jul. 2010. McGinnes, Michael. Smiths Art Gallery and Museum. Visited 14 Jul. 2010 . McGregor, Karen. “FIFA—Building a transnational football community. University World News 13 Jun. 2010. 19 Jul. 2010 . Nash, Elizabeth. “Figo defects to Real Madrid for record £36.2m." The Independent (London) 25 Jul. 2000. 20 Aug. 2010 . “Oldest football to take cup trip” 25 Apr. 2006. 20 Jul. 2010 . Parks, Tim. “The Shame of the World Cup”. New York Review of Books 19 Aug. 2010. 23 Aug. 2010 < http://nybooks.com/articles/archives/2010/aug/19/shame-world-cup/>. “Pig football scores a hit at centre.” BBC News 4 Aug. 2009. August 20 2010 . Price, D. S., Jones, R. Harland, A. R. “Computational modelling of manually stitched footballs.” Proceedings of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, Part L. Journal of Materials: Design & Applications 220 (2006): 259-268. Rhoads, Christopher. “Forget That Trip You Had Planned to the National Soccer Hall of Fame.” Wall Street Journal 26 Jun. 2010. 22 Sep. 2010 . “Roberto Carlos Impossible Goal”. News coverage posted on You Tube, 27 May 2007. 23 Aug. 2010 . Sanders, Richard. Beastly Fury. London: Bantam, 2009. “Soccer to become football in Australia”. Sydney Morning Herald 17 Dec. 2004. 21 Aug. 2010 . Springer, Will. “World’s oldest football – fit for a Queen.” The Scotsman. 13 Mar. 2006. 19 Aug. 2010 < http://heritage.scotsman.com/willspringer/Worlds-oldest-football-fit.2758469.jp >. Stevenson, R. “Pigs Play Football at Wildlife Centre”. Lincolnshire Echo 3 Aug. 2009. 20 Aug. 2010 . Strang, Kenny. Personal Interview. 12 Jul. 2010. “The Execution of Mary Queen of Scots February 8, 1857”. Tudor History 21 Jul. 2010 http://tudorhistory.org/primary/exmary.html>. “The History of the FA.” The FA. 20 Jul. 2010 “World’s Oldest Ball”. World Cup South Africa 2010 Blog. 22 Jul. 2010 . “World’s Oldest Soccer Ball by Charles Goodyear”. 18 Mar. 2010. 20 Jul. 2010 .

Introduction: Bubbles and Sport The ephemeral materiality of bubbles – beautiful, spectacular, and distracting but ultimately fragile – when applied to protect or conserve in the interests of sport-media profit, creates conditions that exacerbate existing inequalities in sport and society. Bubbles are usually something to watch, admire, and chase after in their brief yet shiny lives. There is supposed to be, technically, nothing inside them other than one or more gasses, and yet we constantly refer to people and objects being inside bubbles. The metaphor of the bubble has been used to describe the life of celebrities, politicians in purpose-built capital cities like Canberra, and even leftist, environmentally activist urban dwellers. The metaphorical and material qualities of bubbles are aligned—they cannot be easily captured and are liable to change at any time. In this article we address the metaphorical sporting bubble, which is often evoked in describing life in professional sport. This is a vernacular term used to capture and condemn the conditions of life of elite sportspeople (usually men), most commonly after there has been a sport-related scandal, especially of a sexual nature (Rowe). It is frequently paired with connotatively loaded adjectives like pampered and indulged. The sporting bubble is rarely interrogated in academic literature, the concept largely being left to the media and moral entrepreneurs. It is represented as involving a highly privileged but also pressurised life for those who live inside it. A sporting bubble is a world constructed for its most prized inhabitants that enables them to be protected from insurgents and to set the terms of their encounters with others, especially sport fans and disciplinary agents of the state. The Covid-19 pandemic both reinforced and reconfigured the operational concept of the bubble, re-arranging tensions between safety (protecting athletes) and fragility (short careers, risks of injury, etc.) for those within, while safeguarding those without from bubble contagion. Privilege and Precarity Bubble-induced social isolation, critics argue, encourages a loss of perspective among those under its protection, an entitled disconnection from the usual rules and responsibilities of everyday life. For this reason, the denizens of the sporting bubble are seen as being at risk to themselves and, more troublingly, to those allowed temporarily to penetrate it, especially young women who are first exploited by and then ejected from it (Benedict). There are many well-documented cases of professional male athletes “behaving badly” and trying to rely on institutional status and various versions of the sporting bubble for shelter (Flood and Dyson; Reel and Crouch; Wade). In the age of mobile and social media, it is increasingly difficult to keep misbehaviour in-house, resulting in a slew of media stories about, for example, drunkenness and sexual misconduct, such as when then-Sydney Roosters co-captain Mitchell Pearce was suspended and fined in 2016 after being filmed trying to force an unwanted kiss on a woman and then simulating a lewd act with her dog while drunk. There is contestation between those who condemn such behaviour as aberrant and those who regard it as the conventional expression of youthful masculinity as part of the familiar “boys will be boys” dictum. The latter naturalise an inequitable gender order, frequently treating sportsmen as victims of predatory women, and ignoring asymmetries of power between men and women, especially in homosocial environments (Toffoletti). For those in the sporting bubble (predominantly elite sportsmen and highly paid executives, also mostly men, with an array of service staff of both sexes moving in and out of it), life is reflected for those being protected via an array of screens (small screens in homes and indoor places of entertainment, and even smaller screens on theirs and others’ phones, as well as huge screens at sport events). These male sport stars are paid handsomely to use their skill and strength to perform for the sporting codes, their every facial expression and bodily action watched by the media and relayed to audiences. This is often a precarious existence, the usually brief career of an athlete worker being dependent on health, luck, age, successful competition with rivals, networks, and club and coach preferences. There is a large, aspirational reserve army of athletes vying to play at the elite level, despite risks of injury and invasive, life-changing medical interventions. Responsibility for avoiding performance and image enhancing drugs (PIEDs) also weighs heavily on their shoulders (Connor). Professional sportspeople, in their more reflective moments, know that their time in the limelight will soon be up, meaning that getting a ticket to the sporting bubble, even for a short time, can make all the difference to their post-sport lives and those of their families. The most vulnerable of the small minority of participants in sport who make a good, short-term living from it are those for whom, in the absence of quality education and prior social status, it is their sole likely means of upward social mobility (Spaaij). Elite sport performers are surrounded by minders, doctors, fitness instructors, therapists, coaches, advisors and other service personnel, all supporting athletes to stay focussed on and maximise performance quality to satisfy co-present crowds, broadcasters, sponsors, sports bodies and mass media audiences. The shield offered by the sporting bubble supports the teleological win-at-all-costs mentality of professional sport. The stakes are high, with athlete and executive salaries, sponsorships and broadcasting deals entangled in a complex web of investments in keeping the “talent” pivotal to the “attention economy” (Davenport and Beck)—the players that provide the content for sale—in top form. Yet, the bubble cannot be entirely secured and poor behaviour or performance can have devastating effects, including permanent injury or disability, mental illness and loss of reputation (Rowe, “Scandals and Sport”). Given this fragile materiality of the sporting bubble, it is striking that, in response to the sudden shutdown following the economic and health crisis caused by the 2020 global pandemic, the leaders of professional sport decided to create more of them and seek to seal the metaphorical and material space with unprecedented efficiency. The outcome was a multi-sided tale of mobility, confinement, capital, labour, and the gendering of sport and society. The Covid-19 Gilded Cage Sociologists such as Zygmunt Bauman and John Urry have analysed the socio-politics of mobilities, whereby some people in the world, such as tourists, can traverse the globe at their leisure, while others remain fixed in geographical space because they lack the means to be mobile or, in contrast, are involuntarily displaced by war, so-called “ethnic cleansing”, famine, poverty or environmental degradation. The Covid-19 global pandemic re-framed these matters of mobilities (Rowe, “Subjecting Pandemic Sport”), with conventional moving around—between houses, businesses, cities, regions and countries—suddenly subjected to the imperative to be static and, in perniciously unreflective technocratic discourse, “socially distanced” (when what was actually meant was to be “physically distanced”). The late-twentieth century analysis of the “risk society” by Ulrich Beck, in which the mysterious consequences of humans’ predation on their environment are visited upon them with terrifying force, was dramatically realised with the coming of Covid-19. In another iteration of the metaphor, it burst the bubble of twenty-first century global sport. What we today call sport was formed through the process of sportisation (Maguire), whereby hyper-local, folk physical play was reconfigured as multi-spatial industrialised sport in modernity, becoming increasingly reliant on individual athletes and teams travelling across the landscape and well over the horizon. Co-present crowds were, in turn, overshadowed in the sport economy when sport events were taken to much larger, dispersed audiences via the media, especially in broadcast mode (Nicholson, Kerr, and Sherwood). This lucrative mediation of professional sport, though, came with an unforgiving obligation to generate an uninterrupted supply of spectacular live sport content. The pandemic closed down most sports events and those that did take place lacked the crucial participation of the co-present crowd to provide the requisite event atmosphere demanded by those viewers accustomed to a sense of occasion. Instead, they received a strange spectacle of sport performers operating in empty “cathedrals”, often with a “faked” crowd presence. The mediated sport spectacle under the pandemic involved cardboard cut-out and sex doll spectators, Zoom images of fans on large screens, and sampled sounds of the crowd recycled from sport video games. Confected co-presence produced simulacra of the “real” as Baudrillardian visions came to life. The sporting bubble had become even more remote. For elite sportspeople routinely isolated from the “common people”, the live sport encounter offered some sensory experience of the social – the sounds, sights and even smells of the crowd. Now the sporting bubble closed in on an already insulated and insular existence. It exposed the irony of the bubble as a sign of both privileged mobility and incarcerated athlete work, both refuge and prison. Its logic of contagion also turned a structure intended to protect those inside from those outside into, as already observed, a mechanism to manage the threat of insiders to outsiders. In Australia, as in many other countries, the populace was enjoined by governments and health authorities to help prevent the spread of Covid-19 through isolation and immobility. There were various exceptions, principally those classified as essential workers, a heterogeneous cohort ranging from supermarket shelf stackers to pharmacists. People in the cultural, leisure and sports industries, including musicians, actors, and athletes, were not counted among this crucial labour force. Indeed, the performing arts (including dance, theatre and music) were put on ice with quite devastating effects on the livelihoods and wellbeing of those involved. So, with all major sports shut down (the exception being horse racing, which received the benefit both of government subsidies and expanding online gambling revenue), sport organisations began to represent themselves as essential services that could help sustain collective mental and even spiritual wellbeing. This case was made most aggressively by Australian Rugby League Commission Chairman, Peter V’landys, in contending that “an Australia without rugby league is not Australia”. In similar vein, prominent sport and media figure Phil Gould insisted, when describing rugby league fans in Western Sydney’s Penrith, “they’re lost, because the football’s not on … . It holds their families together. People don’t understand that … . Their life begins in the second week of March, and it ends in October”. Despite misgivings about public safety and equality before the pandemic regime, sporting bubbles were allowed to form, re-form and circulate. The indefinite shutdown of the National Rugby League (NRL) on 23 March 2020 was followed after negotiation between multiple entities by its reopening on 28 May 2020. The competition included a team from another nation-state (the Warriors from Aotearoa/New Zealand) in creating an international sporting bubble on the Central Coast of New South Wales, separating them from their families and friends across the Tasman Sea. Appeals to the mental health of fans and the importance of the NRL to myths of “Australianness” notwithstanding, the league had not prudently maintained a financial reserve and so could not afford to shut down for long. Significant gambling revenue for leagues like the NRL and Australian Football League (AFL) also influenced the push to return to sport business as usual. Sport contests were needed in order to exploit the gambling opportunities – especially online and mobile – stimulated by home “confinement”. During the coronavirus lockdowns, Australians’ weekly spending on gambling went up by 142 per cent, and the NRL earned significantly more than usual from gambling revenue—potentially $10 million above forecasts for 2020. Despite the clear financial imperative at play, including heavy reliance on gambling, sporting bubble-making involved special licence. The state of Queensland, which had pursued a hard-line approach by closing its borders for most of those wishing to cross them for biographical landmark events like family funerals and even for medical treatment in border communities, became “the nation's sporting hub”. Queensland became the home of most teams of the men’s AFL (notably the women’s AFLW season having been cancelled) following a large Covid-19 second wave in Melbourne. The women’s National Netball League was based exclusively in Queensland. This state, which for the first time hosted the AFL Grand Final, deployed sport as a tool in both national sports tourism marketing and internal pre-election politics, sponsoring a documentary, The Sporting Bubble 2020, via its Tourism and Events arm. While Queensland became the larger bubble incorporating many other sporting bubbles, both the AFL and the NRL had versions of the “fly in, fly out” labour rhythms conventionally associated with the mining industry in remote and regional areas. In this instance, though, the bubble experience did not involve long stays in miners’ camps or even the one-night hotel stopovers familiar to the popular music and sport industries. Here, the bubble moved, usually by plane, to fulfil the requirements of a live sport “gig”, whereupon it was immediately returned to its more solid bubble hub or to domestic self-isolation. In the space created between disciplined expectation and deplored non-compliance, the sporting bubble inevitably became the scrutinised object and subject of scandal. Sporting Bubble Scandals While people with a very low risk of spreading Covid-19 (coming from areas with no active cases) were denied entry to Queensland for even the most serious of reasons (for example, the death of a child), images of AFL players and their families socialising and enjoying swimming at the Royal Pines Resort sporting bubble crossed our screens. Yet, despite their (players’, officials’ and families’) relative privilege and freedom of movement under the AFL Covid-Safe Plan, some players and others inside the bubble were involved in “scandals”. Most notable was the case of a drunken brawl outside a Gold Coast strip club which led to two Richmond players being “banished”, suspended for 10 matches, and the club fined $100,000. But it was not only players who breached Covid-19 bubble protocols: Collingwood coaches Nathan Buckley and Brenton Sanderson paid the $50,000 fine imposed on the club for playing tennis in Perth outside their bubble, while Richmond was fined $45,000 after Brooke Cotchin, wife of team captain Trent, posted an image to Instagram of a Gold Coast day spa that she had visited outside the “hub” (the institutionally preferred term for bubble). She was subsequently distressed after being trolled. Also of concern was the lack of physical distancing, and the range of people allowed into the sporting bubble, including babysitters, grandparents, and swimming coaches (for children). There were other cases of players being caught leaving the bubble to attend parties and sharing videos of their “antics” on social media. Biosecurity breaches of bubbles by players occurred relatively frequently, with stern words from both the AFL and NRL leaders (and their clubs) and fines accumulating in the thousands of dollars. Some people were also caught sneaking into bubbles, with Lekahni Pearce, the girlfriend of Swans player Elijah Taylor, stating that it was easy in Perth, “no security, I didn’t see a security guard” (in Barron, Stevens, and Zaczek) (a month later, outside the bubble, they had broken up and he pled guilty to unlawfully assaulting her; Ramsey). Flouting the rules, despite stern threats from government, did not lead to any bubble being popped. The sport-media machine powering sporting bubbles continued to run, the attendant emotional or health risks accepted in the name of national cultural therapy, while sponsorship, advertising and gambling revenue continued to accumulate mostly for the benefit of men. Gendering Sporting Bubbles Designed as biosecurity structures to maintain the supply of media-sport content, keep players and other vital cogs of the machine running smoothly, and to exclude Covid-19, sporting bubbles were, in their most advanced form, exclusive luxury camps that illuminated the elevated socio-cultural status of sportsmen. The ongoing inequalities between men’s and women’s sport in Australia and around the world were clearly in evidence, as well as the politics of gender whereby women are obliged to “care” and men are enabled to be “careless” – or at least to manage carefully their “duty of care”. In Australia, the only sport for women that continued during the height of the Covid-19 lockdown was netball, which operated in a bubble that was one of sacrifice rather than privilege. With minimum salaries of only $30,000 – significantly less than the lowest-paid “rookies” in the AFL – and some being mothers of small children and/or with professional jobs juggled alongside their netball careers, these elite sportswomen wanted to continue to play despite the personal inconvenience or cost (Pavlidis). Not one breach of the netballers out of the bubble was reported, indicating that they took their responsibilities with appropriate seriousness and, perhaps, were subjected to less scrutiny than the sportsmen accustomed to attracting front-page headlines. National Netball League (also known after its Queensland-based naming rights sponsor as Suncorp Super Netball) players could be regarded as fortunate to have the opportunity to be in a bubble and to participate in their competition. The NRL Women’s (NRLW) Premiership season was also completed, but only involved four teams subject to fly in, fly out and bubble arrangements, and being played in so-called curtain-raiser games for the NRL. As noted earlier, the AFLW season was truncated, despite all the prior training and sacrifice required of its players. Similarly, because of their resource advantages, the UK men’s and boy’s top six tiers of association football were allowed to continue during lockdown, compared to only two for women and girls. In the United States, inequalities between men’s and women’s sports were clearly demonstrated by the conditions afforded to those elite sportswomen inside the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) sport bubble in the IMG Academy in Florida. Players shared photos of rodent traps in their rooms, insect traps under their mattresses, inedible food and blocked plumbing in their bubble accommodation. These conditions were a far cry from the luxury usually afforded elite sportsmen, including in Florida’s Walt Disney World for the men’s NBA, and is just one of the many instances of how gendered inequality was both reproduced and exacerbated by Covid-19. Bursting the Bubble As we have seen, governments and corporate leaders in sport were able to create material and metaphorical bubbles during the Covid-19 lockdown in order to transmit stadium sport contests into home spaces. The rationale was the importance of sport to national identity, belonging and the routines and rhythms of life. But for whom? Many women, who still carry the major responsibilities of “care”, found that Covid-19 intensified the affective relations and gendered inequities of “home” as a leisure site (Fullagar and Pavlidis). Rates of domestic violence surged, and many women experienced significant anxiety and depression related to the stress of home confinement and home schooling. During the pandemic, women were also more likely to experience the stress and trauma of being first responders, witnessing virus-related sickness and death as the majority of nurses and care workers. They also bore the brunt of much of the economic and employment loss during this time. Also, as noted above, livelihoods in the arts and cultural sector did not receive the benefits of the “bubble”, despite having a comparable claim to sport in contributing significantly to societal wellbeing. This sector’s workforce is substantially female, although men dominate its senior roles. Despite these inequalities, after the late March to May hiatus, many elite male sportsmen – and some sportswomen - operated in a bubble. Moving in and out of them was not easy. Life inside could be mentally stressful (especially in long stays of up to 150 days in sports like cricket), and tabloid and social media troll punishment awaited those who were caught going “over the fence”. But, life in the sporting bubble was generally preferable to the daily realities of those afflicted by the trauma arising from forced home confinement, and for whom watching moving sports images was scant compensation for compulsory immobility. The ethical foundation of the sparkly, ephemeral fantasy of the sporting bubble is questionable when it is placed in the service of a voracious “media sports cultural complex” (Rowe, Global Media Sport) that consumes sport labour power and rolls back progress in gender relations as a default response to a global pandemic. Covid-19 dramatically highlighted social inequalities in many areas of life, including medical care, work, and sport. For the small minority of people involved in sport who are elite professionals, the only thing worse than being in a sporting bubble during the pandemic was not being in one, as being outside precluded their participation. Being inside the bubble was a privilege, albeit a dubious one. But, as in wider society, not all sporting bubbles are created equal. Some are more opulent than others, and the experiences of the supporting and the supported can be very different. The surface of the sporting bubble may be impermanent, but when its interior is opened up to scrutiny, it reveals some very durable structures of inequality. Bubbles are made to burst. They are, by nature, temporary, translucent structures created as spectacles. As a form of luminosity, bubbles “allow a thing or object to exist only as a flash, sparkle or shimmer” (Deleuze, 52). In echoing Deleuze, Angela McRobbie (54) argues that luminosity “softens and disguises the regulative dynamics of neoliberal society”. The sporting bubble was designed to discharge that function for those millions rendered immobile by home confinement legislation in Australia and around the world, who were having to deal with the associated trauma, risk and disadvantage. 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