Dissertationen zum Thema „Judaisn and state“
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Clark, Janine A. (Janine Astrid) 1961 Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. „Religion and the restructuring of national identity in Israel: a historical analysis“. Ottawa.:, 1988.
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Luff, Jennifer D. „Judas exposed: Labor spies in the United States“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623476.
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This dissertation examines the phenomenon of labor espionage from the mid-nineteenth century through the 1930s. Trade unionists coined the term to describe the use of undercover agents posing as workers to collect information for employers about their employees' opinions and activities. Labor spies sometimes identified union supporters and blocked organizing drives; other spies functioned more like surrogate supervisors checking on job performance.;I explore the origins of labor espionage in "spotting," undercover surveillance of railway workers by private detectives to catch theft. I argue that spotting began as a management technology to cope with large dispersed railway workforces, but managers soon saw that secret agents could also monitor workers' behavior and subvert collective action. Rail workers' unions were hamstrung by shame over worker theft and unable to exploit public sympathy to limit employers' use of undercover agents. Next, I examine the difficulties encountered by the American Federation of Hosiery Workers when they tried to systematically counter labor spies in their industry and find that the Hosiery Workers' campaign showed that no union could effectively counter labor spies, and that the union was further hampered by its inability to acknowledge that many spies came from its own ranks. Finally, I compare labor spies to Communists as undercover agents deploying similar strategies in attempts to infiltrate American unions. Unionists developed narratives of infiltration to denounce both labor spies and Communists but deployed them to different ends in the 1930s; progressives used the labor spy narrative to lobby for federal oversight of labor relations, and conservatives used the Communist narrative to attach progressives and fight expanded federal authority. Labor conservatives helped drive early American anticommunism and the rise of McCarthyism.;Trade unionists and historians have avoided a critical fact about labor espionage, that workers performed most secret surveillance. Labor espionage should be seen not just as a management tool, but as a manifestation of worker antiunionism. Rather than asking how labor espionage impaired the growth of American unions, we should ask why some workers chose to subvert collective action, and integrate worker antiunionism into our understanding of American working-class formation.
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Hellman, Shawn I. „Revising a collective identity: The rhetorical traditions ofReform Judaism in America, 1885-1999“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280280.
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This dissertation investigates the rhetorical practices of a tradition: the Reform Movement in Judaism. I analyze the three platforms written in 1885, 1937, and 1999 to define the collective identity of the Reform Movement in America. I begin this study by concentrating on how the Reform Movement framed its collective identity in each of its platforms focusing on what this group agreed on and disagreed on and how they represented those disagreements. Through my investigation, I discovered that these documents reflected different stages in the tradition's development. In this dissertation, I argue that how the Reform tradition framed its collective identity depended on the tradition's stage of development. I argue that in the tradition's first stage of development, it questioned the external, broader tradition from which it diverged, yet it did not question its own internal beliefs, texts, and authorities, and it projected an authoritative identity uncomplicated by disagreements. For example, in 1885 the rabbis authoritatively declared that traditional Jewish practices were no longer meaningful in the modern era. As the tradition developed, the community no longer deferred to internal authorities unquestioningly, but became self reflective and asked questions about itself---questions that enabled the community to understand the lessons from its history and identify inadequacies. So in 1937, the rabbis stated that some of these practices were worthwhile, can be revised to be more meaningful, and can help keep Jews connected as a collective---as a people. Then, in 1999, the tradition faced an epistemological crisis because conflicts over rival answers to key questions could no longer be settled rationally. The problem was that the movement could not resolve the apparent contradiction of having a belief system that valued individual differences and being able to define itself as a collective. It was through the writing process of the 1999 platform that the movement articulated the tradition's most significant beliefs and solved its epistemological crisis by defining reform not by the contents of its changes but in the very process of change---the belief in the value of change and diversity.
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Waxman, Deborah. „Ethnicity and Faith in American Judaism: Reconstructionism as Ideology and Institution, 1935-1959“. Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/87875.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation addresses the development of the movement of Reconstructionist Judaism in the period between 1935 and 1959 through an examination of ideological writings and institution-building efforts. It focuses on Reconstructionist rhetorical strategies, their efforts to establish a liberal basis of religious authority, and theories of cultural production. It argues that Reconstructionist ideologues helped to create a concept of ethnicity for Jews and non-Jews alike that was distinct both from earlier "racial" constructions or strictly religious understandings of modern Jewish identity.
Temple University--Theses
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Sousa, Tomás Bastian de. „A crítica da política em Marx: da Questão judaica à Crítica de Gotha“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-31072017-121336/.
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A crítica de Marx à política, embora esparsa em seus escritos, possui um caráter bem definido e coerente, que se mantém ao longo de toda a sua obra desde a Questão Judaica (1843) até a Crítica de Gotha (1875). Essa pesquisa tem como objetivo apresentar, em seu conjunto, os principais aspectos dessa crítica. Começamos com a análise de seu princípio fundamental, a identificação da sociedade civil como base real do Estado, e a determinação do vínculo orgânico existente entre o Estado e a propriedade privada. Em seguida, passamos à crítica do Estado moderno, a partir de suas duas formas extremas: a forma bonapartista, que explicita a natureza do Estado como máquina de escravização do trabalho pelo capital, e a forma democrática, denunciada em seus limites intrínsecos e identificada como grau máximo de liberdade sob a dominação do capital. Seguimos com a crítica do direito, que atinge tanto o seu conteúdo quanto a sua forma, incluindo os direitos humanos. Passamos então à crítica da superstição política, isto é, às ilusões políticas teóricas e práticas, que abarcam desde as robinsonadas contratualistas às ilusões dos estadistas e revolucionários, com destaque para a crítica do viés democrático. Por fim, após explicitar a incompatibilidade radical entre política e liberdade humana e diferenciar a revolução meramente política da revolução social radical, chegamos à afirmação de uma nova qualidade de liberdade, para além da política, isto é, à abolição positiva da política, entendida como reabsorção das forças sociais usurpadas pelo Estado.Marxs critique of politics, though spread throughout his writings, has a well-defined and coherent character that remains constant in all his work, from On the Jewish Question (1843) to Critique of the Gotha Programme (1875). This research aims to present the leading aspects of that critique as a whole. We start from the analysis of its main principles, namely the identification of civil society as the real base of State, and the organic connection between State and private property. Then we focus on the critique of modern State in both its extreme forms: the Bonapartist form, that accounts for the nature of the State as a slavering machine of labour by capital; and the democratic form, unveiled in its inherent limits and identified as the highest level of liberty under domination of capital. After that we turn to the critique of Right, which aims both its content and its form, including human rights. Then we approach the critique of political superstition, i.e., both theoretical and practical political illusions, that comprises a wide range of notions, from the contractualist robinsonades to the statesmens and revolutionaries illusions, with special emphasis on the critique of the democratic bias. At last, after clarifying the irreconcilability between politics and human liberty, and distinguishing between merely political revolution and radical social revolution, we get to the claim of a new quality of liberty, beyond politics, which means the positive suppression of politics, understood as reabsorption of social forces usurped by the State.
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Landa, Dora. „O judaismo em Philip Roth: um conceito às avessas“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8152/tde-26042010-150130/.
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O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar algumas das obras de Philip Roth em que a temática judaica é o eixo principal. Meu interesse reside especialmente nos romances em que o Holocausto Judeu na Segunda Grande Guerra e o Estado de Israel com sua complexa situação no Oriente Médio são abordados. Baseei minha análise dessas obras na seguinte hipótese: para se aproximar de recentes situações traumáticas da história judaica, Philip Roth precisou adotar recursos narrativos que lhe permitissem ampliar seu raio de visão, evitando estereótipos e generalizações infrutíferas. Assim, o estilo rothiano carregado de ironia e humor foi alterado. Em O Avesso da Vida parte-se de uma situação absurda: um personagem judeu morto nos Estados Unidos ressurge vivo num assentamento judaico na Cisjordânia e lutando pelo Grande Israel. Esse recurso possibilitou uma abordagem inusitada da tensa relação árabe-israelense. Em Operação Shylock encontramos um duplo impertinente e exasperante, proclamando uma absurda solução para o conflito no Oriente Médio. Finalmente em Complô contra a América o autor adota o recurso da distopia com os Estados Unidos elegendo um presidente nazista, em 1940, com todas as funestas consequências para a comunidade judaica. Entrevistas do autor assim como livros em que analisa extensamente sua própria produção literária e a de outros autores, especialmente Primo Levi e Aharon Appelfeld, também mostraram-se fontes valiosas para a análise do sempre polêmico posicionamento do autor diante de sua condição judaica.This paper aims to analyse some of Philip Roths work, in which the Jewish subject is the main axis. My greater interest lies basically upon the romances in which the Jewish Holocaust, during the Second World War and the State of Israel with its complex situation in Middle East are aproached. I have based my analysis of his works on the following hipothesis: in order to get closer to recent traumatic situations of the Jewish history, Philip Roth had to use narrative resources that allow him to enlarge his point of view, avoiding stereotypes and fruitless generalizations. Therefore, the Rothian style, highly ironic and humorous, has been altered. In The Counterlife the point of departure is an absurd situation: an American Jewish dead character resurges alive at a Jewish settlement on Cisjordanie, and fighting for the Great Israel. Such resourse enabled a unusual aproach of the tense Arab-Israeli relationship. In Operation Shylock we find an impertinent and exasperating double, that heralds an absurd solution for the Middle East conflict. Eventually, in The Plot Against America, the author adopts distopy as a resource, having the U.S. elect a Nazi president, in 1940, with all the appaling consequences for the Jewish community. Interviews with the author, as well as books in which he extensively analyses his own and other authors literary production, specially Primo Levi and Aharon Appelfeld, also acted as valuable sources for the analysis of the ever polemic positioning of the author towards his Jewish condition.
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Sousa, Tomas Bastian de. „Política e direitos humanos em Marx: da Questão Judaica à Ideologia Alemã“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-19022010-174244/.
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Essa dissertação de mestrado constitui uma análise dos múltiplos aspectos da crítica de Marx à política, em geral, e aos direitos do homem, em particular, a partir da leitura imanente dos textos marxianos, desde a Questão Judaica (1843) até a Ideologia Alemã (1846), considerada em sua totalidade. Atualmente, os direitos humanos parecem ter se tornado um valor universal da humanidade. No interior do marxismo, após a descoberta das atrocidades stalinistas, verifica-se um esforço crescente para compatibilizar os princípios de Marx com a defesa dos direitos humanos. Isso só é possível, entretanto, através da desconsideração do tratamento específico dado por Marx ao tema. Na obra de Marx, há uma crítica contundente aos direitos do homem, que está indissociavelmente vinculada à sua crítica da política e, por isso, só pode ser devidamente compreendida a partir desta. A retomada da crítica de Marx à política é condição imprescindível tanto para a reformulação do debate atual acerca dos direitos humanos quanto para a reafirmação da necessidade da revolução social.The present work comprises a general analysis of Marxs multi-sided critique of politics in general, and of human rights in particular. The analysis is based on an immanent reading of Marxian writings, from On the Jewish Question (1843) to The German Ideology (1846) considered in its full extension. Nowadays, human rights seem to have become humanitys universal value. After Stalinism atrocities came out, growing efforts were made within Marxism in order to make Marxs principles and the defense of human rights compatible. However, the only way to do this is neglecting Marxs specific approach to that matter. In Marxs work, a sharp critique is directed to human rights in strict connection with his critique of politics that comprehends the basis from which his account of human rights shall be properly understood. Taking up that Marxian critique is a necessary requirement both to reformulate current debate on human rights and reassert the vital need of social revolution.
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Rimmon, Dahlia. „Nutritional Knowledge, Behaviors, and Perceptions among Jews in the United States“. Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10748317.
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There is a lack of research regarding nutrition knowledge, behaviors, and perceptions among Jews in the United States. This knowledge gap may contribute to nutritional or other health-related problems in this cohort. The purpose of this study was to investigate knowledge, behavior, and perceptions of nutrition among Jewish men and women in the United States using a mixed methods approach. Quantitative analysis demonstrated relationships between nutrition knowledge and religious affiliation (Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform), average frequency intake of protein by religious affiliation, and average frequency intake of protein by kosher status. Qualitative interview themes revealed the cultural and ritual aspects of Judaism influence on food choices and behaviors, the multitude of factors that influence food choice such as peer pressure, preconceived notions of food, and the healthiness of food, and further enlightened how the media negatively portrays body image for both Jewish men and women.
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Jordan, Holly A. „Marriage, the Family, and Security in Israel: The Paradox of the Liberal State“. Diss., Virginia Tech, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/71378.
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This study offers an interpretation of political change in Israel through an examination of amendments to Israel's personal status laws (PSLs) - ""laws governing marriage, divorce, death, inheritance, and adoption. I found that separate ethno-religious groups, including Arab Muslims, non-Western Jews, and non-religious persons (including some secular Jews), do not enjoy equal access to the civil right of marriage and divorce that citizens commonly enjoy within other Western liberal nations. Marriage and divorce within Israel are only accessble through, and sanctioned by, religious institutions. I argue that Israel's PSLs reflect a significant paradox within liberalism, namely the inherent tension between the state's guarantee of religious rights versus the constitutional protection of citizens' civil rights.
My research begins within political theory, grounded in theories of liberalism, biopolitics, nationalism, and post-colonial studies. Part one traces the history of Israel from the late Ottoman period through the founding of the State in 1948, with consideration paid both to Israel's founders (and the political Zionisms they espoused) and to political Zionism's critics (including Hannah Arendt, Isaiah Berlin, and Judith Butler). I then turn to a examination of Israel's PSLs, asking what is at stake when a liberal, democratic nation bases its laws governing marriage and divorce upon religious law rather than developing civil laws governing these institutions.
Part two considers four legal arrangements caught in a crucial political paradox: laws and programs regulating the lives of women, laws outlawing polygynous marriages, changes in laws surrounding exogamous and cross-border marriages, and the treatment of Ethiopian Jews under the law. Each of these cases demonstrate the ways PSLs are used to address growing concerns over the security and national identity of the Jewish State. Through these four examples, Israel's concerns over national identity, citizenship, and security become manifest, and one important instance of the paradox of liberalism comes into focus. Ultimately, while Israel is unique as the world's only Jewish state, Israel becomes understandable as a liberal state experiencing many of the same anxieties and internal liberal problematics experienced by other states as well.Ph. D.
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Kupferberg, Michael. „John Hagee, Christian Zionism, US foreign policy and the state of Israel an intertwined relationship /“. Waltham, Mass. : Brandeis University, 2009. http://dcoll.brandeis.edu/handle/10192/23244.
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Bartel, Carlos Eduardo. „O movimento sionista e a formação da comunidade judaica brasileira (1901-1956)“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/61713.
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A pesquisa aborda a relação entre o movimento sionista e os judeus radicados no Brasil, tendo como objetivo evidenciar e caracterizar a contribuição do nacionalismo judaico para a formação de uma identidade judaico-brasileira e de uma comunidade judaico-brasileira. Para isso, o estudo analisa a trajetória do movimento sionista no Brasil desde seu surgimento, o discurso e a ação sionista, bem como o intercâmbio entre entidades, dirigentes, militantes sionistas radicados em diferentes cidades brasileiras. A abordagem concentra-se na primeira metade do século XX, tendo como parâmetros os primeiros contatos entre judeus radicados no Brasil com as lideranças da Organização Sionista Mundial, em 1901, e o ano de 1956, momento posterior a criação de Israel, no qual o processo imigratório para a América perde seu ímpeto e os judeus já se encontram integrados na sociedade brasileira. Tendo a história política como referência e a partir de perspectivas de análise que se complementam, a pesquisa alcança seu objetivo ao evidenciar como as ideias e o discurso sionista permeou as diferentes associações e grupos judaicos durante o período citado, sem, no entanto, desconsiderar os conflitos e divergências político-ideológicas decorrentes desse processo.This research addresses the relationship between Zionism and jews living in Brazil, aiming to demonstrate and characterize the contribution of Jewish nationalism to the formation of a Jewish-Brazilian identity and a Jewish community in Brazil. For this, the study analyzes the history of the Zionist movement in Brazil since its inception, the Zionist discourse and action, as well as exchange between entities, officers, Zionist militants based in different cities. The approach focuses on the first half of the twentieth century, taking as parameters the first contacts between Jews living in Brazil with the leadership of the World Zionist Organization in 1901 and 1956, a subsequent creation of Israel in which the process immigration to America loses its momentum and the Jews are already fully integrated into Brazilian society. Since the political history as a reference and from analytical perspectives that complement the research achieves its goal by showing how the ideas and the Zionist discourse has permeated the various associations and Jewish groups during the period mentioned, without, however, ignore the conflicts and political and ideological differences resulting from this process.
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Schmidt, Amy Esther. „Dance And Cultural Identity: The Role Of Israeli Folk Dance And The State Of Israel“. Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1213619443.
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Just, Thomas. „Contemporary State Policies Toward Anti-Semitism in Germany and Poland“. FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3487.
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Broadly speaking, this research is intended to shed light on how post-genocide societies attempt to address a traumatic history and reconcile the problems of ethnic and religious hatred. Germany and Poland are especially ripe cases for such research given their historical memories of the Holocaust and unique legal and diplomatic efforts to counter anti-Semitism. However, since many of the policies on this issue have only been implemented in the past ten to fifteen years, there has not yet been a comprehensive study that has evaluated their effectiveness. This dissertation will attempt to fill this gap in the literature and provide new insight as to how states can best grapple with this problem. The central question for this research is: Have state policies been effective in reducing levels of anti-Semitic attitudes and incidents in Germany and Poland since 1990?
This question will be investigated by first examining the historical development of anti-Semitism in each country, then discussing the policies implemented to address the problem, and finally evaluating the results of such measures. From a public policy perspective, this research will contribute to our understanding of the approaches taken by these two countries and discover which measures have been most effective in reducing anti-Semitic behavior and ideology. The findings show that while the policies implemented have tended to be effective in reducing general anti-Semitic attitudes and helping revive domestic Jewish communities, they have been less successful in reducing levels of anti-Semitic crime. The policy analysis portions of the dissertation provide a number of explanations for these outcomes and acknowledge areas for potential policy improvement. This research has implications not only for the region of Central Europe, but also other societies that continue to grapple with problems of ethnic and religious hatred.
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Freeman, Jeffrey B. „The Potential for religious conflict in the United States Military Jeffrey B. Freeman“. Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1793.
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The 2004 presidential election seemed to signal growing religious fervor across the political spectrum. Members of the media and pollsters alike were left wondering what went on inside the voting booth. Religion has long played a role in American politics, dating back to the Constitution of the United States of America. When components of government, the military, religion, and society converge, discussion and debate invariably follows. The United States military is a religiously pluralistic institution, with members belonging to an estimated 700 religions. The chaplaincy champions religious accommodation and the military itself supports over 245 faith groups. The chaplaincy is at the core of this religious accommodation since chaplains maintain a dual allegiance, as members of the clergy and as members of the officer corps. As religious diversity grows, the likelihood of controversy increases when, for instance, Indian members of the Native American Church take peyote, Wiccans observe pagan rites on military bases, and Muslim chaplains serve Muslim soldiers who find themselves at war within an Islamic country. This thesis explores some of the challenges inherent in ministering to so many diverse religions, and takes a critical look at areas of potential friction that might cause the Department of Defense to want to take a more attentive look at what such diversity means for the future.
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Bartel, Carlos Eduardo. „Os emissários sionistas e o nacionalismo judaico no Rio Grande do Sul (1945-1952)“. Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2006. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/1844.
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Previous issue date: 7Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos
A dissertação aborda o nacionalismo judaico no Rio Grande do Sul de 1945, ano que corresponde no Brasil ao término do Estado Novo e, internacionalmente, ao final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, a 1952, quando foram efetivadas as relações diplomáticas entre Brasil e Israel. Durante esse período ocorreu um boom do movimento sionista em escala mundial que culminou com a criação do Estado israelense, em 1948. Tendo a história política como referência e a partir de perspectivas de análise que se complementam, o estudo articula o sionismo em nível internacional, brasileiro e sul-rio-grandense. O eixo de análise da pesquisa é ação política dos emissários estrangeiros, representantes do sionismo internacional, quando da expansão do movimento em território brasileiro, no período citado. Pelo viés das coordenadas - internacional e brasileira - e apresentando a participação de não-judeus no movimento e a interação destes com a coletividade israelita, a pesquisa alcança seu objetivo ao caracterizar as tendências político-par
This thesis focuses on the Jewish nationalism in Rio Grande do Sul from 1945 to 1952. 1945 was the year in which the Estado Novo was coming to an end in Brazil and, internationally, it corresponds to the end of World War II. 1952 was the year when the diplomatic relations between Brazil and Israel were established. During this period the Zionism movement gained worldwide strength, which culminated with the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. By using elements of political history as a reference, this study looks at Zionism at the international, Brazilian and regional level, articulating perspectives that complement each other. The analysis centers around the political action of foreign emissaries, international representatives of Zionism, in the period in which the movement was developing in the Brazilian context. By examining both the international and Brazilian perspectives and presenting the participation of non-Jews in the movement, this study analyzes the interaction of these with the Jewish communi
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Douek, Daniel. „Próximos e distantes: um estudo sobre as percepções e atitudes da comunidade judaica paulista em relação ao Estado de Israel (2006-2010)“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8158/tde-13122012-103208/.
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Contradizendo os pressupostos iniciais do sionismo, após pouco mais de 60 anos da fundação do Estado de Israel, a vida judaica na diáspora não findou, e foram desenvolvidos novos padrões de relacionamento entre as comunidades judaicas e o Estado de Israel. O presente trabalho analisa percepções e atitudes da comunidade judaica de São Paulo. Buscou-se verificar o modo como esta comunidade elabora, confere significado simbólico e prático e mantém o vínculo à distância com Israel por meio de suas principais instituições. Para isso, foram analisadas notícias, editoriais e artigos do jornal Tribuna Judaica ao logo de um período de cinco anos de janeiro de 2006 a dezembro de 2010. Também foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com dirigentes das entidades judaicas mais importantes e com representantes do Estado de Israel. Verificamos que os vínculos entre a comunidade judaica de São Paulo e o Estado de Israel são organizados e mantidos por um núcleo institucional relativamente pequeno, e reforçados por representantes do governo israelense que, periodicamente, visitam o Brasil. Para a comunidade judaica de São Paulo, viagens a Israel de curta ou longa duração também são importantes na aproximação com o país. Constatamos ainda que o vínculo com o Estado de Israel tornou-se parte indissociável da identidade da maioria dos judeus. Porém, verificamos que a percepção comunitária sobre o Estado de Israel é marcadamente idealizada, mítica, e anacrônica. Idealizada e mítica, pois está distante da realidade empírica apresentada em pesquisas desenvolvidas por historiadores, sociólogos, antropólogos, cientistas políticos e jornalistas daquele país. Anacrônico, pois a sociedade israelense é concebida como aquela de outrora, pré-quebra de consensos do sionismo hegemônico, formulado e cristalizado pelas elites ashkenazitas até a década de 1990. Disputas e conflitos internos, notadamente étnicos e religiosos, cada vez mais acirrados, são minimizados, assim como a herança dos judeus de origem oriental, de outros imigrantes judeus e não judeus e da população árabe nativa na formação da identidade israelense atual. Podemos destacar também que, apesar de o Brasil não apresentar tradição antissemita, o fato de grande parte dos membros da comunidade judaica brasileira atual serem refugiados ou descendentes de refugiados, isto é, marcados por memórias de perseguição e fuga no passado, como o é também a própria história judaica, faz com que o presente seja encarado com desconfiança e incerteza. O Estado de Israel é visto como um porto seguro contra o antissemitismo e, portanto, sua defesa nos fóruns políticos e diplomáticos locais adquire contornos de uma luta pela sobrevivência individual (de cada judeu) e coletiva (do povo judeu), não importando se os judeus estão na diáspora ou no Estado de Israel. Finalmente, percebemos que se, por um lado, a comunidade judaica possui laços fraternos com o Estado de Israel, por outro, não deixa de desenvolver sentimentos nacionalistas em relação ao Brasil ou de se integrar no sistema de poder local.Contradicting the initial assumptions of Zionism, after more than 60 years since the founding of the State of Israel, Jewish life in the Diaspora has not ended, and new patterns of relationship between the Jewish communities and the State of Israel has been developed. This study examines perceptions and attitudes of the Jewish community of São Paulo. We sought to ascertain how this community develops, provides practical and symbolic significance and keeps the long-distance bond with Israel through its main institutions. To achieve this aim, we analyzed news, editorials and articles of the newspaper Tribuna Judaica during a period of five years from January 2006 to December 2010. We also conducted semi-structured interviews with leaders of major Jewish organizations and representatives of the State of Israel. Weve found that the ties between the Jewish community of São Paulo and the State of Israel are organized and maintained by a relatively small institutional core, and reinforced by representatives of the Israeli government that periodically visit Brazil. For the Jewish community of São Paulo, short- or long-term trips to Israel are also important in approaching the country. Weve also acknowledged that the bond with the State of Israel has become an integral part of the identity of most Jews. However, we noticed that the community perception of the State of Israel is remarkably idealized, mythical, and anachronistic. Idealized and mythical, as it is far from the reality presented in empirical research by historians, sociologists, anthropologists, political scientists and journalists from that country. Anachronistic, because Israeli society is conceived as that of yore, pre-breakdown of hegemonic Zionism consensus, which was crystallized and formulated by the Ashkenazi elites till the 1990s. Disputes and internal conflicts, especially ethnic and religious, increasingly fierce, are minimized, as well as the heritage of the Jews of Eastern origin, other Jewish and non-Jewish immigrants and the native Arab population in the shaping of Israeli identity. It can also be pointed out that, although Brazil does not have an anti-Semitic tradition, the fact that much of the members of the Brazilian Jewish community are refugees or descendants of refugees, in other words, are marked by memories of persecution and escape in the past, as Jewish history itself, makes them face the present with uncertainty and mistrust. The State of Israel is seen as a safe haven against anti-Semitism, and thus its defense in the local political and diplomatic forums acquires contours of a struggle for individual survival (of each Jew) and collective (of the Jewish people), regardless of whether these Jews are living in the diaspora or in State of Israel. Ultimately, we notice that if on the one hand, the Jewish community has fraternal ties with the State of Israel, on the other, it does not fail to develop nationalistic feelings towards Brazil or to integrate into the local system of power.
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Terry, Karen. „Inside out American Jews and the Jewish America at the National Museum of American Jewish History /“. Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3721.
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Tellbe, Mikael. „Paul between synagogue and state Christians, Jews, and civic authorities in 1 Thessalonians, Romans, and Philippians /“. Stockholm : Almqvist & Wiksell, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/47640071.html.
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PALUMBO, ENRICO. „Ebraismo e Stato di Israele nelle riviste cattoliche italiane (1963-1978)“. Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/725.
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I percorsi che hanno portato i cattolici a ripensare il proprio rapporto con gli ebrei sono molti e investono aspetti molteplici del problema. A questo tema, approdato infine al Concilio Vaticano II con la dichiarazione Nostra Aetate (1965), si è aggiunta la questione della posizione dei cristiani di fronte alla nascita dello Stato di Israele. Le riviste cattoliche italiane (di cui si sono qui prese in esame quelle d’opinione di diverso orientamento), luogo di discussione e di formazione di un’opinione pubblica consapevole, rispettarono tale pluralismo e, grazie all’impulso conciliare, affrontarono con crescente competenza la questione dei rapporti ebraico-cristiani, diventando fucina di un confronto fecondo con l’ebraismo. La vicenda dello Stato di Israele si è certamente intrecciata con il dialogo ebraico-cristiano, ma la maggior parte delle riviste cattoliche riuscì a non confondere i due piani e a compiere valutazioni distinte. La solida difesa del dialogo ebraico-cristiano si accompagnò nelle riviste della sinistra cattolica, soprattutto dopo il 1967, a una visione sempre più critica del ruolo che Israele stava svolgendo in Medio Oriente e a un avvicinamento alle posizioni palestinesi. Nella destra cattolica, in alcuni casi lontana dallo spirito conciliare sul tema dei rapporti tra le due fedi abramitiche, furono maggiori le voci in favore dello Stato di Israele, il cui ruolo era inserito nel quadro della guerra fredda.Paths bringing Catholics to reconsider their relationship with the Jewish are various and touch manyfold aspects of the issue, which finally was brought up during the Second Vatican Council in the declaration Nostra Aetate (1965). Meanwhile Christians were further confronted by the foundation of Israel. Italian Catholic reviews, in the pluralism of the Council, faced with increased competence the issue of Christian-Jewish relationship and became the place for internal debates, opinion making, but also fruitful confrontation with Hebraism; those holding different views are specifically taken into account in this work. The course of Israel as state is certainly interwoven with the Christian-Jewish dialogue, but most Catholic reviews managed to keep the discussion and their evaluations on two different levels. The support of Christian-Jewish dialogue did not prevent left-wing Catholics from a critical vision of the role played by Israel in the Middle East, particularly in 1967, when positions came close to Palestinians. On the other hand within the Catholic right-wing, sometimes far from the spirit of the Council about the two religions with same roots, voices rose in favour of Israel and its role in the frame of the cold war.
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PALUMBO, ENRICO. „Ebraismo e Stato di Israele nelle riviste cattoliche italiane (1963-1978)“. Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/725.
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I percorsi che hanno portato i cattolici a ripensare il proprio rapporto con gli ebrei sono molti e investono aspetti molteplici del problema. A questo tema, approdato infine al Concilio Vaticano II con la dichiarazione Nostra Aetate (1965), si è aggiunta la questione della posizione dei cristiani di fronte alla nascita dello Stato di Israele. Le riviste cattoliche italiane (di cui si sono qui prese in esame quelle d’opinione di diverso orientamento), luogo di discussione e di formazione di un’opinione pubblica consapevole, rispettarono tale pluralismo e, grazie all’impulso conciliare, affrontarono con crescente competenza la questione dei rapporti ebraico-cristiani, diventando fucina di un confronto fecondo con l’ebraismo. La vicenda dello Stato di Israele si è certamente intrecciata con il dialogo ebraico-cristiano, ma la maggior parte delle riviste cattoliche riuscì a non confondere i due piani e a compiere valutazioni distinte. La solida difesa del dialogo ebraico-cristiano si accompagnò nelle riviste della sinistra cattolica, soprattutto dopo il 1967, a una visione sempre più critica del ruolo che Israele stava svolgendo in Medio Oriente e a un avvicinamento alle posizioni palestinesi. Nella destra cattolica, in alcuni casi lontana dallo spirito conciliare sul tema dei rapporti tra le due fedi abramitiche, furono maggiori le voci in favore dello Stato di Israele, il cui ruolo era inserito nel quadro della guerra fredda.Paths bringing Catholics to reconsider their relationship with the Jewish are various and touch manyfold aspects of the issue, which finally was brought up during the Second Vatican Council in the declaration Nostra Aetate (1965). Meanwhile Christians were further confronted by the foundation of Israel. Italian Catholic reviews, in the pluralism of the Council, faced with increased competence the issue of Christian-Jewish relationship and became the place for internal debates, opinion making, but also fruitful confrontation with Hebraism; those holding different views are specifically taken into account in this work. The course of Israel as state is certainly interwoven with the Christian-Jewish dialogue, but most Catholic reviews managed to keep the discussion and their evaluations on two different levels. The support of Christian-Jewish dialogue did not prevent left-wing Catholics from a critical vision of the role played by Israel in the Middle East, particularly in 1967, when positions came close to Palestinians. On the other hand within the Catholic right-wing, sometimes far from the spirit of the Council about the two religions with same roots, voices rose in favour of Israel and its role in the frame of the cold war.
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Woloshin, Deena. „The World Is Ending! Thanks, Iran: A Qualitative Analysis of Apocalyptic Rhetoric and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1139.
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The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action was signed in 2015 by President Obama and began a political and religious battle that ensued for months in the United States Congress. Two of the main actors in the fight against JCPOA were Christians United for Israel (CUFI), a Christian-Zionist lobby[1], and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), one of the most prominent pro-Israel lobbies founded and largely supported by Zionist-Jewish Americans[2]. Both organizations deployed tactics of religious and apocalyptic-religious rhetoric to encourage their large and influential constituencies to join them in the fight against the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, motivating U.S. citizens otherwise unaware and uninvolved of nuclear proliferation policy to become heavily involved in the process of the political debates surrounding the deal.
This paper will seek to answer the questions: How is apocalyptic rhetoric typically conveyed through religious outlets? What then, does the deployment of this tactic say about religion in America in the public sphere?
[1] Cohn-Sherbok, Dan. The Politics of the Apocalypse. Oneworld Publications Ltd., Oxford. 2006, pp. 165-166.
[2] Waxman, Dov. Trouble in the Tribe. Princeton University Press. Princeton. 2016, pp.4.
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Sefel, John Michael. „Staging The [Disabled] Jew: The Thematic Use of Doctors, Disability, and Disease in Yiddish Plays on Modernization, 1790-1929“. The Ohio State University, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1618433569764629.
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Miniello, Jonathan. „Missing the consequences misperceptions of the 1967 six-day israeli-arab war“. Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/478.
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In recent times, the issues surrounding the "67 borders" have become part of the public debate. In recent speeches, President Obama has suggested that Israel should return to pre-1967 borders with "land-swaps" in exchange for some form of peace with the Palestinians living within current Israeli territory. The validity of Obama's suggestion has been questioned by both members of the political left and right and in the opinion of this author, with considerable merit. However, the ultimate judgment on the validity of Obama's suggestion should be based on a study encompassing the decisions, both correct and flawed, of the leaders during the 1967 war. For this, a study of collective misperceptions, decision making, and the eventual consequences such decisions brought is necessary. That is the purpose of this thesis. For a proper analysis of the misperceptions and decision making surrounding the 1967 war, its proper to review the source material. In that light, there is no shortage of material written about the 1967 war; American, Israel, and Arab authors have all contributed to the historical records. However, much of the material is focused on a historical perspective and not on the decision-making process. There are not many exceptions. Therefore, it becomes important to compare the newer analyzed material against the primary source material and discuss the discrepancies. At the end, it will be determined whether the collective governmental decisions based upon misperceptions accelerated, decelerated, or had a neutral effect on the outbreak of the war. Comparing the source material and viewing it through the filter of newly released information will constitute the methodology whenever possible. The results of this study have revealed a mixed bag of results depending on the nation in question. This was to be expected because individual nations are subject to different misperceptions.; Nations falling under the spell of different misperceptions experience different consequences and outcomes than those who do not. Additionally, even if two separate nations are exposed to the same stimulus, their response may be completely different. In terms of the 1967 war, it can be stated that Israeli misperceptions staved off the start of the 1967 War, whereas Soviet and Arab misperceptions served to accelerate it. By contrast American misperceptions seemed to have little if any affect whatsoever. The purpose of thesis is to expose and documents misperceptions and the resulting consequences that arose from them. It is not designed to make judgments about the current political situation. However, it is the sincere hope of this author that when a situation runs parallel to the events of the 1967, some of the same mistakes can be avoided. Exactly what runs parallel, and what is significant in today's world, is left to the reader's own judgment.B.S.
Bachelors
Sciences
Psychology
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Van, Zyl Minette. „Joodse aansprake op die land Israel - teologies oorweeg“. Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2009. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-06182009-130057.
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Augier, de Moussac Nathalie. „MAGNUM SIGNUM MEXICANUM - " Révélations " autour de l'image de la Vierge de Guadalupe. XVIe - XXIe siècles“. Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0126.
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L'image miraculeuse de la Vierge de Guadalupe mexicaine est bien plus qu'une icône religieuse : aujourd'hui symbole national, c'est un objet politique qui s'est trouvé au coeur de rivalités constantes entre le pouvoir civil et l'Eglise depuis son " apparition " au XVIe siècle. Sans pour autant négliger les liens qui la rattachent à chacun, ou presque, des Mexicains, nous nous sommes efforcés de mettre en lumière cet aspect trop souvent négligé de son histoire qui se déroule sur près de cinq sièclesThe miraculous image of the Mexican Virgin of Guadalupe is much more than a religious icon : It is a national symbol and a political object which has been at the heart of constant rivalities between the civil authorities and the Church since her "apparition" in the XVIth century. Without neglecting the intimate relationship most Mexicans have developed with her, we have been focusing on this aspect, too often forgotten from most scholar studies on the matter
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Melzochová, Olga. „Vliv evropského reformního judaismu na americký reformní judaismus v 19. století“. Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-389204.
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Reform Judaism is based precisely on the intellectual heritage of the Enlightenment (Haskalah) and its origins is dated back to the late 18th century. This movement was born in Germany, but the real boom and reform in the true sense of the word occurred in the first half of the 19th century in America with the arrival of European immigrants who brought with them new ideas influenced by European reform movement. The extraordinary success of the reform movement, that quickly spread across North America, resulted mainly from the religious tolerance. This dissertation deals with the issue of the impact of European Reform Judaism on American Reform Judaism in the 19th century in the context of cultural history, focusing on the characteristics, trying to describe different religious, ideological, political and socio- economic challenges affecting the Jewish community in the United States. Keywords Reform Judaism, USA, Europe, religion, state, tradition, woman, 19th century
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Baer, Marc David. „Honored by the glory of Islam : the Ottoman State non Muslims, and conversion to Islam in late seventeenth-century Istanbul and Rumelia /“. 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3006473.
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Baer, Marc Daved. „Honored by the glory of Islam : the Ottoman State non Musims, and conversion to Islam in late seventeenth-century Istanbul and Rumela /“. 2001. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3006473.
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„Resilience, Rescue, and Resistance: The History of the Loewy Family in Europe and United States“. Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.57359.
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abstract: Through the lens of a Jewish family in the early 20th century, histories of resilience, rescue, and resistance are shown. The Loewys were a Jewish family who migrated from Poland to Germany then France and ending up in the United States following World War II. In their travels they experienced many of which other Jewish experiences were, while also differentiating from the overall story. The family also experienced life as refugees and interns during the Holocaust. Arrested in Vichy following the Armistice between Germany and France, the Loewys were later granted their freedom which they used to help free others from the camp. One of the few stories of Jews rescuing Jews, the family began its life as resistors to the Vichy and German occupation. Participating in both passive and active resistance from 1940-1944, they witnessed the highs and lows of this new life. The end of the war saw the family make it to the United States beginning their next chapter as survivors of the Holocaust and the war. With the use of primary source material provided by the Loewys, along with scholarly work about the different periods, the story of the Loewys is one of resilience in the face of mounting adversity, rescuing of internes from camps, and resistance against an occupational force that furthers the research of the Jewish experience in the early 20th century.Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis History 2020
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Sedláková, Dominika. „Role náboženského práva v právním systému Státu Izrael: Koncept "vázané ženy" (aguna)“. Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-305667.
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The present M.A. thesis deals with the role of Jewish religious law in the legal system of the State of Israel. The aim of this work is to describe unique nature of Israeli legal system due to the incorporation of Jewish religious law. The thesis focuses at the marital and divorce law. This legal branch was the most influenced by Jewish religious. The case of agunot, litteraly chained women, was chosen as an example of the application of Jewish religious law in the legal system of a modern country. Agunah is a woman who is not permitted to remarry because she has not been given a divorce list nor she is widowed. The problem of agunot is rather ancient and Jewish scholars have tried to find a solution for many centuries. However, nowadays when society calls for an equality between genders and for standard human rights, this issue is even more pressing than ever before. Hardly is a woman accorded right to human dignity if her husband can keep her at his own mercy. At the absence of systemic legal tool, the whole community, including the Orthodox rabbis, should be willing to exert moral pressure such as banning lenient men from synagogue offices and honors to help women to be released from their marriage. More so because the motive behind withholding a geṭ is in most cases economic or other benefit....
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Dostálová, Marie. „Postava Jidáše Iškariotského prizmatem médií a veřejnosti v 21. století v kontextu státních maturit a současné populární kultury“. Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-347553.
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The following thesis, The Judas Iscariot figure, as seen by media and the public, in the 21st century in the context of the state graduation exam and contemporary pop culture, deals with the biblical figure who has betrayed Jesus Christ. The apostle, whose name has become a synonym for betrayal, was mentioned in one of the questions of the didactical test regarding Czech language and literature in the state graduation exam in the Czech Republic in 2015. The pupils were supposed to recognize Judas with help of his cognomen and other hints. Many students have complained about this task, saying that it was too difficult, while others have claimed that the question was not related to the subject. The complaint became an issue frequented in all the significant media and heavily discussed in society. The first chapters of the thesis describe the official requirements for the state graduation exam and the study plans for secondary schools, where the Bible is listed. The following chapters highlight and discuss the media coverage of the affair in the printed and online media, as well as in the radio and TV stations. Additionally, the student's opinions about the issue are mentioned, together with the jokes related to the topic, reactions of the experts and internet users commenting the topic under the internet...