Dissertationen zum Thema „Jihad et État Islamique“
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Sakhi, Montassir. „L’État et la révolution : discours et contre-discours du jihad : Irak, Syrie, France“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA080053.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBased on three contemporary political sequences (anti-terrorism in France, the Syrian revolution, and the territorialized government of the Islamic State), this thesis aims on providing answers to the two following questions: what is jihad the name of? What does it produce per se and through the measures that are opposed to its deployment? In other words, the exploration of the theological-political discourse is conducted through the words of the people and in close connection with the renewal of sovereignty through antiterrorist measures. The defended thesis is based on fieldworks in France, Iraq, Morocco, and on the Turkish-Syrian borders, both among those who emigrated to the Islamic State (ISIS) and within the population that experienced the rise of its territorialized government starting in 2014. A first approach to the theological-political Islamic practice intends to demonstrate the refoundation of state apparatus through an interpretation of religious discourse, at a time of unprecedented colonial brutalization of the Iraqi society. This first approach is coupled with an inquiry of the Syrian Revolution whose utopian dimension, while proceeding from the same Islamic tradition, is however notably different from the rationality of the state and its national discourse. A society of counter-conduct was indeed founded, which affirmation is then fully critical of the modern mechanisms of territorial government (school, prison, police, border management, etc.). In other words, the thesis aims at shedding light on a sequence both spatially (Irak and Syria) and historically defined (2011-2017): it will highlight the variety and deepness of multiple collective experiments, in connection with their respective connection to the state, revolution and war
Bakary, Afissou. „La mise en oeuvre du droit international humanitaire par les états musulmans : contribution à l'étude de la compatibilité entre DIH et droit musulman“. Thesis, Nice, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014NICE0039/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe comparative study of the norms of the Islamic Law and the International Humanitarian Law (IHL) reveals numerous points of convergences with regards to both The Hague Law and Geneva Law, as it can be noticed in the works of the major authors of the Muslim Law of war. Furthermore, the Muslim member States of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, member States of the 1949 four Geneva Conventions or/and the 1977 Additional Protocols, are involved in actions initiated or regulated by ICRC, whether these actions fall under the common Article 1 of the four 1949 Geneva Conventions, or concern the monitoring a priori or a posteriori of the IHL implementation. Besides, many instruments such as the 1990 Declaration of Cairo on Human Rights in Islam have been adopted by the Muslim States, thus favoring the simultaneous implementation of IHL and Human Rights. The contribution of the Muslim States concerns the mechanisms of implementation in periods of peace and armed Conflicts and is realized through both interstate and NGOs cooperation, in particular with ICRC. Although the concept of jihad can raise some difficulties, political motives, more than religious, give explanations for reluctances of the Muslim States as far as the Implementation of IHL is concerned
Subaie, Mohammad al. „L'idéologie de l'islamisme radical : la nouvelle génération des intellectuels islamistes“. Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0175.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleResearches on the ideology of Islamic extremism are little numerous. As lslamic networks made the object of hundreds of jobs, as their ideology was comparatively abandoned. To understand the thought or this extremist sphere of influence we chose to study the writings of four major contemporary thinkers of this current; to know : Abou Mohammad Al-Maqdissi, Abou Bassir Al-Tartoussi, Abou Qatada Al-Falastini, et Abou Moussab Al Souri. All are Arab Sunni, native to the Medium East, comparatively young (between 50 and 60 years), still living, and very influential not only in the Arab and Islamic world but worldwide. We made a detailed analysis of texts in Arabic, what represents a hundred of titles and some thousand pages, in a perspective specialist in comparative linguistics of their ideological productions around two major topics: : the question of Jihad and that of the democracy seen as an illicit political system. These ideologists make a very selective reading in the choice and the interpretation of the sacred texts. They take back certain criticisms of the revolutionary Marxist ideology, and such certain ideas of the western extreme right, to institute a social change and Islamic State. They make a massive appeal in modern technologies (notably Internet) to broadcast their thought very broadly
Haidara, Boubacar. „Les formes d'articulation de l'islam et de la politique au Mali“. Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30068/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLong appeared as a ‘’good student’’ of African continent, as a model of democracy – with a religious life free of violence, which blends harmoniously orthodox religious, heretics and non-Muslims – the year 2012 marked a turning point in the history of Mali. Thanks to the crisis, the segmentation of Malian Islam, although having peacefully exercised previously, will manifest in an unprecedented violence, with arms. Revealing, both, the limits of democracy, the withering away of the state, some critical social ills, significant shortcomings in the governance, the crisis of the year 2012 also unveiled new types of connections, linking the Islamic sphere to the politic. These links are dominated by the omnipresence, Islamic influence in the political sphere. Religious movements derive their influence from their ability to express and produce policy, combined with their strong anchor near to the population, through significant social works. This Islamic dynamic in the Malian political public space, will be exploited by the political elites, making Muslim elites partners, particularly in election periods
Fellous, Daniel. „L'État islamique : approche constitutionnelle et politique“. Paris 8, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA083093.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe concept of an Islamic state is a singular product of history : it institutionalizes the religious form of political power. To understand the concept of "Islamic state" in a way as neutral as possible has to choose the method which follows: - the political signification of the constitutional construction has theological depth; knowledge of the islamic word is far from forming a monolithic block; religious implications in legal and political spheres, as in constitutional law in the islamic world must be seen from an impartial point of view
Bouarouk, Mustapha. „Le mythe de l'État islamique“. Paris 10, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA100212.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBellion-Jourdan, Jérôme. „Prédication, secours, combat : l'action humanitaire des ONG islamiques entre da'wa et jihad“. Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002IEPP0052.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAl-Rifai͏̈e, Ahmed Basil N. „Le concept d'Umma et le droit international“. Aix-Marseille 3, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991AIX32001.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleIslam give an answeer to the problem of the world organization. It lies in the concept of umma which refer to god and allows an harmonization of human relations. On the contrary, because of the principe of sovereignty, a world of states excludes a hierachic system
Rouholamini, Shiva. „Crimes et châtiments. La pratique de qesâs en Iran sous la République islamique : État, société et punition“. Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0104.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSince 1979 and the installment of the Islamic Republic in Iran, the penal code has been modified, based on religious justifications, as to incorporate the use of qesās (talion law) in cases of physical aggression. According to this principle, the punishment in those cases should be equal to the damage done to the victim, and can only be executed if the victim, or their family, demand it explicitly. This means that the charge of the punishment falls on the victims. Alongside the official legal procedure, between the moment of the pronunciation of the sentence and that of its execution, a phase of negotiation occurs, which involves the family of the victim and that of the culprit. By leaving the choice and the decision to private parties, the state-owned monopoly of the legitimate use of violence is marred. Our study asks what the interest of the state could be in making the choice of upholding qesās as a legal principle. We test the hypothesis suggesting that the practice of qesās is used by the Islamic Republic as a way to help it legitimize its power as a strategy which is in accordance with its logic of favouring affect over reason; and that the state’s penal choices are a strategy to control the civil society, to enforce its power and to repress all opposition, despite the negotiation phase that might seem like a free space of action left to the civil society.The dynamics among the individuals, the society, the government, and the justice, seen through behaviours, rituals and laws help us see how the interactions between the society and the state functions. Our study analyses the actions of the Islamic Republic and those of the society by reviewing the treatment of physical aggression cases by actors inside and outside the penal justice system. This study uses a series of interviews with people involved in judicial procedures; and an analysis of public discourses of official institutions, political personalities and media figures about qesās, as well as the observation of a series of cases during the last two decades. This empirical investigation focuses notably on the informal, yet crucial negotiation phase. We chose to treat the practice of qesās as a total social fact, and reveal the distinctive characteristics of its practice in order to test and show what the functions fulfilled by the Islamic Republic as the state are, and what the areas of influence occupied by the society are. In this study, we see how the definition of citizenship, and the direct relationship of citizens with the state are transformed in favour of a status that is only defined by its link to a restricted kinship group. By analysing the actions and reactions of the society to the practice of qesās, we learn about its moral questionings, its thoughts on its rights and standing, as well as the form of its attempts of collective action. We’ll also see how the justice system participates in creating an atmosphere of insecurity and instability, depriving the society from an equalitarian justice.
Adala, Mohammed. „La place de la culture musulmane dans la vie socio-politique de l'Algérie : inspirations doctrinales et idéologiques (XVI-XX siècle)“. Montpellier 1, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992MON10020.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleL'objectif de cette etude est de mettre en lumiere les mecanismes culturels commandant l'evolution des institutions religieuses, sociales et politiques en algerie depuis l'epoque ottomane jusqu'a nos jours. Autrement dit, il s'agit de mettre en relief le lien spirituel qui incarne l'enchainement historique selon lequel s'ordonnent, suivant les epoques et moyennant une gypologie propre a cette etude, les susdites institutions. Guide par l'objectif en question, nous avons ete amene a etudier les divers aspects des inspirations doctrinales et ideologiques de l'islam en algerie (soufisme, orthodoxie, kharidjisme, reformisme salafite) pour en determiner la place sur l'echiquier politique et social. De meme, cette etude cherche a mettre en exergue du patrimoine religieux dans les options politiques et ideologiques relevant des epoques ulterieures, aussi bien sous la colonisation francaise que sous les regimes en place depuis l'independance
Benadda, Toufik. „De la gestation d'un nouvel état à l'immigration en Grande-Bretagne : les Pakistanais ou la sauvegarde de l'identité islamique“. Grenoble 3, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992GRE39044.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThroughout its culture and values potential the pakistani community had to face hostile attitudes to its presence in the british commonwealth. Moreover, the immigration policies added to the integration modes, are other significant factors in the making of a transplanted pakistani micro-society. Its concentration in the poorest areas increases the pressure of social, cultural and religious forces and where islam seems to be a binding factor. As a matter of fact, the safeguard of the islamic identity as well as the insertion of its proper cultural and religious patterns make up a system of defence and self-assertion. The attitude of the young towards social problems, and generation and cultural gaps points to a major desire for not only social and professional integration, but cultural as well, unlike the parents, the expression of their identity is in keeping with the synthesis process on a multiracial and pluricultural background. Assimilation therefore is far from being the ultimate objective
Rahmouni, Karim. „L' état beylical et le droit : une transition vers la modernité ? (1705-1881)“. Aix-Marseille 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007AIX32007.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleD'Bichi, Akila. „Terrorisme, terreur et politique en Algérie : Penser la terreur aujourd'hui“. Thesis, Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080056.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe often deadly violence that have marked out the history of contemporary Algeria opened open wounds that question deeply the relationship between society. In this sense, Algeria constitutes a multidimensional laboratory where are apprehended the complex relationships between State and Nation, exercising power and effects of this exercise on the populations, ideologies and values, as well as dogmatic determinism and self-determination of peoples. In this interlacing of antagonism expressed on a large scale, each Nation becomes a particular context of potential terrorism rooted in geopolitical balance and tension. Concerning the intra societal mechanism, each country, following the example of Algeria, crystallizes a history and a culture on its own in which many forged ideals and political discourses whose effects appeared in turn structuring and sources of terror. By sweetening, is essential the importance to explore the concept of terrorism of State and to consider its recourse to violence, force and ideology as so many facets of the same expression spectrum State power. At the scale of the finally event, the fact devoted by a sovereign direction contributes to a process of reification whose result can testify to a terrorism moving which we do not always perceive. The fragmentation of spaces, just as the regionalization of individual experiences in the social and national space, show a disseminated terrorism, sometimes invisible, although underground, with emergences as multiple as authorizes the multiplicity of actors involved in the construction of the country's history such as MIA, MADE, Algerian GIA. The traces and scars which they leave on the local populations proceed of power struggles within the meaning of a microphysics of power as worked out by Foucault. Of this grid of reading, and the Algeria following example, we intend to explore in this thesis the mechanisms by which terror substantializes a society and by which terrorism precedes of its institutionalization to a higher degree of recovery. End of any analysis, this thesis questions the place of violence in the process of reification of the social and cultural representations just as its sublimation opportunities
Dilmi, Messaoud. „Etat et politique dans la pensée islamique moderne (19ème et 20ème siècles)“. Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030029.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleOur research deals with the subject of the State in 19th and 20th century Islamic modern reformist thought in accordance with a multidisciplinary approach. Islamic reformism has fought against despotism, ignorance of the populace and European interference. It was open to constitutionalism which is not different from the Shura system and goals of the Shariia. The thinking of Muslim theorists took shape within this framework, at least for a while before Islamists decided to break with it. Later, Islamists relations with both Arabic nationalism and liberal thinking, indeed with the Nation-State as a whole, became conflictual.Thus, two points of view concerning the nature of the State, the limits of power, legitimacy, and essentially the very controversial relationship between the Nation State and religion confronted each other. This relationship remained ambiguous for a century. The product has been a Nation State that is neither religious nor secular, but which has modernized the law by borrowing from the Western judicial system, without, however, applying real democracy able to respect human rights and citizenship. A de facto, secularism does exist on an individual and social level in Arab-Muslim countries without influencing the dogma, despite attempts at modernization. But from the 1990s on, a neo-reformist current of thought has emerged, which accepts democracy and sovereignty of the people. This will constitute a big turning point in Arab-Muslim political thought
D'Bichi, Akila. „Terrorisme, terreur et politique en Algérie : Penser la terreur aujourd'hui“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080056.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe often deadly violence that have marked out the history of contemporary Algeria opened open wounds that question deeply the relationship between society. In this sense, Algeria constitutes a multidimensional laboratory where are apprehended the complex relationships between State and Nation, exercising power and effects of this exercise on the populations, ideologies and values, as well as dogmatic determinism and self-determination of peoples. In this interlacing of antagonism expressed on a large scale, each Nation becomes a particular context of potential terrorism rooted in geopolitical balance and tension. Concerning the intra societal mechanism, each country, following the example of Algeria, crystallizes a history and a culture on its own in which many forged ideals and political discourses whose effects appeared in turn structuring and sources of terror. By sweetening, is essential the importance to explore the concept of terrorism of State and to consider its recourse to violence, force and ideology as so many facets of the same expression spectrum State power. At the scale of the finally event, the fact devoted by a sovereign direction contributes to a process of reification whose result can testify to a terrorism moving which we do not always perceive. The fragmentation of spaces, just as the regionalization of individual experiences in the social and national space, show a disseminated terrorism, sometimes invisible, although underground, with emergences as multiple as authorizes the multiplicity of actors involved in the construction of the country's history such as MIA, MADE, Algerian GIA. The traces and scars which they leave on the local populations proceed of power struggles within the meaning of a microphysics of power as worked out by Foucault. Of this grid of reading, and the Algeria following example, we intend to explore in this thesis the mechanisms by which terror substantializes a society and by which terrorism precedes of its institutionalization to a higher degree of recovery. End of any analysis, this thesis questions the place of violence in the process of reification of the social and cultural representations just as its sublimation opportunities
Mokhtari, Mourad. „Le principe de la liberté et la problématique du pouvoir en terre d'islam : le cas de l'Algérie : état et droits de l'homme : une possible symbiose ou une réelle antinomie ?“ Perpignan, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PERP0543.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleOskouie, Mana. „Etat, Religion et société en Iran au XXe siècle : origines et impacts des Révolutions constitutionnelle de 1906/07 et islamique de 1979“. Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2040.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe exsisting history of Iran is noticeable regarding to two revolutions witch mystified the relation among the State, the religion and the society. The objective of this research is to analyze the evolution oh these reports under the impact of the constitutional Revolution of 1906/1907 and the islamic Revolution of 1979. It shoud be emphasized that all these changes effected the economyof Iran. The constitutional revolution of 1906/1907 was the result of the evolutions witch were at the origin of the conflicts between the modernistic ones and forces attached to the old order.It turnes over the strength in favour as of currents and of the actors working for the entry of Iran into modernity. Between the constitutional Revolution and the islamic Revolution, the forces underwent important modifications witch have, in turn, supported the three poles of the power : monarchy and its court, cleargy and elites modernistic. The Reza Shah’s rise to power broke the balance based on the Constitution in favour of monarchy to the detriment of the religious pole while being based on the modernistic elites. The invasion of Iran by the allies and the forced exile of Reza Shah contributed to the rise of the hostile nationalist feelings in the Occident. Nationalisation of the oil resources by Mossadegh government made this evolution won over this nationalism carried by an Iranian company. Later, the company and the religion met to dispute the authoritative and repressive State of Pahlavi.These dynamics lead to the Revolution of 1979 and give the country a new political regime, reflecting the struggle between the actors of this second revolution the country faced the constitutional Revolution after 72 years. The islamic Revolution of 1979 was the principal consequence of the passage of « authoritative nationalism »incarnated by Reza Shah Pahlavi with a « liberal nationalism » carried by Dr Mossadegh, and with the « religious nationalism » which is represented by Ayatollah khoneini
Renaut, Laurène. „Le concept d'étrangeté (ghurba) dans la construction identitaire des cyber-militants de l'Etat Islamique. Ethnographie d'une djihadosphère entre 2018 et 2022“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., CY Cergy Paris Université, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023CYUN1274.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis thesis, at the crossroads of Discourse Analysis and Information and Communication Sciences, questions the concept of strangeness (ghurba) in online Salafist jihadist discourse, and more specifically in the identity construction of EI supporters. The research is based on an ethnographic survey of the Facebook jihadosphere, where we observe, incognito, individuals practicing media jihad. A protocol (involving observation, a grid of criteria attesting to adherence to jihadist ideology, a mixed methodology for data collection and an ethical framework) was drawn up in contact with the respondents. To analyze the data from this fieldwork, we used a "techno-semio-discursive methodology" (Rondot, 2015), based on a discursive approach, while taking into account non-verbal signs and the characteristics of the device invested. We show that beyond being a dominant theme of jihadist discourse, the concept of strangeness (as mobilized by these militants) founds an ontology; governs their digital representations; and guides their online conducts. In this way, it constitutes the ideological matrix of the discourse of EI supporters on Facebook. With this work, we intend to shed new light on the Salafist jihadist commitment via the conceptual prism of strangeness
Claret, de Fleurieu Marie. „L’État musulman entre l’idéal islamique et les contraintes du monde temporel : la relativité de l’impact de l'islam sur le droit constitutionnel des États musulmans“. Paris 5, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA05D012.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleIn a context which has been strongly marked by the controversial idea of a "religious come-back" in the world governance, the international and interpersonal relations are nowadays focused on the juridical structure of the State. The goal of this study is to confront those two spiritual and temporal elements. It is indeed aiming to determine the real impact of Islam on the Constitutional Law of the States which pretend to set its sacred message as the cornerstone of their organization. However, the muslim State is far from being only determined by the spiritual aim it pretends to pursue, as the inquiry of the symbolic examples studied (Saudi Arabia, Iran, Egypt) has pointed out. The impact of Islam on its Constitutional Law proves to be only relative
Alabsi, Mohamad Moustafa. „Exception, normativité et unité politique : l’Etat et son ennemi au Moyen-Orient,entre le démembrement l'empire ottoman et l'apparition de l’Etat islamique“. Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020GRALP002.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe reflection of this thesis work questions the idea of 'legitimacy', in the light of the civil war, and revolves around the relationship between order and law and the theoretical and practical crisis of normativity within the state and constitutional system of the Middle East.This thesis therefore lies at the indeterminate and uncertain boundaries of the logic of the law and its organising function, as it oscillates between the methodological field of order and the experimental field of observation of exception and indeterminacy. . Indeed, the study of a post-State context - or pre-State - requires the mobilization of theories and concepts originating from the territory of the exception, this makes it inevitable to be at the crossroads of several disciplines and several academic fields.The territorial rupture in Iraq and Syria and the spatial availability for the rebellion impose a visibility and historicity of the state of nature reflected in this civil and cross-border war. In the face of these events, the legal présupposées of the finalised character of the State and the legal continuity of the constitutional order come out deeply shaken, which reminds, especially from doctrinal perspective, of both conceptions of the order, that of the ‘normal and legal time’ attributed to Hans Kelsen and that of the ‘exceptional moment” attributed to Carl Schmitt.Thus our thesis text is divided into three parts:The first is the legal status of the State based on the international standard of interstate recognition. This allowed us to describe the fragility of the spatial order when various conceptions of legality and norm are opposed. With Hans Kelsen, in whom an internal and external conception of the pure norm and the nomological function of law is emerging, we wanted to highlight the profound contradictions of the concrete order in the rising with the theoretical hypotheses and abstract conception of the constitutional State.In our second part, which is about 'metaphysical and spatial rupture', we have resorted to the thought of Carl Schmitt, for whom legitimacy is not limited to legality nor the State to the constitution. The modern Middle East offers a concrete illustration of Schmittian concepts. Firstly by the contradiction between this interstate order with that of the Jus publicum europaeum, a product of the European spatial and physical order. Then because of the totalitarian rupture during which the State is reduced to the Party and politics to religiosity and uniqueness. The fate of the post-totalitarian State, such as that of Iraq and Syria, also invokes Arendt's work on totalitarianism and Gauchet's work on the metaphysics of unity and political expression of the religious phenomenon. In fact, the Potestas indirecta, a Hobbesian and Schmittian notion, could explain on the occasion of this crisis of unity and religion the logics of continuity and rupture that are discussed by these three authors. In the light of this theoretical association, we define the Exception as the crisis of the Decision and not as the appeal for recovery requesting the Decision.Our third part deals with the Katechon, the theological-political principle of continuity and conservation. We first define the conceptual value of this concept at Hobbes and Schmitt thoughts, and then extend it to the Hegelian condition of civil society and the current aspirations of Arab societies about political change. This part returns first to the crisis of legality, rather than legitimacy, that characterizes the Islamist political project (especially moderate Islamism). Then it evokes political nominalism and the dialectical relationship it defines between ideas and action on the one hand and the project of change on the other
Hugon, Clothilde. „(Re)penser Dieu à l'école au Sénégal : les politiques publiques face à l'éducation "arabo-islamique"“. Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0225/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleOver 40% of Senegal’s population is under 15 years old. Education is therefore one of the main priorities ofthe Senegalese State and international organisations. In parallel to the State-schools or “French” speakingschools, Islamic schools are an answer to social and religious demands asked by Senegalese parents. Theseeducation institutions are called daara (Qu’ranic schools), or écoles franco-arabes, and are mainly based onthe memorization of the Qu’ran and the transmission of Islamic values.This research will focus on the education policy’s trajectory, from its first formulation during the colonialperiod (1857-1940), its ambivalence during the formation of the postcolonial State (1950-1980), and the shiftfrom a social policy (1990s) to its integration in the sector of education in 2000. This type of school offer haslong been the object of debate and controversies. Indeed, actors from a variety of horizons and interests (bothfrom the public and private sectors) have taken part in this policy process. The Senegalese State musttherefore compose and negotiate with numerous actors (religious, international, associative, etc.), who have apower to influence the process of negotiation.Throughout the analysis, the reader will get an insight into the educational public policy’s structure, and willunderstand the asks of all actors and the actions (or non-actions) of others. Overall, this research provides ahistorical understanding of the transformation of the Senegalese society and its constant interaction with theState. On a wider scale, it also brings us to question the traditional relationship between political andreligious spheres
Toutin, Thierry. „Le djihadisme, aspects juridiques et criminologiques“. Thesis, Paris 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA020078.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe first signs of the contemporary salafo-Jihadism radicalization date back to the early 1980s, following the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a minority, totalitarian and ultraconservative Muslim, he considers himself to be the federation of the Ummah (community of believers) and the embodiment of authentic Islam from its origins.This movement closer to the revolutionary ideology than the religious message has taken on an international dimension in the wake of the Arab Spring revolts at the end of 2010. An organization particularly skilled in the use of modern means of communication and in disseminating Propaganda has created an effective dynamic, attracting young people and young people from all continents. This terrorist organization called Daesh or Islamic state managed to impose itself where its predecessors failed. How did she get there? Who are the volunteers ready to die for this cause? What are their motivations? How to respond to this strong new threat? What are the solutions and evolutions of this phenomenon of magnitude? This is to those questions that this research attempts to answer, without claiming to be exhaustive, before concluding on a few prospects and ways of exploration, such as to thwart more influence and the effects of ideology a murderer who will permanently mark the 21st century
Guetat, Meriem. „Raison juridique islamique et droit international. Essai de modélisation des réactions des systèmes juridiques en interaction avec l'ordre juridique international“. Thesis, Nice, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015NICE0049/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe relationship between Islam and international law is traditionally studied in terms ofresistances and conflicts. Despite being the translation of an established reality, this approach fails to grasp the complex dynamics which lead to such reactions. In order to overcome this fixed point of view, it seems appropriate to approach the study subjects while in interaction and attempt to deduce a model from the ensuing reactions. This attempt could only be realised by following a systemic method which is capable of taking into consideration all the elements influencing the reactions of the studied legal systems and their evolutions. This method could be found in the theory of legal reason developed by A.J. Arnaud and applied to the Islamic example. In this regard, the legal reason method shows that, beyond the primary reactions of preservation, the interaction with the international legal order could also be the bearer of a movement of innovation. This method allows the deconstructing of the traditional point of views on the relationships between international law and Islam. It also allows to offer a multidimensional point of view and constitutes a stance on the appropriate way to study legal phenomena. Thus, instead of resolving to recognise the impossibility of harmonising the ideals of the international law and the legal systems based on a Islamic legal reason, this study attempts to understand the dynamics which take place during these interactions in order to predict the reactions and the transformations. The result of this pragmatism is that the reconciliation is no longer seen as finality but a possibility
Guidi, Diletta. „L’islam des musées. Sociohistoire de la (re)présentation de l’islam dans les politiques culturelles françaises : le cas du Louvre et de l’Institut du monde arabe“. Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLEP025.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleOver the past three decades most major capitals have had museums - partly or wholly - devoted to Islam. Among them are: Paris, Cairo, Berlin, London, New York, Tehran, Istanbul, Kuala Lumpur, Doha, Copenhagen, Athens. This international craze, which has its origins in Europe at the very end of the 19th century, was considerably reinforced in the 2000s. France seems to be the leading European country in this museum 'islamania' (Rieffel, 2011): from the Louvre to As the smallest publicly funded associations, the number of cultural institutions that decide to invest in this arts sector continues to grow. To date, there are more than 40 public museums that present or preserve objects of the 'Muslim arts' now called 'arts of Islam' (Boyer, 2006). The interest of French cultural policies for the largest of France's minorities, the 'Muslim community', is therefore undeniable. Despite this numerically and symbolically important presence, there is virtually no social science study on the place of Islam in cultural institutions (museums, associations, or foundations). While work on the management of religion in prison, hospital or school institutions is part of a long and prolific scientific tradition, research on the 'cultural management of Islam' is still very rare. The objective of my doctoral thesis, begun in 2013 as a joint study between Friborg (UNIFR) and Paris (Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes), is to focus on this new form of religious governance through culture. At the crossroads between studies on Islam, art and public policy, the challenge of this work is to provide the first elements of reflection on a section of research still little explored and yet rich in scientific data
Deheuvels, Luc-Willy. „Islam et pensée contemporaine en Algérie : la revue "Al-Asâla" (1971-1981)“. Paris 4, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA040111.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRazavi, Seyed Abdoljalil. „Les îles d'Abou Moussa, de la Petite Tumb et de la Grande Tumb : une souveraineté contestée entre la République islamique d'Iran et les Émirats arabes unis“. Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040115.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleIn this research, we opted for a method that is descriptive, analytical and documentary, based on the collection of data in the forms of surveys, interviews and library resources. The results show that a newly created country, for its development, needs to build on a sense of integration and national identity. It seems that this is the fundamental reason for the claim by the United Arab Emirates on these islands belonging to Iran, the only non-Arab country of the Persian Gulf. Through these claims, the United Arab Emirates aim to creat a nation -state
Razavi, Seyed Abdoljalil. „Les îles d'Abou Moussa, de la Petite Tumb et de la Grande Tumb : une souveraineté contestée entre la République islamique d'Iran et les Émirats arabes unis“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040115.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleIn this research, we opted for a method that is descriptive, analytical and documentary, based on the collection of data in the forms of surveys, interviews and library resources. The results show that a newly created country, for its development, needs to build on a sense of integration and national identity. It seems that this is the fundamental reason for the claim by the United Arab Emirates on these islands belonging to Iran, the only non-Arab country of the Persian Gulf. Through these claims, the United Arab Emirates aim to creat a nation -state
Harouit, Farid. „Les facteurs de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne à la lumière des attentats de Londres du 7 juillet 2005 : la dimension pakistanaise“. Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA163.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe 7 July 2005 London bombings caused shock and awe in the British society not only because of the important number of casualties, but also due to the British citizenship of the bombers. With the exception of Germaine Lindsay, who was of Jamaican descent, all the other members of the cell - Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer and Hussib Hussain - had Pakistani background. The London bombers were not the only British Pakistanis who were involved in acts of terrorism. Before 2005, many went to fight alongside the Pakistani jihadi organisations in Kashmir or plotted against Britain such as the Luton cell in 2004. After 2005, other cells, like the one in Birmingham in 2011, planned attacks on a bigger scale on British soil. The Pakistani origin of the perpetrators, their interest in Kashmir and their paramilitary training in camps belonging to Pakistani jihadi organisations were common features that have raised questions about the nature of violent radicalisation in Britain. This thesis examines the Pakistani dimension of violent radicalisation in Britain by building on social movement theory, especially on Quintan Wiktorowicz’ model, according to which radicalisation is the result of political, socio-economic grievances and ideology. This research is based on ten case studies: three Pakistani jihadi organisations (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen and Jaish e-Mohammed), three extremist transnational organisations (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun and Supporters of Sharia) and four South-Asian Islamic mouvements (Ahl e-Hadith, Deobandi, Tablighi Jamaat and Jamaat e-Islami). The thesis shows that there is specifically a Pakistani dimension to the violent islamist radicalisation in Britain due to the colonial history, the conflict in Kashmir, the ‘’war on terror’’ and the military intervention in Afghanistan
El, Kyak Anass. „Analyse de la divergence des positions des États-Unis et de la Russie en Syrie dans la lutte contre le groupe de l'État islamique en Iraq et au Levant menée sous l'égide du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies“. Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/69514.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis thesis attempts to understand how the divergence in the logics of action between the United States and Russia in Syria had hindered the constitution of a collective action framed by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) that could have favored the prevention and the rapid and definitive defeat of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) organization. Indeed, the United States and Russia have been the most influential international powers in Syria given their extensive involvement under the stated goal of defeating ISIL. While agreeing on the need for a political solution to the Syrian crisis, these two strategic actors hold conflicting preferences, mainly with regard to the fate of the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad and the dynamics of the armed groups involved in the fighting against him. Thus, despite their competing plans in Syria, these two actors have attempted to devise a common approach to resolving the civil war and leading to the conduct of joint military operations against ISIL and the other terrorist groups taking advantage in the Syrian conflict. Nevertheless, the persisting dissension between these two permanent members of the UNSC had reduced the possibilities of agreement between them and has been projected on the work of this body whose decisions enjoy an exceptional legal and political scope. Thus, we analyze, on the one hand, the diplomatic occasions of interaction between these two actors, and on the other hand, their respective strategic motivations. This analysis allows us to define their logics of action in Syria, to identify the fundamental differences that have led them to prefer unilateral responses against ISIL rather than a common response, and to characterize the dilemma of collective action created by their coordination problem in Syria and that limited the UNSC's ability to take decisive and definitive collective action against ISIL in Syria.
Khiter, Samia. „L’appréhension du fait religieux dans les Constitutions arabes : Du Maghreb au Proche-orient“. Thesis, Lille 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL20016.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe dispute in the Arab world on the relationship between constitutional rights and freedom of religion has become increasingly passionate and virulent. Moreover, the relationship between these two positions is simultaneously a source of unification and conflict. To understand the logic of basing constitutionalisation on religious beliefs, this analysis seeks, firstly, to examine the Islamic judicial system, the objective being to substantiate the existence of Islamic constitutional theory; and to demonstrate the uncertainties that flow from its use in most Arab constitutional systems. The respective judicial concepts of each Arab state have a direct impact on both the protection of the fundamental human liberties and the structure and organisation of states. To the degree that governments propagate the concept of the rule of law, they appear to fail in fostering individual liberties, especially freedom of religion. Additionally, the scope given to the religious person at the core of constitutional texts in such that the very institution of fundamental liberties is hampered. Secondly, it is important to state the reasons for the uncertainties in Arab constitutional systems and their resulting impact. Emphasis is, therefore, given to two contradictory movements: on the one hand the progressive secularisation of law in reinforcing constitutional justice and the awakening of civil society; and on the other the persistent ambiguity on the relationship between constitutional rights and freedom of religion. Ultimately these developments lay the foundation to understanding the current judicial and political environment. At the time of the Arab Spring these two positions, constitution and religion, form the basis of a necessary and obvious dialogue: these uprisings have not led to the consecration of secular states, and the scope of the religious person has been maintained and perhaps even strengthened
Ghamroun, Samer. „Effets d’État. Les juges des enfants, les tribunaux de la charia et la lutte pour la famille libanaise“. Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016SACLN020/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe Lebanese state is often depicted as failing to possess some of the properties through which political sociology usually defines state power. Therefore, it is often described as a weak state. I question the relevance of this description through a political sociology of law, an approach I apply to civil juvenile courts and to sharia courts. I study the activation in 2002 of juvenile judges in Lebanon, where several religious family laws are implemented by parallel religious courts, in the absence of a common civil law for the family. I use the notion of "State test" to study a public conflict (2007 - 2010) between these juvenile judges and Sunni sharia courts around the protection of endangered children. This conflict produces effects beyond judicial arenas on women mobilizations that are trying, with some success, to change religious Sunni family law. These "state effects" are not channeled through the traditional elements sought by the sociology of the state and policy studies : budgets, bureaucracy or mandatory central rules. These original forms of stateness are the result of a competition between courts for the child and the Lebanese family. Instead of seeking change in rigid family laws only through a secularizing public policy from the civil center, investigating these "state tests" and their effects can allow us to track and better understand the changes within religious groups and their supposedly immobile legal systems. The relationship between the state and the religious groups is no longer a zero-sum game, religious family laws appear more responsive to legal mobilizations from below, and the state acquires an effectiveness that often goes unrecognized by the recurrent narratives of its weakness
Khiter, Samia. „L’appréhension du fait religieux dans les Constitutions arabes : Du Maghreb au Proche-orient“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Lille 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL20016.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe dispute in the Arab world on the relationship between constitutional rights and freedom of religion has become increasingly passionate and virulent. Moreover, the relationship between these two positions is simultaneously a source of unification and conflict. To understand the logic of basing constitutionalisation on religious beliefs, this analysis seeks, firstly, to examine the Islamic judicial system, the objective being to substantiate the existence of Islamic constitutional theory; and to demonstrate the uncertainties that flow from its use in most Arab constitutional systems. The respective judicial concepts of each Arab state have a direct impact on both the protection of the fundamental human liberties and the structure and organisation of states. To the degree that governments propagate the concept of the rule of law, they appear to fail in fostering individual liberties, especially freedom of religion. Additionally, the scope given to the religious person at the core of constitutional texts in such that the very institution of fundamental liberties is hampered. Secondly, it is important to state the reasons for the uncertainties in Arab constitutional systems and their resulting impact. Emphasis is, therefore, given to two contradictory movements: on the one hand the progressive secularisation of law in reinforcing constitutional justice and the awakening of civil society; and on the other the persistent ambiguity on the relationship between constitutional rights and freedom of religion. Ultimately these developments lay the foundation to understanding the current judicial and political environment. At the time of the Arab Spring these two positions, constitution and religion, form the basis of a necessary and obvious dialogue: these uprisings have not led to the consecration of secular states, and the scope of the religious person has been maintained and perhaps even strengthened
Jebbar, Abdelhak. „Politico-religious beliefs of islamist partisans and the possibilities of a future Islamic State in Morocco : Jamaat Al Adl Wal Ihsan et Hizb al Adala Wa Tanmiya“. Thesis, Nice, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013NICE2023.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe legitimacy and the possibility of concretizing a future Islamic state or government is what this thesis is trying to investigate by means of highlighting perceptions of Islamist partisans belonging to two different politico-religious groups; one is approved by the state whereas the other is not. Within the general framework of socio-cognition and anthropology, and in the light of the presence of an inevitable and absolute belief held by Islamist partisans about the Islamic state, this thesis studies the compatibility of these Islamists’ perceptions with the concepts widely acknowledged as modern, as embodied, for instance, in democracy, separation of powers, elections, partisan multiplicity…The relevance of this study lies in its anticipating the presence of a future state to be based on Islamic law, and the current presence of some Islamic governments or governments led by Islamists, in the Arab world, stand as an evidence to such an anticipation. The thesis, hence, adopts a multidisciplinary approach based on starting, first, with an anthropological ground through which observation of partisans from the two politico-religious groups is meant to trace how the Islamic state as a belief can be transformed into a future project. Second, a socio-cognitive study based on a questionnaire, which is in its turn in the form of an interview, is meant to statically highlight the possibilities of achieving a future Islamic state with a modern constitutional system where individual freedoms and minorities’ rights are respected and accepted. The two approaches are complimentary in the sense of their hunting for an answer to the question: Is it possible to concretize a future Islamic state with a modern constitutional system generally based on acceptance of human rights and freedoms in the light of the presence of an inevitable and absolute belief in such a state, adopted by partisans of these politico-religious movements? The conclusions drawn from this thesis, which serve as an answer to the question, confirm, through the anthropological and statistical data, that a modern Islamic state is possible in the future, especially with the presence of Islamist partisans who are ready to undergo a conceptual change regarding some of their believed-to-be non-modern thoughts. Accordingly, the thesis recommends, especially proportionate to the non-approved politico-religious group, to start an open and sincere discussion, from the part of the state, in the presence of moderate perceptions of a modern Islamic state, held by a number of non-approved partisans
Quesnay, Arthur. „Ordres partisans, politiques identitaires et production du social : le cas de Kirkouk, Irak (2003 - 2018)“. Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01D009.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRegularly described as the result of an identity conflict triggered by external interventions, the Iraqi civil war is first and foremost the result of intense partisan competition. Through an investigation conducted from 2010 to 2017 in the Kirkuk governorate, this thesis demonstrates how Iraqi parties penetrate the state and produce society. In particular, my work questions how parties capture the state resources that enable them to implement demographic engineering policies, violence being also a central modality of action in the political game. As a result, a new identity hierarchy is emerging that is changing the socio-economic structures and daily lives of the population. From 2011, the inequalities resulting from these transformations will encourage unanimous (and not sectarian) protests, but violence ultimately prohibits the development of this movement and the marginalization of Sunni Arabs will ultimately facilitate the emergence of the Islamic State. Between 2014 and 2017, the war against lS further radicalizes the political projects of all political parties, but paradoxically leads to a strengthening of the State, which returns through a devolution of power in favor of militias and, in October 2017, manages to take Kirkuk back from the Iraqi Kurdish parties
Fathally, Jabeur. „Les principes du droit international musulman et la protection des populations civiles en cas de conflits armés : de la binarité guerrière au Droit de Genève. Histoire d’une convergence“. Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20696.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleCrosset, Valentine. „Être visible sur et par internet : le cas de l'État islamique“. Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/24778.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis thesis focuses on the visibility of extremist groups on the internet. While several studies have focused on describing the different uses of digital technologies by radical groups and the way the internet would operate as a catalyst for radicalization, few studies have sought to analyze the constitutive relationship between the technical apparatus and the militant extremist. The objective of the thesis is to renew the visibility model of groups classified as extremists, taking into account the mutual reconfigurations between digital platforms and the militant groups. At a theoretical level, our study is situated at the intersection of actor-network theory (ANT), software studies and Lucy Suchman’s work (2007) on the dynamic reconfiguration of mutual and permanent relationships between humans and machines. Based on the case study of the Islamic State, this analysis, lasting one and a half years, was anchored in data from an ethnographic research field. The survey consists of non-participant observation of several digital platforms exploited by the jihadist group, online archiving and analysis of online traces, as well as a documentary corpus. Our results contribute to better understanding how groups qualified as extremist develop their visibility on digital platforms, by emphasizing that it is relational, technical and conflictual. First of all, our study demonstrates the evolution to a more complex development of the resources used to obtain visibility. The online visibility of the Islamic state requires a vast network of actors, such as media specialists, activists, cybersecurity specialists and botnets. For this reason, offline and online, decentralized and centralized processes are combined. The analysis of their daily practices shows that the work of Islamic state militants to obtain visibility strive at amplification and abundance of their information flow. Their goal is to inundate social media platforms with their contents, conducting a “media war”. Furthermore, the results obtained suggest that developing visibility is complex due to a series of constraints and enemy forces that thwart the Islamic State project, such as moderation of contents as an example. At the same time, our study shows that the presence of this type of users has resulted in the redesign of the regulation of these technologies, making them more restrictive. Finally, the results reveal that the Islamic state militants are actively working to put in place resistance tactics in order to limit the negative effects of that moderation. In a second step, the thesis focuses on the forms of visibility evolving from this technical mediation between activists and digital platforms. We suggest the concept of technical visibility to highlight the online visibility of political opinions. This type of visibility is based on the deployments of a technical rationality. Therein the creation of visibility becomes a specialized activity using the technical as well as mechanized dimensions of digital technologies, each with their own mode of normativity. If technical visibility gives users the possibility to develop their visibility, the thesis expresses certain reservations as to the real value of this “ faire-voir ”. It shows that this type of technical visibility, due to its characteristic quest for efficiency and abundance of information, generalizes bulk, aggressive, or deceptive activity. This results in new forms of domination and asymmetry. We therefore argue that it could jeopardize democracy.
Fadil, Mohamed. „Transformation doctrinale de l'islamisme et émergence du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (PJD) au Maroc : vers un État islamique civique“. Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7768.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBérubé, Maxime. „D’al-Qaïda à État islamique : vers une typologie du discours d’influence illustrant la diversité de l’offre jihadiste“. Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21703.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleFadil, Mohamed. „Un groupe religieux à l’épreuve du parti politique Sécularisation de l’islamisme au Maroc : mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme-Parti de la justice et du développement (1996-2011)“. Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11437.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleÀ travers le monde islamique, une famille de partis politiques que l’on appelle à tort ou à raison « les partis islamistes modérés » enregistre des résultats électoraux exceptionnels chaque fois qu’un de ses membres participe à un scrutin qui comporte un minimum de transparence, notamment en Turquie, au Maroc et en Palestine. Les premières participations des islamistes aux élections des pays du Printemps arabe confirment davantage cette règle, comme l’illustrent les cas de l’Égypte et de la Tunisie. Sur le plan académique, ce contexte laisse émerger une importante hypothèse. L’évolution de bon nombre d’organisations islamistes en partis politiques qui participent activement à la vie publique de leurs pays serait l’indice d’une sécularisation de ces organisations, animée par une sincère conversion à la démocratie. Cette hypothétique tendance à la sécularisation et la conversion à la démocratie de l’islamisme ferait penser à une expérience remarquablement similaire, que l’on trouve dans le monde chrétien occidental, soit, l’évolution théorique et organisationnelle du christianisme politique qui a donné naissance, en réponse à un long parcours de révisions intellectuelles, à ce que l’on appelle aujourd’hui « la démocratie chrétienne ». L’islamisme modéré serait-il en train d’évoluer vers une sécularisation et une conversion à la démocratie selon un mode similaire à celui qui a donné naissance aux partis démocrates-chrétiens en Occident? Il est question dans cette thèse, préparée en cotutelle entre l’Université de Montréal au Canada et l’École Pratique des hautes études Paris-Sorbonne en France, de vérifier l’hypothèse susmentionnée dans un contexte bien précis. Notre recherche se limite ainsi à l’étude d’un groupe déterminé du paysage islamiste du Maroc (Parti de la justice et du développement [PJD] et son mouvement de prédication religieuse Mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme [MUR]). Cette recherche s’étend de 1996, date de naissance du PJD à 2011, date de son accession au pouvoir au Maroc. Par ailleurs, la reconstitution et l’analyse sociohistorique proposées dans cette recherche remontent en 1969, date de naissance du Mouvement de la jeunesse islamique qui incarne la matrice du groupe à l’étude. La recherche pose des questions bien précises portant très particulièrement sur le devenir du groupe religieux à l’épreuve du parti politique et, par-delà, celle du devenir du religieux à l’épreuve du politique au sein des modes de penser et d’agir de ce groupe. Pour ce faire, notre recherche adopte un cadre interdisciplinaire conjuguant des approches émanant de la sociologie politique et religieuse et d’autres sciences sociales comme l’histoire et les sciences politiques. Son corpus d’analyse est le fruit d’un travail de terrain effectué lors de plusieurs séjours de recherche effectués au Maroc entre 2008 et 2014. Séjours qui nous ont permis de reconstituer la trame des évènements, d’amasser la documentation nécessaire au sein du PJD/MUR, de rencontrer et de mener des entretiens avec des leaders et des idéologues les plus influents de son parcours idéologique et organisationnel.
Throughout the Islamic world, a political family composed of what are rightly or wrongly named “moderate Islamist parties” obtains exceptional results whenever one of its members participates in an election that is minimally transparent (for instance in Turkey, Morocco, Palestine and Egypt). This rule is confirmed by the initial involvements of Islamists in the Arab Spring (in Egypt and Tunisia for example). Academically, in this context an important hypothesis emerges according to which the evolution of many Islamist organizations into political parties that actively participate in the public life of their countries would indicate that these organizations are undergoing a process of secularization motivated by a sincere conversion to democracy. Islamism’s hypothetical tendency towards secularization and conversion to democracy seems reminiscent of a remarkably similar experience in the Christian West, namely the theoretical and organizational evolution of political Christianity, which gave birth to what is known today as “Christian democracy”, in response to a long series of intellectual revisions. Might moderate Islamism be secularized and converted into democracy in a mode similar to that which gave birth to Christian Democrat parties in the West? In this thesis, prepared under joint supervision between the University of Montreal in Canada and the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes Paris-Sorbonne in France, the aforementioned hypothesis is verified in a very specific context. The scope of the study is limited to examining a particular group within the Moroccan Islamist landscape—the Parti de la justice et du développement (PJD), as well as its sister outfit devoted to religious predication, the Mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme (MUR). This period under consideration ranges from the birth of the PJD in 1996 to its coming to power in 2011. Moreover, the reconstitution and the socio-historical analysis proposed in this study begin in 1969 with the birth of the Mouvement de la jeunesse islamique, from which the group being examined evolved. The study asks very specific questions concerning the fate of the religious movement in response to the challenges of the political party. Further still, it examines the challenging relation of religion and politics in the group’s actual modes of thinking and acting. With this purpose in mind, the study adopts an interdisciplinary framework combining approaches that stem from political and religious sociology as well as other social sciences, such as history and political science. Its analytical corpus is the product of fieldwork research being done during numerous trips to Morocco from 2008 to 2014. These trips made it possible to reconstitute a timeline of events and to gather necessary documentation from the PJD/MUR. It also provided the opportunity to meet and interview leaders and ideologues that are most influential in the ideological and organizational evolution of the movement.
على امتداد العالم الإسلامي، ما فتئت هذه العائلة من الأحزاب التي ندعوها عن خطئ أو عن صواب بالأحزاب الإسلامية المعتدلة تحقق، فيما يشبه القاعدة، نتائج مميزة متى ما شارك أحد ممثليها في انتخابات تضمن الحد الأدنى من النزاهة و الشفافية (حالة تركيا، المغرب، الأردن، فلسطين، مصر…). هذه القاعدة ستؤكدها المشاركات الانتخابية الأولى لإسلاميي بلدان الربيع العربي (حالتا تونس و مصر). على المستوى الأكاديمي سيسمح سياق اكتساح الأحزاب الإسلامية للانتخابات البرلمانية في بلدان العالم الإسلامي بانبثاق فرضية مهمة يتجلى مضمونها في كون إعادة انتظام عدد كبير من التنظيمات الإسلامية في أحزاب سياسية تشارك بفاعلية كبيرة في العملية السياسية ببلدانها ربما يشكل مؤشرا على خضوع هذه التنظيمات لعملية دهرنة (sécularisation) معززة باعتناق حقيقي للديمقراطية. فرضية دهرنة الحركة الإسلامية و اعتناقها للديمقراطية هذه تدعو لاستحضار تجربة مماثلة على نحو كبير لولا أن أطوارها جرت بالعالم المسيحي الغربي. يتعلق الأمر بالتطور النظري و التنظيمي لعدد من تيارات المسيحية السياسية، تطور سمح بعد مسار طويل من المراجعات الفكرية بتشكل ما نسميه اليوم بتيار الديمقراطية المسيحية بالغرب. هل تكون إذن أحزاب الحركة الإسلامية المعتدلة بصدد تكرار نفس المسار الدي سمح بتشكل الأحزاب الديمقراطية المسيحية بالغرب، لكن بدار الإسلام هذه المرة؟ تسعى هذه الاطروحة المعدة وفق برنامج مشترك (cotutelle) بين جامعة مونتريال بكندا و المدرسة التطبيقية للدراسات العليا باريس-السوربون بفرنسا إلى اختبار الفرضية المذكورة في سياق محدد للغاية إذ تكتفي بدراسة تنظيم إسلامي محدد من ضمن المجال الواسع للحركة الإسلامية بالمغرب (حزب العدالة و التنمية و حركته الدعوية و الدينية حركة التوحيد و الإصلاح) في فترة محددة تتراوح ما بين لحظة ميلاد الحزب سنة 1996 و لحظة وصوله للمسؤولية الحكومية سنة 2011 وفق عمق تاريخي يمتد لسنة 1969 التي تشكل لحظة ميلاد حركة الشبيبة الإسلامية باعتبارها الحركة الأم للتنظيم المدروس. في إطار هذه الدراسة، تثير الأطروحة أسئلة محددة تتعلق بمستقبل الحركة الدينية أمام اختبار الحزب السياسي و بالتالي بمستقبل الديني في مواجهة اكتساح السياسي على مستوى خطاب و ممارسة الحزب و الحركة. لتحقيق هذا الهدف تتبنى هذه الدراسة إطارا بين-مناهجيا (interdisciplinaire) يدمج مقاربات تنتمي لعلم الاجتماع الديني و السياسي بالإضافة لعلوم اجتماعية أخرى كالتاريخ و العلوم السياسية. يتشكل المتن البحثي لهذه الأطروحة من نتائج دراسات ميدانية قمنا بإنجازها بين سنتي 2008 و 2012 بالمغرب. من خلال هذه الدراسات الميدانية، قمنا بإعادة تجميع و تركيب تاريخ و أدبيات التنظيم المدروس و لقاء و محاورة القادة و المنظرين الأكثر تأثيرا في مساره النظري و التنظيمي. كلمات مفاتيح: إسلام، حركات إسلامية، إسلام سياسي، ما بعد الإسلام السياسي، ديمقراطية مسيحية، دهرنة، مغرب، شبيبة إسلامية، توحيد و إصلاح، عدالة و تنمية، ملكية، دولة إسلامية، ديمقراطية.
Leduc, Antoine. „De la réforme et de l'harmonisation du droit des sûretés dans un contexte de mondialisation de l'économie : vers un retour au paradigme de l'uniformisation du droit?“ Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/5104.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe reform and harmonization of secured transactions on movable (or personal) property is fostered by international organizations, on the assumption that an efficient regime of secured transactions will give access to affordable credit to a large number of persons and corporations. Such reform and harmonization process can be explained according to its two main features. Firstly, in Western and developped countries, the focus is on endeavours to harmonize the various regimes internally and to establish special regimes with respect to specific assets (for instance, high value mobile equipment, such as aircrafts, rolling stock or satellites, on the one hand, or incorporeal property, including securities, financial assets or security entitlements, on the other hand). Even though some differences remains from a systemic point of view, north american and european regimes are based on similar principles and achieve comparable results. It is therefore possible to see the emergence of a transnational legal order in the law of secured transactions, based on individuals and the enforcement of their rights of ownership, ascertained by the Rule of Law principle. Secondly, international financial institutions are encouraging the implementation of secured transactions regimes in developing countries along the same criteria as those used in Western developed countries, in the context of institutional and legal reforms under governance and rule of law projects. However, Western regimes must be adapted and customized before they are transplanted into a developing country. Indeed, for socio-cultural and political reasons, it is not possible to establish the same kind of regime therein. When individual rights and freedoms, including the right of ownership and the Rule of Law, are not recognized, the reform and harmonization of secured transactions is not likely to happen. The status of advancement of the reform and harmonization of secured transactions in the developed world is illustrated by a comparison between the Uniform Commercial Code, the Civil Code of Québec, the Personal Property Security Acts of canadian common law provinces, the applicable principles under both French and English Law, and the influence of European Law on its member states. An analysis of the main harmonization instruments proposed by international organizations is also conducted. Finally, the pitfalls of governance and rule of law reform projects are well described by two case studies. The first one deals with real estate and mortgage law reforms in Egypt, with a goal to encourage affordable access to housing; the second one is about urban planing and housing reforms in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The existence of a multiplicity of legal orders in these countries explains the difficulties encountered in such reform processes.