Thematische Bibliographien / Jesus Christ Crucifixion

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  1. Zeitschriftenartikel
  2. Dissertationen
  3. Bücher
  4. Buchteile

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Jesus Christ Crucifixion“

Autor: Grafiati
Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021
Zuletzt aktualisiert am 31. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Jesus Christ Crucifixion"

1

Younes, Mohamad. „Revisiting the Crucifixion of Jesus within Islam“. Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 9, Nr. 1 (15.04.2024): 104–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v9i1.585.

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This article demonstrates that Muslim teachings on the historical crucifixion event of Jesus are by no means monolithic. While the Qur’ān’s reference to the crucifixion has typically been interpreted as fostering explicit rejection of the belief that Christ was crucified, its meaning on this issue constitutes neither denial nor affirmation of its historicity. Over time, discussion of the crucifixion within the Islamic tradition was formed to accommodate a rejection that obscured the neutrality of the original Qur’ānic position. One school of Islamic thought which affirmed the historicity of the crucifixion on a Qur’ānic basis is the tradition of Shi’a Isma’ili Islam. This article focuses on the conceptualisation of the crucifixion within Isma’ilism and its connection with Sunnism. From the Isma’ili perspective, the Qur’ān does not deny the crucifixion of Jesus; rather, it only denies that the People of the Book crucified him, in apparent response to their boasting. The ambiguity of Surah 4:157 remains a vigorous debate among classical and later Muslim scholars with references to the crucifixion as preserved in early and medieval literature furnishing distinctively divergent accounts of its unfolding. Even classical scholars such as al-Ghazali were persuaded by the views about the crucifixion expressed by leading Isma’ili thinkers such as Abu Ḥatim al-Razi (d. 934 CE) and Naṣir Khusraw (d. 1078 CE). Ultimately, the objective of this article is twofold: to demonstrate that the Qur’ān offers a neutral account of the crucifixion and to examine Shi’ite exegetical analysis on the crucifixion event in contrast to mainstream Islam.
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Bella, Francesco, und Carlo Azzi. „14C Dating of the ‘Titulus Crucis’“. Radiocarbon 44, Nr. 3 (2002): 685–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200032136.

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Kim, Seyoon. „Imitatio Christi (1 Corinthians 11:1): How Paul Imitates Jesus Christ in Dealing with Idol Food (1 Corinthians 8–10)“. Bulletin for Biblical Research 13, Nr. 2 (01.01.2003): 193–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422669.

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Abstract The importance of the theme of imitatio Christi in Paul has long been recognized in scholarship, especially with regard to the two questions: Pauline ethic and the Jesus-Paul debate. It is argued here that imitatio Christi for Paul, while centered on Christ's self-giving in his incarnation and crucifixion, has the example and teaching of the historical Jesus also in view, and that in dealing with the problem of eidōlothuta in 1 Cor 8–10 Paul concretely draws some of his guidelines from the historical Jesus' teaching and example.
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Bräunlein, Peter. „Negotiating Charisma: The Social Dimension of Philippine Crucifixion Rituals“. Asian Journal of Social Science 37, Nr. 6 (2009): 892–917. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156848409x12526657425262.

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AbstractThe Philippines are the only predominantly Christian nation in Southeast Asia. The tradition of the passion of Christ is supposed to be the centre of Philippine religiousness and the fascination with the suffering, battered and dead Christ can be regarded as a characteristic feature of Philippine lowland society. The most spectacular expressions of the so-called Philippine 'Calvary Catholicism' are flagellation and crucifixion. In 1996–1998, the author studied Philippine passion rituals in the village of Kapitangan. During the Holy Week, thousands of people mostly from Manila visit the church and observe the spectacle of ritual crucifixions on Good Friday in the churchyard. In Kapitangan, mostly women are nailed to the cross, which is, however, is not an act of volition. They act under directions 'from above', possessed by Sto. Niño or Jesus Nazareno. All of them are (faith-)healers. All of them are founders of a religious movement. In this article, the author uses Ernst Troeltsch's typology — church, sect, mysticism — as a tool to raise questions about ritual crucifixion as a focus of community and collective identity formation, both on the local and national level of society. Troeltsch's typology sheds light on the delicate relation between the Philippine 'official' church and practices of the so-called 'folk-Catholicism'. It illuminates motives and aims of the healers, who are called 'new mystics' by some scholars, and the sense of belonging of their followers. It also reveals discourses of consent and dissent among the spectators and general public, provoked by that literal re-enactment of Jesus' death.
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Mandingorra Llavata, María Luz. „El nomen sacrum ihs como símbolo de la crucifixión en el Sermón de la Circuncisión del Señor de san Vicente Ferrer“. SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 17 (31.05.2021): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.17.20946.

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Resum: El nomen sacrum ihs se hallaba presente en infinidad de manifestaciones artísticas y objetos de la vida cotidiana durante la Edad Media, por lo que era bien conocido por los fieles. El objetivo del presente artículo es mostrar de qué modo san Vicente Ferrer se sirve de esta abreviatura como símbolo de la crucifixión de Jesucristo con el fin de fomentar la devoción al nombre Iesus y erradicar el recurso a adivinos y sortílegos. Para ello, analizaremos el sermón de la Circuncisión del Señor predicado por el maestro dominico y estableceremos la conexión de los elementos integrantes del texto con representaciones coetáneas de la crucifixión.Paraules clau: san Vicente Ferrer, predicación, Nomina Sacra, crucifixión, historia de la cultura escrita Abstract: The nomen sacrum ihs was present in many paintings as well as other artifacts during the Middle Ages, therefore, it was very well known by the public. The aim of this paper is to show the way Saint Vincent Ferrer uses this abbreviation as a symbol of the Crucifixion of Jesus Christ in order to increase the devotion to the Name of Jesus and prevent people from consulting diviners and sorcerers to solve daily life problems. To this end, we analyse the Sermon of the Circumcision of the Lord preached by the Dominican master and establish the relationship between the elements that compose the text and some contemporary images of the Crucifixion.Keywords: Saint Vincent Ferrer, preaching, Nomina Sacra, crucifixion, history of literacy
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McGowin, Emily Hunter. „Book Review: The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ“. Anglican Theological Review 100, Nr. 1 (Dezember 2018): 212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861810000144.

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Kantaras, Anastasios. „Byzantine Epigrams on the Cross and Crucifixion of Jesus Christ“. Sapiens ubique civis 2 (15.12.2021): 163–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2021.2.163-196.

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This article presents the Byzantine epigrams centred around the cross and the crucifixion as compiled by one of the most emblematic scholar figures of the Church in the beginning of the 11th century, namely John Mauropous. The goal of this article is to present the main patterns from those epigrams, spot potential influences from other texts of a preceding time as well as draw basic conclusions.
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Williams, Vanessa. „Fleming Rutledge, The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ“. Theology 119, Nr. 6 (18.10.2016): 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x16659243c.

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Streett, Daniel R. „Cursed by God? Galatians 3:13, Social Status, and Atonement Theory in the Context of Early Jewish Readings of Deuteronomy 21:23“. Journal for the Study of Paul and His Letters 5, Nr. 2 (2015): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371766.

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Paul's citation of Deut 21:23 in Gal 3:13 is often misunderstood, as Paul is frequently thought to be declaring that Jesus, by virtue of his crucifixion, fell under the curse which Deut 21:23 pronounces on victims of that form of execution. This, it is claimed, was the mechanism by which Jesus atoned for sin, as God transferred the curse resting on humans to Jesus, who bore it vicariously. There is no evidence, however, that Second Temple Jews read Deut 21 as cursing all crucifixion victims. Rather, a wealth of evidence suggests that they understood the Law to curse only those crucified victims who were truly guilty of capital offenses against God. Therefore, there is good reason to believe that Paul, himself a Second Temple Jew convinced of Jesus's innocence, did not believe that Jesus was cursed by God solely by virtue of his manner of death on a cross. Thus, Paul's language in Gal 3:13 when he speaks of Christ “becoming a curse” rather than becoming “accursed” is significant. It refers to Jesus's humiliation and execration at the hands of his fellow Jews, not his becoming vicariously cursed by God. It is thus not an explanation of the mechanism by which Christ achieved atonement. This reading receives virtually unanimous support from Patristic interpretations.
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Streett, Daniel R. „Cursed by God? Galatians 3:13, Social Status, and Atonement Theory in the Context of Early Jewish Readings of Deuteronomy 21:23“. Journal for the Study of Paul and His Letters 5, Nr. 2 (2015): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jstudpaullett.5.2.0189.

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Paul's citation of Deut 21:23 in Gal 3:13 is often misunderstood, as Paul is frequently thought to be declaring that Jesus, by virtue of his crucifixion, fell under the curse which Deut 21:23 pronounces on victims of that form of execution. This, it is claimed, was the mechanism by which Jesus atoned for sin, as God transferred the curse resting on humans to Jesus, who bore it vicariously. There is no evidence, however, that Second Temple Jews read Deut 21 as cursing all crucifixion victims. Rather, a wealth of evidence suggests that they understood the Law to curse only those crucified victims who were truly guilty of capital offenses against God. Therefore, there is good reason to believe that Paul, himself a Second Temple Jew convinced of Jesus's innocence, did not believe that Jesus was cursed by God solely by virtue of his manner of death on a cross. Thus, Paul's language in Gal 3:13 when he speaks of Christ “becoming a curse” rather than becoming “accursed” is significant. It refers to Jesus's humiliation and execration at the hands of his fellow Jews, not his becoming vicariously cursed by God. It is thus not an explanation of the mechanism by which Christ achieved atonement. This reading receives virtually unanimous support from Patristic interpretations.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Jesus Christ Crucifixion"

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Oakes, William Richard. „Cross of Christ : Islamic perspectives“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9492.

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As Muslims and Christians have encountered each other over the centuries, the nature of the person of Jesus along with His mission and death have regularly been the subject of intense discussion. This is because these global religions teach different Christologies and because Jesus is an important figure to the adherents of both faiths. It is the death of Jesus that is the subject of this thesis. The question that this thesis seeks to answer is: Does the Qur’an deny the crucifixion of Jesus? Part I provides a background on the Jesus of Islam. Part II documents the majority opinion about the crucifixion that is exemplified through the tafsīr of al-Ṭabarī. Part III analyses about twenty minority opinions expressed by medieval Muslim scholars.
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Harley, Felicity. „Images of the crucifixion in late antiquity : the testimony of engraved gems“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phh285.pdf.

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Bibliography: leaves 289-313. A study which takes as its focus five gemstones, each engraved with an image of the Crucifixion and previously dated to the Late Antique period. The study undertakes an examination of the gems' iconographic as well as compositional, physical and epigraphic evidence, and demonstrates the way in which critical information regarding the evolution of the Crucifixion image in Late Antiquity has been seriously obstructed in previous studies through the dismissal, misapplication and misinterpretation of the gems. Focusing on iconography, it presents a revised chronology for the gems, suggesting that only three are Late Antique, the fourth being early Byzantine.
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Green, J. B. „The death of Jesus : Tradition and interpretation in the Passion narrative“. Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377359.

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Hamilton, James Merrill. „The catalyst of the crucifixion in the Gospel of John“. Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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Ligthart, Richard J. „Political and religious economic factors in first-century Jerusalem as a background for understanding the crucifixion of Jesus Christ“. Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2002. http://www.tren.com.

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Suzuki, Shigeru. „The nature of the believer's co-crucifixion with Christ according to the Apostle Paul“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1992. http://www.tren.com.

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Gurtner, Daniel M. „The 'velum scissum' : Matthew's exposition of the death of Jesus“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13394.

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The dissertation draws largely on the Old Testament to examine the function of the veil as a means of determining the reason for its rending (Matt 27:51a), as well as the association of the veil with the heavenly firmaments in Second Temple and Rabbinic Judaism. These key elements are incorporated into a compositional exegesis of the rending text in Matthew, with some consideration given to parallel texts as well. I am concluding that the rending of the veil is an apocalyptic assertion like the opening of heaven. What follows, then, is the content of what is revealed drawn largely from apocalyptic images in Ezekiel 37. Moreover, when the veil is torn Matthew depicts the cessation of its function, articulating the atoning function of Christ's death allowing accessibility to God not simply in the sense of entering the Holy of Holies (as in Hebrews), but in trademark Matthean Emmanuel Christology: "God with us." This underscores the significance of Jesus' atoning death in the first gospel.
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Dutt, Hephzibah D. „The Grotesque Cross: The Performative Grotesquerie of the Crucifixion of Jesus“. Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1429141591.

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Robinson, Eric COGu. „Perception, understanding, and belief through woodcut and monotype prints of the parable of the sower and the crucifixion of Jesus Christ“. [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1464380.

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Nordberg, Thomas G. „The centrality of the cross in Reinhold Niebuhr's Christian theology and ethics /“. Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=75871.

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In this dissertation it is contended that central to Reinhold Niebuhr's theology and ethics is his understanding of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ as a revelation of the suffering of God. Keeping in mind the theologia crucis of Martin Luther, Part I examines the significance of the Christian symbol of the cross during Niebuhr's formative years and as he later sought to relate the moral and ethical insights of the Christian faith to the more tragic social and political events of his age.
Part II begins with a systematic appraisal of Niebuhr's theology of the cross in reference to his understanding of Christian anthropology, theology proper, the atonement, history and eschatology. The theological similarities of Niebuhr's thought to the theologia crucis of Luther are made explicit. A delineation is then made of Niebuhr's social ethic of the cross. It is an ethic which seeks to underscore the true but limited relevance of the norm of sacrificial love to issues of relative justice. This ethic is then contrasted to the ethica crucis of Luther.
The dissertation concludes with an examination of the current debate regarding Niebuhr's ultimate political position. It is suggested that an understanding of Niebuhr's theology and ethic of the cross is essential to any thorough appreciation of the major shifts which occurred within his political thought.
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Bücher zum Thema "Jesus Christ Crucifixion"

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Julia, Hasting, Hrsg. Crucifixion. London: Phaidon, 2000.

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Langford, Thomas A. Jesus Christ: Holy Week and Crucifixion. Nashville: Graded Press, 1985.

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Schnabel, Eckhard J., compiler, writer of added commentary, Hrsg. The trial and crucifixion of Jesus: Texts and commentary. Tübingen, Germany: Mohr Siebeck, 2015.

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Yu-jŏng, Kong, Hrsg. Pilate's Jesus. Merrick, N.Y: Cross-Cultural Communications, 2011.

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Carey, George. The gate of glory. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986.

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Morris, Leon. The cross of Jesus. Grand Rapids, Mich: W.B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1988.

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Strobel, Lee. Cross examination: Investigating the evidence for Jesus. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1998.

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Jim, Bishop. The Day Christ Died. New York: HarperCollins, 2007.

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contributor, Fogliadini Emanuela, Hrsg. Crucifixion: La crucifixion dans l'art, un sujet planétaire. Montrouge: Bayard Édition, 2019.

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Gilbert, John P. The passion and death of Jesus. Nashville, Tenn: Abingdon Press, 2000.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Jesus Christ Crucifixion"

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Dusenbury, David Lloyd. „“Christ Was Not the One Crucified”“. In The Innocence of Pontius Pilate, 93–108. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197602799.003.0010.

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This chapter is focused on the only text about a crucifixion that we find in the Qur’an. It is a difficult text. For, in sura 4, there appears to be a crucifixion of Jesus; and yet, the Qur’an forcefully denies the reality of Jesus’ crucifixion by Judaeans (not by Romans). “They killed him not”, reads the Qur’an, “nor did they crucify him”. The question then becomes: If Jesus is not crucified in sura 4, who is crucified? The dominant Islamic interpretation of the most cryptic words in sura 4—“so it was made to appear to them”—is that a man other than Jesus died in his place on the cross. The origins and fortunes of this idea are lightly sketched in this chapter, which concludes with a question: What might it mean, that Pilate is perceived as ‘innocent’ in pagan, Judaic, and Islamic traditions?
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Weiler, JHH. „The Targeted Killing of Jesus Christ“. In The Struggle for Human Rights, 30–50. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868064.003.0003.

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Targeted killings are usually defined as extrajudicial executions, that is, of a person—guilty or not—without a trial. But is a ‘rigged’ trial not simply another form of a targeted killing? If so, was then the crucifixion of Christ, a form of a targeted killing? Even if we take the Gospel accounts as ‘Gospel truth’ (no serious historian does), was the trial of Jesus fair? Was his conviction for blasphemy before the Sanhedrin justified? Tomes and reams have been written about this, the most famous trial and execution in the history of the West. This essay is but an appetizer to that rich literature.
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Elliott, J. K. „The Death and Resurrection of Jesus“. In The Apocryphal Jesus, 66–88. Oxford University PressOxford, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198263845.003.0006.

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Abstract The final week in Jesus ‘ life, from his triumphal entry into Jerusalem on Palm Sunday through to Easter Day (Holy Week or Passion Week in the church calendar), is given a disproportionate amount of space in the New Testament Gospels in comparison with the rest of his ministry. In many ways the events leading up to the crucifixion are described in a detail often lacking elsewhere in the Gospels. Such an emphasis is understandable as the early writers tried to explain the circumstances leading to the death and Resurrection of their saviour, because it was on these events that Christianity proclaimed its distinctive teaching and based its unique theological message. The canonical Gospels relate the plots against Jesus, his arrest in the Garden of Gethsemane through the treachery of his disciple, Judas, his subsequent trials (before the Jewish Sanhedrin, before King Herod (Antipas), and before Pilate, the Roman governor), and his condemnation to death. This narrative reaches its climax in Jesus ‘ crucifixion, death, and burial. These accounts are then followed by the Easter story, in which Jesus ‘ Resurrection from death is proclaimed and demonstrated in a negative way with the story of his empty tomb, and in a positive way with an increasing number of post-Resurrection appearances by the risen Christ. Elaborations and other versions of the week ‘s events are, not surprisingly, to be found in the later, non-canonical, Gospels. The main accounts of Jesus ‘ death in apocryphal texts occur in the Gospel of Peter and the Gospel of Nicodemus.
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„Of The Resurrection of Christ“. In Theology And Narrative Selected Essays, herausgegeben von Hans W. Frei, George Hunsinger und William C. Plachier, 200–206. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195078800.003.0009.

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Abstract The resurrection of Jesus from death on the cross has always been central to Christian faith. It has been at once glorious and disconcerting to Christians right from the beginning of the formation of the Christian community (as reflected, for example, in Saint Paul’s Corinthian correspondence): glorious because it is the heart of the good news of salvation, disconcerting because it is utterly mystifying to our ordinary understanding and belief. That Jesus was raised from the dead is the virtually unanimous testimony of the New Testament, although modern commentators have disagreed about the historical and theological import of that testimony. We may distinguish four modern views about the nature of the resurrection, each of which entails a specific outlook on the relationship of the New Testament texts to the reality of the resurrection. In the first view, the statements of the New Testament that Jesus was raised from the dead are simply a mythological way of saying that the cross of Christ came to be accepted for its saving efficacy by the earliest Christian community. The miracle of the resurrection—whatever the fate of Jesus—was something that happened to the faith of the disciples and other followers of Jesus, not to Jesus himself. At most, in this view, one can say that we do not know what happened historically in the original events called “resurrection,” but it is in any case not theologically significant. The important thing is that where there had been despair among Jesus’ followers, now there was faith. This is the meaning of “resurrection.” To be sure, it was taken by them as well as later Christians to be part of the miraculous grace of God, and they believed that this miraculous effect could not have taken place without the prior, greater miracle that Jesus himself was raised from the dead. But at this point a “modern” believer has to affirm that the history of Jesus ends with the crucifixion, and the reality of the resurrection is the faith of those who have confessed him as Lord. This, of course, runs counter to the interpretation of the New Testament texts by the vast majority of “premodern” Christian readers, all of whom, according to the demythologizing version, would have to be consigned by definition to the “mythical” state of mind, because they read the resurrection narratives as applying to Jesus and go on furthermore to affirm that application as the truth. In the demythologizing view, the real textual subject matter of the New Testament narratives is the birth of faith after Jesus’ death, and not the historical Jesus himself; and the extratextual reality of the resurrection is the re-presentation of Jesus wherever the life of faith is truly proclaimed and accepted.
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„Crucifixion and Resurrection as a Markan Hermeneutic“. In Jesus Christ as the Son of David in the Gospel of Mark, 174–88. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108569835.006.

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Superson, Jarosław. „Misterium znaku krzyża w pierwszych wiekach chrześcijaństwa. Studium historyczno-liturgiczne“. In Liturgia szczytem i źródłem formacji, 269–85. Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/9788383700038.16.

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Man has used the sign of the cross for a few thousand years now, ascribing various symbolism to it. The crucifixion of Jesus Christ and Christ’s passion on the cross made Judeo-Christians propagate the idea of the role of Christ’s offering in God’s overall plan of salvation. The aim of the present article is to introduce the reader, based on liturgical and patristic sources, to the beginning and the process of ancient Christians’ adoption of the sign of the cross, their development of symbolic thoughts about the cross and their early practice of drawing the sign of the cross on the body outside the liturgy and during its celebration. The methodology employed for the purpose of this article involves the historical-genetic and comparative method.
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Viladesau, Richard. „The Aesthetic Mediation“. In The Folly of the Cross, 143–200. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876005.003.0004.

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In the visual arts of the Romantic period the crucifixion of Christ often became a representation of the sufferings of humanity. Caspar David Friedrich’s paintings placed the cross in the context of the immensity of nature. Toward the end of the nineteenth century there was an increasing tendency to portray Jesus’ suffering in the genre of naturalistic realism. Some painters consciously attempted to incorporate the findings of modern biblical scholarship, rather than follow traditional models. Early film representations, on the other hand, tended to rely on classical types and popular piety.
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Elliott, J. K. „Jesus in the Underworld“. In The Apocryphal Jesus, 97–108. Oxford University PressOxford, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198263845.003.0008.

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Abstract The Christian affirmation of belief in Jesus ‘ descent to Hades is in the Apostles ‘ Creed and in the so-called Athanasian Creed, as well as being article III in the Anglican Thirty-Nine Articles. The Biblical origin for this belief, which is a major and normative part of Christian tradition, seems to be based on a particular interpretation of I Peter 3: 19 ( ‘In the spirit he (Christ) went and preached to the imprisoned spirits ‘). Not that statement encouraged later generations of Christians to elaborate what was meant by Jesus ‘ appearance before imprisoned spirits. The apocryphal stories of Jesus ‘ descent to the underworld reflect those elaborations. The main text describing these events is the fifth-sixthcentury Descensus ad Inferos (the Descent of Jesus to Hades), found in several manuscripts as the second half of the Gospel of Nicodemus, the first half being the Acts of Pilate. Extracts from this text are printed under (1) below. In this tradition Jesus ‘ arrival in Hades after his death by crucifixion spells the end of death as a permanent state. ‘Hades ‘ by transference is the domain of the character, Hades (known elsewhere in mythology as Pluto). He rules over the world of departed spirits. This realm seems close to the idea of the Hebrew Sheol. (In the creeds the word ‘hell ‘ is erroneous and confusing.) Hades is not hell or Tartarus-those are names for the place of eternal punishment, and the opposite of heaven, the place of the eternally blessed. We read of heaven and hell in Chapter 15.
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9

Viladesau, Richard. „The Passion in Film“. In The Wisdom and Power of the Cross, 257–301. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197516522.003.0005.

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In general film treatments of the Passion fall into a few categories or types. Obviously, these categories are general characterizations of approaches, and may sometimes overlap. (1) During the first fifty years of the genre’s existence, most “Jesus” films took a traditional religious approach, being more or less faithful to the Gospels. (2) In the latter part of the twentieth century films increasingly attempted to treat the Passion as a realistic narrative. (3) Others deal with the Passion as a historical narrative that also functions as a “myth” with universal significance. (4) The story of Jesus’ crucifixion may be combined with explicitly fictional elements. (5) The Passion is also represented in a theatrical context. (6) In a number of films the Passion of Christ figures as a secondary element in a story about another figure or event. (7) Finally, there are films not about the Passion itself but about portraying the Passion.
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10

„Antiquity“. In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 228–61. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-1706-2.ch009.

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The choice of culture-data sources for studying the evolution of consciousness uses a sequence of four cultures. The most significant features of the depicting space in the reliefs and murals of the Aegean (Krito-Mycenaean) civilization, the classical period of Hellenism, Etruscan civilization, late republican, and imperial Rome are considered. Representations of the World Tree occupied a peripheral place in ancient mythology, but unexpected is the revival of myth - in the form of a legend about the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus Christ. The adoption of Christianity completes the ancient era. When analyzing markers of evolutionary changes, the most active channels were identified. The results of the reconstruction of behavior patterns are presented in the form of generalized psychological portraits of representatives of the main estates of the Late Antiquity. The features of their collective behavior are described.
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