Thematische Bibliographien / Japanse Military assistance

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Japanse Military assistance“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 27. Juli 2024

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 29. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Japanse Military assistance"

Ijiri, Hidenori. „Sino-Japanese Controversy since the the 1972 Diplomatic Normalization“. China Quarterly 124 (Dezember 1990): 639–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003143x.

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IntroductionSino-Japanese relations appear to have a dual structure which is built into the long history of exchanges and interaction between the two countries. Some phrases such as ichii taisui (“neighbours across the strip of water”) and dobun doshu (“same Chinese characters, same race”) have long been regarded as a symbol of the friendly relationship between the two countries. Such a symbol, however, implies dual and conflicting sentiments of the Japanese and the Chinese, namely the feelings of inferiority and superiority with each other in a hierarchical order of foreign relations in Asia.To be more specific, the Chinese have a superiority complex deriving from their cultural influence in pre-modern history and hatred stemming from Japanese military aggression against China in the modern period, while having an inferiority complex based upon Japan's co-operation in their modernization, and admiration for Japan's advanced economy. On the other hand, the Japanese have an inferiority complex due to their cultural debt to China and the sense of original sin stemming from their past aggression against China, while having a superiority complex based upon their assistance to China's modernization and contempt for China's backwardness.

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Richardson, Philip. „‘Plucking the China Brand from the Burning‘: Britain's Economic Assistance to China and Sir Otto Niemeyer's Mission, 1940–42“. China Quarterly 125 (März 1991): 86–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030319.

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For over four years from the Marco Polo Bridge incident to Pearl Harbour China fought alone against Japanese military expansionism in the Far East. Both Britain and the United States recognized China's strategic importance but gave relatively little in the way of material help. On the one hand sufficient aid had to be given to ensure that China continued to act as a bulwark against Japanese imperialism and to keep China from gravitating to the Soviet Union (whose aid programme was more immediate, more generous and took the form of military supplies). On the other hand assistance was limited by British resource constraints, by American isolationist public opinion and by the fear, on both sides of the Atlantic, that overt military aid would provoke Japan into widening the conflict into their own respective spheres of interest.

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Milbach, V. S., und I. S. Nazarenko. „Losses of Soviet Military Specialists (Advisers) in China in 1937–1941“. Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 39 (2022): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2022.39.59.

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This article shows the heroic work of Soviet military specialists (advisers) providing international assistance to the Chinese people in the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945. Many Soviet volunteers gave their lives and remained forever on the land of China, honourably fulfilling their military duty. The authors assess the losses, reveal the issues of the social policy of the Soviet Union in the 1930s in relation to the combatants and the families of those killed in China.

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Simoniya, A. „Japan and Myanmar: History of “Special” Relations“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 5 (2014): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-5-83-93.

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Burma and Japan had long held the strongest ties among Asian countries. Such “historically friendly relationship” were based also on the sentiments and experiences of the leaders of both countries. Young Burmese patriots were trained by the Japanese army officers leading to the birth of the Burma Independence Army. Huge official development assistance provided by the Japanese government also cemented this “special relations”. However the military coup (1988) and Japanese ODA Charter (1992) drastically changed this favorable ties. Japan’s government and business have shown a keen interest in Myanmar since the establishment of a formally civilian government (2011) and beginning the rapid political reforms.

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Zorikhin, Alexander. „On the Question of the Polish-Japanese Military Alliance against the USSR in 1922-1939“. Problemy dalnego vostoka, Nr. 6 (2023): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120028046-1.

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The article is devoted to the problem of the existence of a secret Polish-Japanese military agreement, which was allegedly concluded in 1931 and directed against the Soviet Union, which has long been debated in Russian historical science. The first message that Warsaw and Tokyo had concluded a secret military alliance was received by the Soviet military-political leadership through the foreign intelligence of state security agencies, citing a reliable source in March 1932. Information about this was received in Moscow for several more years, so the probability of a simultaneous attack against our country by Japan and Poland was laid by the Soviet General Staff in the plans for the strategic deployment of the Armed Forces up to 1939. However, an analysis of the surviving documents of the Polish and Japanese military authorities indicates that there were no agreements between Warsaw and Tokyo on conducting joint military operations against the Soviet Union. Poland, in the event of a conflict, hoped to rely on military assistance from France and Romania on the basis of interstate agreements of 1921. Japan in 1922-1939 had no allies in Europe, so its operational planning did not provide for the support of a third power, but was based on the principle of elastic defense in the north and west of Manchuria with simultaneous counterattack on the Soviet grouping of troops in the Ussuri Region. Nevertheless, in 1922-1939, the military departments of Warsaw and Tokyo carried out close cooperation in the field of intelligence and counterintelligence, thanks to which a powerful decryption service was created in Japan. In addition, Japanese officers were trained in the Polish army.

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BRIDGES, BRIAN. „‘An Ambiguous Area’: Mongolia in Soviet-Japanese relations in the mid-1930s“. Modern Asian Studies 54, Nr. 3 (06.08.2019): 730–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1800015x.

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AbstractThe Mongolian People's Republic (MPR) became the focus of intense competition between the Soviet Union and Japan in the 1930s, when it was more commonly known as Outer Mongolia. The Soviet Union viewed the MPR as an ideological and strategic ally, and was determined to defend that state against the increasingly adventurist actions of the Japanese military based in northern China. Japanese ambitions to solve the so-called ‘Manmo’ (Manchuria-Mongolia) problem led the Soviets to initiate ever-closer links with the MPR, culminating in the 1936 pact of mutual assistance which was intended to constrain Japanese pressure. Using unpublished Japanese materials as well as Russian and Mongolian sources, this article demonstrates how the Soviet leadership increasingly viewed the MPR as strategically crucial to the defence of the Soviet Far East.

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Yi, Kil J. „In Search of a Panacea: Japan-Korea Rapprochement and America's "Far Eastern Problems"“. Pacific Historical Review 71, Nr. 4 (01.11.2002): 633–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.4.633.

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The United States had three challenges in Asia in the mid-1960s: a hostile China, an assertive Japan, and a faltering South Vietnam. The Johnson administration's solution to these problems was to promote the normalizing of relations between its two vital Asian allies, Japan and South Korea. The two countries had refused to recognize each other diplomatically since the end of Japan's colonial rule over Korea after World War II. The acrimonious relations between Seoul and Tokyo weakened the containment wall in Northeast Asia while depriving Korea of Japanese investments, loans, and markets. These problems forced the United States to commit extensive military and economic assistance to Korea. As expected, a Tokyo-Seoul rapprochment buttressed the West's bulwark against communist powers in the region and hindered a potential Beijing-Tokyo reconciliation. It opened the road for Japan's economic penetration into Korea and enabled Seoul to receive Tokyo's help in economic development. Reassured by the friendship between Korea and Japan, Washington forged an alliance with Seoul in the Vietnam War. Between 1965 and 1973 Korea dispatched 300,000 soldiers in Vietnam, making it the second largest foreign power in support of Saigon. The Korea-Japan rapprochment proved to be a powerful remedy for America's problems in Asia.

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Semenov, Oleg Yu. „GERMAN-JAPANESE BILATERAL RELATIONS GENESIS IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY“. RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations 4, Nr. 3 (2023): 423–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2023-4-423-433.

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The paper provides a retrospective historical overview of forming and developing bilateral relations between Germany and Japan in the second half of the 19th century on the basis of documents and materials, previously largely not introduced into Russian scientific discourse. Taking as an example the commemorative events marking the 160th anniversary of the f irst diplomatic treaty, the relevance of the research subject which allows a clearer logic and features understanding of the modern dialogue between the two countries. The prerequisites and historical conditions for the interaction genesis as well as the contractual and factual basis of cooperation are studied. The article highlights the preparatory stage, negotiation process, practical results and strategic consequences of the expedition of Friedrich zu Eulenburg in 1859–1862 as well as the Treaty of Friendship, Trade and Navigation conclusion between Prussia and Japan, the contribution of Iwakura 1871–1873 mission in the political and cultural rapprochement between Japan and Germany, the role of Major Clemens Meckel in the modernization of the Japanese army, the assistance of lawyer Hermann Roesler in forming Japanese Meiji statehood, government institutions and legal framework. The influence of German military doctors on the development of Japanese military medicine is shown as well as the reflection of Japanese topics in German public life and art is illustrated.

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Hayashi, Brian Masaru. „“Frank Knox’s Fifth Column in Hawai’i: The U.S. Navy, the Japanese, and the Pearl Harbor Attack”“. Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, Nr. 2 (15.07.2020): 142–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02702003.

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Secretary of Navy Frank Knox declared a week after Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor that fifth columnist activities were partly responsible for the success of Imperial Japanese forces. Who and what he meant when he used the phrase “fifth columnist activities” is subject to debate. Most assume he was referring to all Japanese Americans or Japanese nationals residing in Hawai’i. But this essay, based on Knox’s personal correspondence, supplemented with the Pearl Harbor Attack hearings’ published reports, Judge Advocate General records, and the 14th Naval District Intelligence Officer reports, finds that Knox was referring to the Japanese Consul-General Office and a small handful of Japanese American assistants who voluntarily carried out the task of keeping the U.S. Fleet and military installations under surveillance, thereby contributing to the success of the Imperial Japanese attack.

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Kikkawa, Takuro. „The Diversity of Japan’s Overseas Development Assistance to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan: A Case Study of the Role of Security“. Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, Nr. 3 (19.06.2018): 241–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918776737.

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This article analyzes Japan’s Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) policy in Jordan, focusing primarily on the areas concerning security. After the oil shock in 1973, security concerns in the Middle East affected Japan’s economic security policy. However, Japan’s long vulnerability in energy supply was not the sole determinant of its aid policies in the Middle East. Rather, a paradigm shift in the Japanese government’s ODA policy in the 1990s, the implementation of the human security approach, had a greater impact than economic security in subsequent Japanese ODA programs in Jordan. Japan has given more assistance to areas relevant to military security in its ODA in Jordan, particularly after increasing security concerns about the Middle East since the early twenty-first century. The two phenomena—Japan’s more aggressive commitment in the Middle East, including its deployment of Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) in the region and Jordan’s greater responsibility in regional security—occurred simultaneously because of a series of crises after 2003. The unusual nature of Jordanian society today, a small society that hosts refugees from many nations, means the new Japanese ODA approach in Jordan has more diverse recipients than ever, as the country is becoming a host for a community of refugees.

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Bücher zum Thema "Japanse Military assistance"

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, Hrsg. Japanese FSX fighter controversy. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1990.

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Japan. Defense, technology transfer: Agreement between the United States of America and Japan amending the agreement of November 8, 1983, effected by exchange of notes signed at Tokyo January 8, 1988, and exchange of notes signed at Tokyo December 22, 1994. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1998.

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Ōnuki, Etsuji. Ima, Nihon ga nasubeki koto: 21-seiki no anzen hoshō to kokusai kōken no arikata. Tōkyō: Nihon Bungeisha, 1994.

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Seki, Hajime. PKO no shinjitsu: Shirarezaru Jieitai kaigai haken no subete = Peace keeping operations. Tōkyō: Keizaikai, 2004.

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Nihon Kyōsantō. Chūō Iinkai. Shuppankyoku., Hrsg. Nichi-Bei anpo sono 30-nen. Tōkyō: Nihon Kyōsantō Chūō Iinkai Shuppankyoku, 1990.

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Handa, Shigeru. "Senchi" haken: Kawaru Jieitai. Tōkyō: Iwanami Shoten, 2009.

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Handa, Shigeru. "Senchi" haken: Kawaru Jieitai. Tōkyō: Iwanami Shoten, 2009.

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Nojima, Tsuyoshi. Zui hou de da dui: Jiang Jieshi yu Riben jun ren = Rasuto batarion : Shō Kaiseki to Nihon gunjintachi. Beijing Shi: She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2016.

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Henshūbu, Fujiwara Shoten, Hrsg. "Nichi-Bei anpo" to wa nani ka. Tōkyō: Fujiwara Shoten, 2010.

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Masashi, Ishibashi. Kenpō o mamore: Iken no kaigai hahei. Tōkyō: Rōdō Daigaku, 1992.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Japanse Military assistance"

Fujishige, Hiromi Nagata, Yuji Uesugi und Tomoaki Honda. „Haiti: The Development of “Seamless” Assistance from Disaster Relief to UNPKOs“. In Japan’s Peacekeeping at a Crossroads, 123–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_7.

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AbstractIn this chapter, we will examine Japan’s response to a complex crisis in Haiti, in which a natural disaster and civil unrest were compounded. Persistent insecurity and confusion in Haiti, albeit under the presence of an ongoing United Nations Peacekeeping Operation (UNPKO), further deteriorated after the great earthquake in 2010. This challenge unexpectedly propelled Japan’s move toward closer “integration,” since several layers of civil-military cooperation rapidly developed to cope with the complicated emergency in post-earthquake Haiti. First, the Government of Japan (GoJ) deployed a civilian medical team and the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) emergency medical assistance unit (hereafter, the SDF medical unit) under the Japan Disaster Relief (JDR) Act. Following the SDF medical unit’s JDR work, the Japanese Red Cross Society (JRCS) carried on with medical assistance. Second, once emergency medical support ended, an SDF contingent was dispatched under the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) Act. The Japan Engineering Groups’ (JEG’s) engagement in reconstruction served as a useful opportunity for the GoJ to refine the “All Japan” approach, further encouraging Japan’s inclination toward “integration.” Meanwhile, the experience in Haiti shed light on the gap in the legal assumptions between the JDR Act and the PKO Act, since neither of them anticipated the protection of civil JDR teams in insecurity.

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Fujishige, Hiromi Nagata, Yuji Uesugi und Tomoaki Honda. „East Timor: Adapting to “Integration” and Responding to “Robustness”“. In Japan’s Peacekeeping at a Crossroads, 103–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_6.

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AbstractIn this chapter, we will examine the Self-Defense Forces’ (SDF’s) participation in the UN missions in East Timor, or Timor-Leste in Portuguese. Here we pay special heed to the Japanese peacekeepers’ activities in the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor and the United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor from the early to mid-2000s. These United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) aimed to support independence and statebuilding in East Timor by combining peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Similar to the case of Cambodia, the Japanese delegation put the greatest emphasis on engineering, which was a good fit with the goals of these UNPKOs. In East Timor, the Japan Engineering Groups engaged in civil engineering works, not only to support the UN missions but also as direct bilateral assistance to local residents in close collaboration with Japan’s ODA (the “All Japan” approach). Meanwhile, the strict constraints in the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) Act were highlighted again, especially in terms of the protection of Japanese nationals, when the SDF rescued Japanese citizens during a 2002 riot. In addition to military deployment, civilian police personnel also contributed to the United Nations Mission in East Timor in preparation for the referendum on independence in 1999. Similar contributions were made to resume statebuilding assistance to the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste after the recurrence of violence in 2006.

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Curtis, Gerald l. „Japan“. In Electioneering, 222–43. Oxford University PressOxford, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198273752.003.0011.

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Abstract Japan’s experience with political parties and elections goes back over a century. The first parliamentary election was held in 1890, for an electorate restricted to male property owners-just 1 per cent of a total population of forty million, or one in twenty-five adult men. The suffrage gradually expanded over the next three decades, and in 1925 Japan adopted universal manhood suffrage. In the decade which followed, parties became increasingly important and electoral competition grew in intensity. Even though military involvement in politics brought about the demise of the party system in the late 1930s, Japan did not discard elections entirely even during World War II. An election was held in 1942 in which several politicians ran as independents against the government-sponsored Imperial Rule Assistance Association. A number of the successful independents in that wartime election went on to play important roles in post-war politics.

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„Korean War“. In Dark Gastronomy in Times of Tribulation, 218–32. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-6505-9.ch009.

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All throughout history, Korea has been a peninsula in the Far East where the common interests of three sovereign powers (Russia, China, Japan) met and each of whom wanted to have it. Its geopolitical position has made Korea a bridge between the Asian Continent and the Japanese Islands since ancient times, turning them into a battlefield. The Korean War between South and North Korea, which lasted from June 1950 to July 1953, is in fact a US-USSR conflict. With North Korea crossing the 38th parallel and capturing Seoul, the United Nations Security Council called for military assistance to South Korea. As per this call, the soldiers of 15 Western countries, including the Turkish Armed Forces, formed the “Korean Union” and participated in the war in Korea. While the Korean War impacted the entire world, Korea itself paid a terrible price in loss of life, family separation, and the destruction of property and homes, not to mention the millions of refugees. Even the eating habits and structure of Korean food were changed.

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„Towards human security: climate change and the military role in humanitarian assistance and disaster response“. In Human Security and Japan's Triple Disaster, 192–209. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315795416-17.

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Mordzak, Adam. „British Diplomatic and Military Preparations for the Pacific War from 17 October to 7 December 1941“. In Oblicza Wojny. Tom 7: Przed bitwą. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8331-303-0.15.

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The assumption of the post of Prime Minister of Japan by General Tojo Hideki on 17 October 1941 was interpreted in London as a prelude to further aggressive actions on the part of Tokyo. The purpose of this article is to examine what steps the British government took to prepare for a potential confrontation in diplomatic and military fields. A key reinforcement of British forces was the creation of the Far East Fleet squadron intended to serve as a primary deterrent, which was done at the expense of weakening the position of the British Navy in other areas. In contrast, land troops in the Malay region received only token support. The Air Force was in the worst position, as there were far too few aircraft for defensive purposes and they were not of the best quality. However, due to the involvement on other fronts and supplying military equipment to the Soviet Union, it was impossible to deliver more weapons to Southeast Asia. In the area of diplomacy, the main effort was directed at securing guarantees of support from the United States. However, due to the Neutrality Acts and the general reluctance of the American public to participate in the war, only verbal promises of assistance were obtained. Cooperation with the Dutch East Indies authorities went much better and they remained the most important ally for the British Empire in the area. In addition, attempts were made to enlist the cooperation of Thailand, but London’s offer to that country remained extremely unattractive, as the British were unable to provide guarantees of territorial integrity for the Thais. All these factors, combined with a misreading of Japanese intentions, meant that Britain entered the armed conflict with Japan poorly prepared, leading to the defeat at the Battle of Malaya and the fall of Singapore.

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Walker, William O. „Pursuing Hegemony“. In The Rise and Decline of the American Century, 17–42. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501726132.003.0002.

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This chapter describes how the United States forged the American Century while pursuing hegemony from 1945 through 1949. More than consultation with friends and allies was necessary after the onset of the Cold War. To demonstrate the nation’s credibility, the Department of State, through the efforts of George Marshall, George Kennan, and Dean Acheson, fashioned programs for military aid and economic assistance, namely, the Truman Doctrine and Marshall Plan. The former prefigured the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, whereas the Marshall Plan, thanks to the work of the Economic Cooperation Administration, became a model for economic reconstruction in strategically vital places in Western Europe and beyond, most notably Japan.

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Lee, Jack T. „Asian Higher Education as Soft Power?“ In The Oxford Handbook of Higher Education in the Asia-Pacific Region, 500—C23.P86. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192845986.013.23.

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Abstract In recent years, several governments are astutely embedding higher education initiatives in their foreign policies to accrue soft power through public diplomacy and extend beyond the realpolitik of military and trade interactions (i.e., hard power). While strategies such as the recruitment of international students and the provision of technical assistance are not new, analyses of soft power demand an integration of concepts from the field of higher education and international relations. This chapter first identifies the key theoretical misconceptions and methodological oversights in using soft power as an analytical lens. The analysis then examines four Asian states with different power resources and their strategies for the internationalization of higher education: Singapore (dynamic small power), Taiwan (constrained power), Japan (classic middle power), and China (emerging superpower). The chapter ends with a discussion on the challenges of converting soft power resources to behavioral outcomes and the implications for future research on soft power.

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