Dissertationen zum Thema „Japan Politics and government 1945-“
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1
Fuwongcharoen, Puli. „Constitutions and legitimisation : the cases of Siam's permanent constitution and Japan's postwar constitution“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283934.
2
Trifu, Ioan. „Prefectural Governors in Post-War Japan : A Socio-Historical Approach“. Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20009.
Annotation:
Le gouverneur japonais (chiji) est l’exécutif en chef du département, la plus grande division administrative au Japon. Conçue pendant l'ère Meiji comme l'un des principaux outils du contrôle central sur le Japon local, cette fonction a été radicalement modifiée après l'introduction de l'élection au suffrage universel direct comme nouveau mode de désignation par les forces d’Occupation dans la période de l'après-guerre. A la connexion entre le niveau national et local, et légitimé par le suffrage populaire, le gouverneur est doté de larges pouvoirs dans le système de gouvernement local japonais. Ces conditions ont permis de renforcer le leadership politique d’un gouverneur muni d'une forte autorité sur le département, tout en étant en contact direct avec le gouvernement central, en tant qu’exécutif en chef de la plus haute division locale du Japon. De nombreuses caractéristiques de la fonction (le succès électoral des bureaucrates et la relation particulière avec les partis politiques notamment) sont toutefois les résultats d’un phénomène de « dépendance au sentier » (path-dependence), peu à peu remodelées sous l’effet des frictions produites par les réformes décentralisatrices de la période de l'Occupation dans un cadre encore largement centralisateur.Sur la base de travaux de recherche à la fois quantitatifs et qualitatifs, cette étude analyse la transformation de la fonction de gouverneur au cours de l'après-guerre d'une position bureaucratique à une charge politique, ses évolutions et les conséquences de celles-ci sur la politique japonaise au niveau local et nationalThe Japanese governor (chiji) is the executive head of the prefecture, the largest administrative division in Japan. Conceived during the Meiji as one of the main tools of the central control on local Japan, this position was been radically modified after the introduction of direct election by the Allied Occupation authority in the post-war period. At the connection between the national and local level, and legitimized by public election, the governor is endowed with substantial powers in the Japanese local government system. These conditions have strengthened the capacity of local leadership of the governor provided with a strong authority over the prefecture. Numerous characteristics of the position, the success of bureaucrats and the particular relation with political parties notably, are however path-dependent elements, gradually reshaped by the frictions produced by the reforms of the Occupation period. Based on both quantitative and qualitative research works, this study analyses the transformation of the post-war governorship from a bureaucratic position to a political office, its evolution and its consequences on Japanese politics at both local and national level
3
Nel, Philip Rudolph. „Japanese investment in the South African economy : prospects for the future“. Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/318.
4
Saunavaara, J. (Juha). „In search of suitable political leadership:Japanese conservatives in occupation plans and policies 1942–1947“. Doctoral thesis, University of Oulu, 2010. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789514261756.
Annotation:
Abstract
The emergence of a cabinet and political parties that could be called democratic was one of the focal objectives for the Allied Occupation of Japan that lasted from 1945 until 1952. Cooperation with the local political actors was also necessitated by the model of indirect rule through domestic institutions that was adopted. The occupation authorities were actively seeking suitable political leadership to govern Japan and were ready to intervene in the development of Japan’s domestic politics for the sake of achieving their goals. Great efforts were, however, made not to distract the democratic façade that covered the undemocratic and non-transparent behind-the-scenes orders. It was important to make the selection of the new political leadership to appear as something that originated from the freely expressed will of the Japanese people.
This dissertation offers the first narrative identifying and analyzing the characteristics of the occupation authorities’ policy concerning the Japanese conservatives at the beginning of the occupation. The study emphasizes the importance of understanding the planning period’s influence on the actual occupation policy and introduces a wartime discussion concerning the Japanese conservatives. The process of sorting out the most suitable Japanese leaders in 1942 –1947 can be divided into several phases. What was considered suitable varied during different times, but what was expected from the suitable Japanese leadership remained rather unchanged. The planners of the occupation looked for moderate conservatives: who were to be thanked for Japan’s prewar steps toward democracy; who were not to be blamed for the war; and who were to help in the reconstruction process. At the beginning of the occupation, the occupation authorities sought for cooperative conservative statesmen who would be ready to follow the wishes of the occupier and yet claim the reforms as their own initiatives. After the first postwar general election in April 1946 this rule had to be connected with the conservative parties. Finally, the occupation authorities began to search for suitable middle-of-the-road conservatives who could, together with the right-wing of the Socialist Party, to continue the previous cabinet’s work while ensuring the social stability and the success of reforms in the changing situation.
5
Nukumi, Tetsuro. „Political Economy of Industrial Keiretsu Groups in Japan and their Impact on Foreign Trade with the United States“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278301/.
Annotation:
The postwar transformation of the international environment has caused economic issues to become a main source of contention among industrial states. The trade imbalance between Japan and its trading partners became a major source of conflict. Reciprocity of access and opening the market of Japan became the main point of debate and the major issue affecting relations between Japan and the United States. While the distinction between the domain of domestic and international politics increasingly is blurred, different domestic political economies create bilateral political and economic conflict. The structure and politics of intercorporate groups or vertical keiretsu are a major feature of Japan's industrial structure and political economy. This case study examines how vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries affect the Japanese political economy and international trade. A political economy approach focuses on the political context of economic phenomena by analyzing both political and economic variables. Case studies of keiretsu were used in order to gain an understanding of Japan's political economy. A number of propositions or assumptions about the political economy and the dynamics of keiretsu were examined in these studies. It was found that vertical keiretsu influences the industrial sector, trade, and foreign policies in Japan. Japan's industrial policies cannot fully be understood without taking keiretsu into consideration. Scholars have not yet fully considered vertical keiretsu as major actors in the Japanese political process. Their political influence on industrial policies has largely been overlooked. Vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries were found in the case studies to have been shaping industrial policies since the early post war years. Findings about the nature of Japan's political economy help to explain the conflictive bilateral relationships between Japan and the United States. The findings also show that understanding political economies of nations is increasingly important as the world economy grows and greater trade interaction is imminent.
6
Matsubara, Nao. „The prospect for Okinawa's initiative : towards getting rid of the U.S. Military presence in Okinawa“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm4344.pdf.
Annotation:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves [56]-[62]) Focusses on issues concerning the U.S. military presence on the island. Elaborates on Okinawa's suffering due to the military bases which have hindered Okinawa's economic development, created serious pollution and encouraged crime
7
Cockett, Richard Bernard. „The government, the press and politics in Britain 1937-1945“. Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363469.
8
Chan, Wing-yan, und 陳穎恩. „Internal discrepancies over the economic deconcentration policy duringthe period of allied occupation of Japan, 1945-1952“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37928028.
9
Morris, David Malcolm. „A historical and contemporary analysis of the Miki/Kōmoto faction of the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ae75c049-ffbd-4321-872f-0f0b14e61979.
Annotation:
A large majority of the members of the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan belong to one or other of its factions, the bodies which dominate the party today. In 1987, when the fieldwork for this study was carried out, there were five factions in number. This thesis examines and analyzes the contemporary structural organization and membership of one of them, the Miki/K5moto faction, after presenting a systematic account of its history. This political grouping was investigated from the inside; as an observer, the writer was able to acquire material through direct interaction with members of the faction in their daily routine. Including the introduction and conclusion, eight chapters make up this thesis. Two of them are devoted to the history of the faction, which is chronicled by taking the career of Miki Takeo, the founder, as the central theme. One chapter is concerned with the organization of the faction, and the roles and functions of the members. The relationships among faction members and their connections with outside individuals and groups are the subjects of scrutiny for the fifth and sixth chapters respectively. Chapter seven, on finance, investigates the methods by which the faction as a group and single members of it raise and distribute money. Some of the conclusions drawn in the thesis are specific to the faction; others relate to the wider phenomenon of factionalism inside the party.
10
Pattinson, Brett. „An examination of the factors constraining Japan's capability for contributing to the international order in the post-cold-war era“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112064.
Annotation:
The cold war which dominated the foreign policies of most of the world's
industrialised nations has ended. Japan, as an economic superpower, one of the
three economic poles of the post-cold-war world, with a huge interest in its stability
and prosperity, has a foreign policy approach inappropriate to a country of such
regional and global prominence.
In the first major foreign policy crisis of the new world order, the Gulf Crisis of 1990-
1991, Japan was immobilised by deficiencies in its political system, a lack of
appreciation among its leaders and populace of where its national interests lay,
and the peculiar constraints of its“national Constitution.
This sub-thesis explores the way in which Japan's capability to contribute to the
new world order is constrained by its political structure, national strategy,
constitutional limits, and regional conditions.
Chapter One examines the way in which Japan's political structure constrains the
country's capability for contributing to the new world order by producing a diffusion
of power, a diffusion of responsibility for policy development and implementation,
and an absence of competition for power on the basis of policy difference.
Chapter Two examines the way in which Japan is hindered from contributing to
international order by its pursuit of short term economic goals at the expense of
bringing to its dealings with the external world a well-defined sense of national
interest.
Chapter Three examines the limitations that the Peace Constitution places on
Japan by excluding a security role from its international contributions.
Chapter Four examines the factors constraining Japan from greater involvement in
the increasingly interdependent Asia-Pacific region.
11
Mizoguchi, So. „IMAGINARY DEMOCRATIZATION UNDER TURMOIL: EMBRACING THE REAL POLITICS AND BROADCASTING IDEALIZED DEMOCRATIC IMAGES OF THE JAPANESE EMPEROR, 1945-1947“. [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1271527718.
Annotation:
Thesis (M.A.)--Kent State University, 2010.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed May 17, 2010). Advisor: Mary Heiss. Keywords: Japanese Emperor; American Occupation; Democracy; Censorship. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-100).
12
Anderson, Stephen Frederick. „Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945“. PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.
Annotation:
In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
13
Ngo, Tak-Wing. „The East Asian anomaly revisited : the politics of laissez-faire in Hong Kong 1945-1985“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362714.
14
Motadel, David. „Germany's policy towards Islam, 1941-1945“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609302.
15
Kawahara, Yukiko. „Local development in Japan: The case of Shimane prefecture from 1800-1930“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185026.
Annotation:
Economic development is a major concern to the majority of countries in the world today as they strive to catch up to the industrial West. Japan has been the most successful non-Western country in building an economy which qualifies it as developed. Most studies of economic development in Japan focus on macro-level issues, particularly on analysis of the role government played in the development process. It is generally recognized that Japan's central government played a major role in fostering industrial development. It is unfortunate that this fairly centralized political structure has somewhat obscured the role that local government may have had in helping local economies grow. In a sense, these local development efforts were at least as important as what was going on at the national level, because if peripheral areas had not developed at all, they would have become a liability for the central government and the core areas. This study examines one particular aspect of the development process in Japan; specifically, local government's role in fostering economic development throughout the Meiji (1868-1912) and Taisho (1912-1926) eras. The silk industry in Shimane prefecture provides the context of the case study approach used. The analysis focuses on two key issues: the mechanisms used by local government and the impact of growth on the local silk industry and on the standard of living.
16
Bianchi, Alessandro. „Their swords were brushes : instances of political satire in eighteenth-century Japan“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709168.
17
Paberzyte, Ieva. „Current issues in Lithuanian archaeology : Soviet past and post-Soviet present“. Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101890.
Annotation:
This paper is a case study of Soviet political influences on Lithuanian archaeology. The work explores the application of central political rules of the Soviet Union to Lithuanian archaeology and analyses the consequences of these applications in the Post-Soviet period. The result of the study reveals that under Soviet policy, Lithuanian archaeologists developed a highly descriptive tradition. In Post-Soviet Lithuania, archaeologists continue to practice the descriptive tradition and rarely engage in theoretical debates. The work suggests possible explanations and solutions to the current problems in Lithuanian archaeology.
18
Dockerill, R. P. „Local government reform, urban expansion and identity : Nottingham and Derby, 1945-1968“. Thesis, University of Leicester, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28203.
Annotation:
This study examines changes in the governance of Nottingham and Derby in the period 1945-1968 from a local and national perspective. In so doing it foreshadows the changes wrought by the Local Government Act 1972, which usually receives greater academic attention. Post-war, local authorities became the nation’s principal landlords, while utilities, such as electricity and gas, were nationalised. In fulfilling their new responsibilities, urban authorities were forced to build estates on the periphery of, or outside, their boundaries. The relocation of residents resulted in an exportation of urban identity and greater urban-ness, but was not accompanied by a corresponding redrawing of administrative boundaries. Nevertheless, when urban authorities sought boundary extensions they were fiercely contested by county authorities, local associations, and residents’ groups. Such associations and groups claimed to possess characteristics distinct from the authorities that wished to incorporate them. There was also a fear that democratic accountability would be lost in the creation of larger units of governance. The local feelings aroused by boundary extension proposals demonstrate that local government is more than merely an agent of central government. It is a living organism: changes to it affect not only services, but also the identity of that place. The expansion proposals of the county boroughs of Nottingham and Derby differed markedly. Uniquely amongst county boroughs nationwide, Nottingham sought no expansion under the review initiated by the Local Government Act 1958. The thesis assesses the political motivations behind this and the wider reactions to reconfiguration proposals for both county boroughs. The role of conurbations is considered in terms of local governance, including the extent to which Nottingham and Derby could be classified as one. The thesis concludes that the maintenance of existing party political strengths outweighed local sentiment, and that only those proposals for reform which benefited the former were enacted.
19
Smith, Roger. „Japan's international fisheries policy : the pursuit of food security“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670139.
20
Love, Gary John. „Conservatives, national politics, and the challenge to democracy in Britain, 1931-37“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608983.
21
Hart, John Frederic Vincent. „The political and legal uses of reference cases by the Mackenzie King government, 1935-1940“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30645.
Annotation:
This thesis provides an examination of both the political and legal uses of reference cases to the Supreme Court of Canada by the Mackenzie King government. Attention is devoted to the five-year-period, 1935-1940, in which the King administration submitted several politically motivated references to the Supreme Court. This political use of reference
cases to the Supreme Court began immediately after the Liberals returned to power in October 1935 when the government submitted the Bennett government's New Deal legislation
for judicial scrutiny. Within the five-year-period the government forwarded two other references to the Supreme Court, again where highly controversial legislation was involved: the Alberta Social Credit statutes passed in 1937 and the private member's bill sponsored by CH. Cahan in 1939 to abolish overseas appeals to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, then the final court of appeal for Canada.
The underlying premise of this thesis is that in each of the above instances the King government found it politically expedient to involve the Supreme Court in issues where questions of law were clearly subordinate to the political concerns of the federal government. Furthermore, in each instance, avenues of action, other than a reference case to the Supreme Court, were available to the federal government but were rejected by cabinet. Only in one instance, when Quebec's controversial 1937 Padlock Act was under close scrutiny, did the federal government avoid submitting a patently political issue to the Supreme Court, apprehensive of the consequences of such action. The federal government's
reluctance to forward a reference to the Supreme Court in the case of Quebec's Padlock Act thus provides a revealing contrast to both the New Deal and the situation in Alberta where reference cases were initiated almost immediately. The federal government's
marked reluctance to deal with Quebec in a comparable manner therefore merits close attention and as such is an important element of this thesis.
The background to each reference case, its political origins, the reasons for the federal
government's insistence on a reference--or in the case of Quebec, the reasons for
avoidance of a reference—are the central issues addressed in this thesis. The cases are examined
from another viewpoint as well. Once before the Court, the political issues gave way as the Court focused primarily upon the legal issues involved. The Court's decisions thereby provide another important vantage point from which to view the implications of the federal government's actions. For example, an assessment of the legal argument and judicial reasoning in the New Deal cases helps one answer these questions: First, did King's lawyers really try to win? Second, did the courts (both the Supreme Court of Canada and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council) simply bow to King's obvious desire
that the legislation be declared ultra vires? Third, did the courts, as some have alleged,
decide that the depression was not an emergency?
Although the King government may have found it preferable for short-term considerations
to submit contentious political issues involving questions of law to the Supreme Court for its legal opinion, in the long-term it found itself dealing with unexpected complications
arising from the very decisions it sought. Even if the government successfully predicts
the legal outcome of a court case, it may find itself dealing with a political outcome it had not anticipated. Certainly if the actions of the King government are any indication in the five-year-period under discussion, this is a complication a government seldom expects, although one as I argue, that it should prepare itself for.
This thesis also demonstrates that when reference cases are employed by the federal
government, politicians, constitutional scholars, political journalists and other concerned
citizens should ask two important questions: First, is the reference being initiated to avoid or delay assuming political responsibility in a given situation? Second, are like situations
indeed receiving like treatment? As indicated throughout this thesis, such questions are of great importance. Indeed, this thesis demonstrates that in the period between 1935 and 1940 the King administration initiated not only the New Deal reference, but forwarded
C.H. Cahan's private member's bill to the courts as well, in order to avoid dealing with a controversial political issue. So, too, the period provides a telling example of an in-stance where like situations were not treated alike as the striking similarities between the situation in Alberta and Quebec indicates. Clearly, a failure to ask questions such as the ones posed above leads to the possibility that the full meaning of the reference cases themselves,
their origins and their implications, will not be realized by the interested onlooker.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
22
Wang, Fu-chang. „The unexpected resurgence: Ethnic assimilation and competition in Taiwan, 1945-1988“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184850.
Annotation:
Taiwan recently witnessed a sudden increase of opposition political activities among the Taiwanese. Given that the social, economic, political and cultural developments Taiwan experienced during the past four decades were expected to facilitate assimilation between the Mainlanders and the Taiwanese, the Taiwanese insurgence at this time was somewhat unexpected. To account for this development, this dissertation examines: (1) the causes and pattern of ethnic assimilation between the two groups; and (2) the connection of ethnic assimilation and the recent insurgence. The central thesis of this dissertation is that development of the opposition movement after 1986 was a result of a successful ethnic mobilization among the Taiwanese who rose to request for renegotiating the ethnic distribution of political power. The ethnic mobilization was facilitated by the change in the external environment of the movement, which included: (1) the increase of regime permissiveness, (2) the emerging opportunities of political competition, and (3) the emerging regional persistence of ethnic differences. Ironically, all three elements were caused by the pattern of ethnic assimilation. The main body consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 raises the question of the unexpected resurgence among the Taiwanese and proposes a framework of ethnic mobilization to its explanation. Chapter 2 provides a historical overview of the formation of the two ethnic groups, and patterns of intergroup relation during the past four decades. Chapter 3 examines two dimensions of cultural assimilation among the Taiwanese: language shift and identification with China. Using a survey data set collected by the Global Views Monthly in 1987, chapter 3 shows that the two major elements of ethnic differences were well preserved among the less-educated Taiwanese who reside outside the northern region of Taiwan. Chapter 4 investigates the alleged ethnic discrimination in the labor market by analyzing a data set coded from the Managers of the Creditable Enterprises in the R.O.C.. A pattern of ethnic assimilation similar to chapter 3 is found. Chapter 5 examines the various forms of participation in the opposition movement to test the ethnic mobilization argument. The development of the opposition after 1986 was found to begin in more assimilated areas and rapidly spread to the less assimilated areas through the tactic of ethnic mobilization. Chapter 6 draws a brief conclusion of what has been found.
23
Lemelin, Bernard. „Les hommes politiques de l'Etat de New York et les débats d'immigration, 1945-1953 /“. Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=70270.
Annotation:
The New York State politicians, notably members of Congress such as Irving Ives, Herbert Lehman, Samuel Dickstein, Emanuel Celler and Jacob Javits, were very involved in the immigration debates for the period from 1945 to 1953. By their interventions, they emerged as fiery supporters of a liberalization of American immigration policy. A willingness to satisfy a multiethnic electorate largely explains their position. But these individuals, mostly defenders of President Truman's foreign policy, also believed in this cold war context that an attenuation of restrictionism in immigration would provide numerous advantages to the nation. If their attitude seems dictated by considerations that were both pragmatic and idealistic, it generated non-negligible results. Thus, the granting of a quota to India in 1946, the act on the war brides in 1945, as well as the legislation affecting the refugees in 1950, were among the measures mainly ascribable to the activities of these politicians.
24
Nanami, Akiko. „Showing Japan's Face or Creating Powerful Challengers? Are NGOs really partners to the government in Japan's foreign aid?“ Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Political Science and Communication, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/949.
Annotation:
This thesis is exploring interactions of Japanese NGOs to be influential in official foreign aid from outside of the exclusive Japanese decision-making process. Three case studies have been undertaken to examine how Japanese NGOs have developed or adopted various means to exert influence on the government. Japanese NGOs have emerged as powerful actors in foreign aid under a policy of "Kao no Mieru Enjyo (visible Japanese aid)" in the 1990s following some domestic incidents and an international trend in development. However, the Japanese government has maintained a hostile attitude toward NGOs despite its official claim of regarding NGOs as 'partners'. The government's awkward reaction to NGOs comes from Japan's traditional idea of extreme respect for the government and looking down on citizenry. This traditional political culture of "Kan Son Min Pi (supremacy of bureaucracy)" has dominated Japan and that has made the government hostile to powerful outsiders such as NGOs, which may threaten their supremacy. The exclusive decision-making system, "the Iron Triangle", has also contributed to distance NGOs from the government. By this means, an atmosphere between NGOs and the government in Japan has been far from 'partnership'. Against this hostile environment, Japanese NGOs have developed and adopted interactions to exert influence. Various means have been used by each NGO in accordance with each speciality and operation field. The thesis has focused on three areas of Japan's foreign aid - development, anti-personnel landmines and environment - and undertaken three case studies. Four NGOs have been analysed - Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC), Japanese Campaign to Ban Landmines (JCBL), Greenpeace Japan and Friends of the Earth (FoE) Japan. Some NGOs have developed their own interactions and others have been adopted from international partners and authorities. On a whole, they have all crafted these interactions to suit the Japanese political culture. Among several interactions, building international networks and personal relationships with powerful individuals such as politicians have appeared to be most useful. These two interactions work effectively on Japan's reactive and highly personalised aspects of politics, which is reactive to external pressure (Gai-atsu) and rely heavily on the personality and ability of individual leaders. The case studies reveal that Japanese NGOs have exerted influence effectively by making use of these valuable interactions. However, Japanese NGOs are at a crossroad because of high turn-over of staff and a focus-shifting in Japan's foreign policy to sending Self-Defence Forces (SDF) overseas. NGOs also need to obtain solid financial source which is getting difficult after a downturn in the Japanese economy. These will be the issues that Japanese NGOs need to tackle soon in order to be true 'partner'.
25
Kim, Koo-Hyun. „Prospects of Korean Reunification: Analysis of Factors Affecting National Integration“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277979/.
Annotation:
This study examined the prospects of Korean reunification. The study explores how the factors of integration affect North and South Korea after the country was divided into the two sides despite its millennium of unity. A sample of both North and South Korean newspapers covering a 47-year period of Korean reunificational efforts were analyzed as a major source of data to discover if there is any evidence of Korean national will to integrate among Koreans in the two countries. Content analysis is a major method of this research. The most obvious findings of this study are that the newspapers in North Korea did not show any significant change in their tones or attitudes throughout 47-year period studied. The North Korean regime which controls what is published in the papers is still fiercely ideological and hostile toward South Korea. The South Korean papers, on the other hand, showed marked changes in their tones and attitudes toward reunification during this period. Korean reunification remains a matter of time because the political development of South Korea, combined with remarkable economic progress, can surely heal the broken unity and national will among Koreans. The enormous financial burden to rebuild the North Korean economy which will fall upon South Koreans is a major challenge. The road to Korean reunification and the future of reunified Korea depend upon the willingness, wisdom, patience, freedom and courage of the South Koreans to assume the tremendous burden to rebuild North Korea and to strengthen diplomatic relations with the United States as well as neighboring countries to develop more positive inter-Korean relations based upon their cultural, social and economic contacts, cooperations and transactions between the two sides. If Koreans have such willingness, wisdom, patience and courage to accomplish their freedom and hope of unity, the divided Korean peninsula will be reunified and will become one nation again.
26
Rensted, Paul Milo. „Political reform in the Republic of China on Taiwan“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29144.
Annotation:
The thesis looks at the question of political change in Taiwan. Specifically it examines the question of whether or not political liberalization has occurred simply as a result of economic development. The thesis also evaluates the extent of the political reform that has occurred. After examining a variety of information on the economic development and social changes, as well as the political history of the island, the thesis looks at specific political reforms. The conclusion is drawn that the process of political reform in Taiwan is not a carefully pre-determined plan on the part of the political elite. Rather, political reform is the response of the ruling Kuomintang to try and perpetuate their hold on power. Reforms occur only as they serve that particular goal.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
27
Cook, Jonathan Harry. „Senator Henry M. Jackson and the Cold War, c. 1953-1983“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709377.
28
Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. „Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.
29
Curtis, Peter. „Corporatism and the state in the Netherlands, 1945-1979“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc981.pdf.
30
Reibman, Max Yacker. „Cairo and the international politics of Egypt and Syria, 1914-1920“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708103.
31
HASHIM, WAHID HAMZA. „THE IMPACT OF MODERNIZATION ON MIDDLE EASTERN POLITICS“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184061.
Annotation:
This study analyzes various perspectives of modernization theory in some Middle Eastern countries and examines the impact of modernization, both in its western and eastern formula, on the legitimacy and stability of these countries. It also examines those external factors that influenced these countries' internal and external policies. The study's major hypothesis is that Modernization + Secularization = Instability, whereas Modernization - Secularization = Stability in Middle Eastern Islamic countries. Secularization is a component of both the western and eastern paths; consequently, a Middle Eastern country that attempts to modernize and secularize along either of these paths is doomed to instability. The hypothesis suggested herein is analyzed in regard to twelve Middle Eastern countries. The principal conclusions are that the collapse of the Shah's regime in 1979 was a direct result of his western and secular policies; Egypt's political and economic instability was a result of its unsuccessful oscillation between west and east; Lebanon's limited experience with liberal democracy was a failure because of internal secularization and sectarian politics, and external interference by foreign powers; the instability of the Ba'athist regimes of Syria and Iraq is a consequence of their secular socialist policies; and South Yemen's Marxist-Leninist policies were a major cause for its unstable political regime. Even though Libya's Third International Theory of Modernization, based on an Islamic framework, seems to generate political stability for Qadhafi's regime, his latest adoption of Marxist-Leninist ideology may delegitimize his rule; on the other hand, the latest external pressures by the United States and Western European powers on Libya have legitimized Qadhafi's rule and boosted his popularity, for the time being. In contrast, Algeria's pragmatic socialism has been carefully tailored to its Islamic tradition and therefore has resulted in one of the major stable political systems in the Middle East. Contrary to the pessimist modernization theorists who predict the demise of the traditional monarchies when attempting to rapidly modernize, modernization in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Morocco seems for the most part to have been accompanied by political stability due to their exclusion of the secular component of the western path.
32
Bruce, Gary. „Resistance in the Soviet Occupied ZoneGerman Democratic Republic, 1945-1955“. Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35663.
Annotation:
The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist.This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).
33
Elk, Robert E. „A study of the effects of the Southeast Asian intrusive power system on the foreign policy of Indonesia /“. Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64076.
34
Lakes, Ross Allen. „The making of a hero : Franklin Roosevelt's preparation for a third-term presidential election“. Virtual Press, 1988. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/544137.
Annotation:
This study offers a mythical examination of the addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt during his first two terms of presidency. The direction of the study is to determine the use of the hero persona in Roosevelt's goal of gaining an unprecedented third-term presidential reelection.The study overviews the historic American public attitude toward the concept of a president being elected for a third consecutive term. Close attention is given to the fears of Americans during the late thirties generated from both the Great Depression and the current war in Europe and Asia. Drawing upon comments from various authorities and particularly those of Roosevelt's 1940 election opponent Wendal Willkie, the study establishes that many Americans were afraid that a third-term election would give Roosevelt too much power, and that many compared this power to/ dictatorships like those in Italy and Nazi Germany.-.Examination of numerous addresses by Roosevelt before the 1940 election reveals that FDR established a dramatistic rhetorical framework in which he cast a variety of players including the American people, Congress, the financial leaders of the Nation, foreign countries and dictatorships. These were cast as villains, victims and heroes.Two of the victims were democracy and the American Dream, both being threatened from without and from within America. The study looks at ways Roosevelt cast himself in this drama as the hero and defender of these two myths.Department of Speech Communication
35
Sraka, Anthony M. (Anthony Mirko). „"Peasant Concord" between the wars : an examination of the cultural wing of the Croatian Peasant Party with special reference to the 1920s“. Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61339.
Annotation:
Between the two World Wars the Croatian Peasant Party emerged as the largest political party among the Croats. It consistently received between seventy and ninety per cent of the Croatian vote and it ranked as the largest party in Croatia, and the second largest in Yugoslavia.In 1925 Rudolf Herceg, a leading party ideologue, created the CPP's cultural wing: Peasant Concord (Seljacka Sloga): which worked to promote peasant culture as separate from and superior to that of modern industrial society elsewhere in Europe.
Although the political aspects of the Croatian Peasant Party have been well-covered, its cultural wing has been comparatively neglected. This thesis presents an account of Peasant Concord: its aims, activities and influence.
36
Wood, Michael John. „The historical past as a tool for nation-building in new order Indonesia /“. Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84684.
Annotation:
This study describes how the New Order regime created and used a particular version of the Indonesian past. This official past drew on the work of "the history industry" (archaeological and historical research) and is reflected in approved works of history writing. The New Order past can also be seen in textbooks and in what monuments the regime erected. The New Order chose to emphasize fourteenth century Majapahit empire; this hierarchical, Java-centred, Hindu empire was identified as the true ancestor of the present nation. Although Indonesia is overwhelmingly Muslim in population, subsequent Muslim advances were not stressed, except as part of the "palace culture" of Central Java, which was seen as an extension of Majapahit. Islam also provided its share of "national heroes" who fought against the Dutch colonialists. Dutch control, was looked upon with some ambiguity; the colonial regime was oppressive but it also provided stability. The Dutch were driven out during the 1945--1949 Revolution. The New Order gave credit for the Indonesian victory in this struggle to the military rather than to civilians such as Sukarno. The Revolution later took on a more radical character that culminated in an attempt on the part of the Indonesian Communist Party to seize power. The suppression of the September 30 Movement in 1965 was seen as a righting of the nation's proper path of development, a course that could in fact be traced back to Gajah Mada's Majapahit. Not all were impressed with this official history. A more Islamic "history in waiting," which differed significantly from that of the regime, was created by historians and archaeologists working within the New Order. This "ummat-oriented" past stressed long connections between Indonesia and the rest of the Muslim world. The New Order's past was used to foster national integration and the legitimacy of the regime itself. The fate of the Suharto Presidency might indicate that the past was utiliz
37
Sutcliffe-Braithwaite, Florence Anne. „Class, community and individualism in English politics and society, 1969-2000“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708279.
38
Szczepanska, Kamila. „The politics of war memory in Japan 1990-2010 : progressive civil society groups and contestation of memory of the Asia-Pacific War (1931-1945)“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2169/.
39
Hsu, Chen-kuo. „The political base of changing strategy toward private enterprise in Taiwan, 1945-1955“. The Ohio State University, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/18694101.html.
40
Hyde, Sarah Jane. „From old socialists to new democrats : the realignment of the Japanese left“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7acd9f90-0e06-41a2-83c5-76d8d8de7f82.
Annotation:
In 1996, a new left of centre party emerged in Japan called the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and effectively replaced the Japan Socialist Party (JSP) as the main opposition party. This thesis asks what conditions caused this realignment and how the DPJ differs from the JSP. An increasing distrust and disinterest of politics and politicians has meant that the non-aligned voter in Japan forms the largest group of the electorate. Every party has lost support, but the left faced the worst drop of support. With the end of the Cold War, and the intensifying call for Japan to reassess its role on the World stage, the traditional ideology of the Japanese left, which has become synonymous with peace and preservation of the Peace Constitution, has lost its stabilising effect on the party and on its supporters. The labour unions, which were once the key mobilisational force for the left-wing parties at election time, began to question their relationship with the JSP and found new links to government. Simultaneously, they were also losing members so mobilisation of voters for the left also declined. Finally, a new electoral system did not reward the opposition as much as the LDP. Overall, the mobilisation of the electorate has become increasingly difficult for the Japanese left as a result of these factors. The DPJ has had to find ways of dealing with them and also has had to create its own identity. The way in which the party has dealt with this is by 'widening out' its types of candidate and using new methods to attract support. Furthermore, the DPJ has become more aware of its party coherence and has ensured that party unity is maintained even when ideological disputes occur.
41
Gafuik, Nicholas. „More than a peacemaker : Canada's Cold War policy and the Suez Crisis, 1948-1956“. Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83103.
Annotation:
This paper will rather seek to uncover and emphasize Cold War imperatives that served as significant guiding factors in shaping the Canadian response to the Suez Crisis. The success of Canadian diplomacy in the 1956 Suez Crisis was in the ability of Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester B. Pearson and his Canadian colleagues to protect Western interests in the context of the Cold War. Suez threatened Anglo-American unity, and the future of the North Atlantic alliance. It also presented the Soviets an opportunity to gain influence in the Middle East. The United Nations Emergency Force ensured that Britain and France had a means to extricate themselves from the Crisis. Canada wished to further protect Western credibility in the eyes of the non-white Commonwealth and Afro-Asian bloc. It was, therefore, important to focus international attention on Soviet aggression in Hungary, and not Anglo-French intervention in Egypt.
42
Savelli, Mat. „Confronting the problems of the individual and society : psychiatry and mental illness in Communist Yugoslavia (1945-1991)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669947.
43
Muller, Guillaume. „La littérature de guerre japonaise de 1937 à 1945“. Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCF031/document.
Annotation:
La Deuxième Guerre mondiale fut au Japon l’occasion d’une production massive de récits de guerre, aujourd’hui largement oubliée. Ces textes sont pris entre l’injonction faite aux écrivains de participer à l’effort national, et l’idée reçue selon laquelle ceux-ci ne peuvent saisir la réalité de la guerre. Cette thèse s’attache à démontrer que c’est dans la négociation au sein des textes de ce paradoxe que le monde littéraire japonais conçut et reconnut sa littérature de guerre. Le plan distingue trois moments successifs, afin de refléter à la fois les modalités changeantes de l’engagement des écrivains dans la guerre, et les différentes écritures qui en rendirent compte. La première partie traite de la première année du conflit, durant laquelle les médias japonais employèrent les écrivains comme envoyés spéciaux sur le front chinois ; leurs reportages montrent la quête d’une valeur propre de l’expérience des écrivains. La deuxième partie (1938-1941) se concentre sur le succès phénoménal de la figure du « soldat-écrivain », et ses conséquences sur l’écriture de la guerre. La publication du journal du caporal d’infanterie et lauréat du prix Akutagawa Hino Ashihei parut offrir un modèle de purification de la littérature par le combat qui disqualifiait de fait les écrivains institutionnalisés. La troisième et dernière partie aborde la « réquisition des lettrés », au cours de laquelle l’armée contraignit près d’une centaine d’écrivains à partir dans les nouvelles colonies japonaises du Pacifique. Les grands succès critiques issus de ce dispositif inédit de coercition sont marqués par une volonté ostensible de faire littérature à travers la guerreThe Second World War saw in Japan a massive production of war stories, today widely forgotten. These texts are caught between the injunction made to writers to participate in the national effort, and the general notion that they cannot grasp the reality of war. This thesis aims to demonstrate that it is in the negotiation of this paradox within the texts that the Japanese literary world conceived and recognised its war literature. The plan distinguishes three successive moments, in order to reflect both the changing modalities of writers' engagement in the war, and the different writings that accounted for them.The first part deals with the first year of the conflict, during which the Japanese media employed the writers as special correspondents on the Chinese front; their reports show the quest for a specific value of writers' experience. The second part (1938-1941) focuses on the phenomenal success of the ‘soldier-writer’ figure, and its consequences on the writing of the war. The publication of infantry corporal and Akutagawa Prize laureate Hino Ashihei’s diary seemed to offer a model of purification of literature by combat that disqualified the institutionalised writers. The third and last part deals with the ‘requisition of scholars’, during which the army forced close to a hundred writers to leave for the new Japanese colonies in the Pacific. Critical successes that emerged from this unprecedented coercion system are marked by an ostensible will to produce genuine literature through the war
44
Wang, Yu Ting. „The evolution of US thinking on Taiwan issue and China's reunification“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554619.
45
Tomblin, Stephen G. „In defense of territory : province-building under W.A.C. Bennett“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25982.
Annotation:
The thesis is primarily an attempt to provide a better understanding on how territorial conflicts influenced infrastructural development in British Columbia between the years 1952 and 1972. Primary emphasis is placed upon exploring the territorial component of province-building in British Columbia. The major theme which emerges is that the spatial pattern of economic development witnessed in the province during these years was not merely the product of societal pressure, but instead, reflected the dreams, and ambitions of the W.A.C. Bennett government. Bennett's efforts to build a better integrated provincial society played a major role in strengthening the provincial government's control over the provincial territory.
Six case studies on infrastructural development are investigated: railway transportation, oil and gas development, hydro development, ferry transportation, port development, and highway transportation. The thesis analyzes infrastructural development because it is assumed that the state-centred paradigm is much more useful for explaining provincial expansionism within this policy context.
The thesis has four sections. The first section provides a review of province-building, and assesses how territorial conflicts influence state infrastructure development. The second section includes a review of the political setting. The third section presents the case studies. The final section provides a summary of the findings and concludes that the Bennett government's desire to exploit infrastructure for the purpose of building a more integrated and united territory had a major impact upon the spatial pattern of economic development in British Columbia.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
46
Bar-on, Tamir. „The ambiguities of the intellectual European New Right, 1968-1999 /“. Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36750.
Annotation:
The subject of this dissertation is the intellectual European New Right (ENR), also known as the nouvelle droite. A cultural "school of thought" with origins in the revolutionary Right and neo-fascist milieus, the nouvelle droite was born in France in 1968, the year of the spectacular student and worker protests. In order to rid the Right of its negative connotations, the nouvelle droite borrowed from the New Left ideals of the 1968ers. In a Gramscian mould, it situated itself exclusively on the cultural terrain of political contestation in order to challenge what it considered the ideological hegemony of dominant liberal and leftist elites. This metapolitical focus differentiated the nouvelle droite from both the parliamentary and radical, extra-parliamentary forces on the Right.This dissertation traces the cultural, philosophical, political, and historical trajectories of the French nouvelle droite in particular and the ENR in general. The dissertation argues that the ENR worldview is an ambiguous synthesis of the ideals of the revolutionary Right and New Left, and that it is neither a new form of cultural fascism, nor a completely novel political paradigm. In general, the ENR symbiotically fed off the cultural and political twists of the Left and New Left, thus giving it a degree of novelty. In the 1990s, the ENR has taken on a more left wing and ecological aura rather than a right-wing orientation. As a result, some critics view this development as the formulation of a radically new, post-modern and post-fascist cultural and political paradigm. Yet, other critics contend that the ENR has created a repackaged form of cultural fascism.
The nouvelle droite has been able to challenge the main tenets of its "primary" enemy, namely, the neo-liberal Anglo-American New Right. Moreover, it has restored a measure of cultural respectability to a continental right-wing heritage battered by the burden of 20th century history. In an age of rising economic globalization and cultural homogenization, its anti-capitalist ideas embedded within the framework of cultural preservation might make some political inroads into the Europe of the future.
47
Mansour, Imad. „The domestic sources of regional orders : explaining instability in the Middle East“. Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=115631.
Annotation:
This dissertation addresses the puzzle as to why some regions in the world are engulfed in militarized disputes among member states, while other regions live under peaceful conditions. It argues that domestic regime-societal management strategies have significant explanatory value to understand variance in regional orders. These domestic factors have largely been ignored in International Relations (IR) literature. A domestic politics-based analytical framework explains how states with inclusionary governing regimes (those which account for the interests of societal actors in policy formulation and consequently give them stakes in the survival of the regime) are more likely to move the regional order towards stability. On the other hand, states with exclusionary regimes (those which do not account for the interests of societal actors in policy formulation and consequently do not give them stakes in the survival of the regime) are more likely to push the regional order toward instability.The dissertation also addresses a frequently underexposed dimension of IR theory: exactly how do major powers influence regional orders? It argues that major powers penetrate regional states in support of either societal actors or regimes (and sometimes both). In that process major powers help alter the power asymmetries inside regional states affecting their preferences and strategies, and hence their behaviour towards the regional order.
The analytical framework is used to explain variations in Middle East regional orders through four paired comparisons of six states: Israel-Egypt, Israel-Turkey, Israel-Syria, and Iran-Saudi Arabia. The time frame under study is from 1950 to 2000. The change in the Middle East regional order post-1990 did not correspond in magnitude to the change in the international system, adding credibility to this framework which prioritizes domestic level variables in shaping regional orders.
48
Al-Olimat, Muhamad S. (Muhamad Salim). „The State of Democracy in the Arab World“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279024/.
Annotation:
This comparative study assesses the state of democracy and examines the process of democratization in the Arab World between the years 1980-1993. It addresses shortcomings in the mainstream democracy literature that excluded the Arab World from the global democratic revolution on political cultural grounds. To fulfil the objectives of this study, I employ both the qualitative and quantitative research approaches to test a number of hypothesized relationships. I hypothesize that transition to democracy is negatively associated with economic development, militarism, U.S. foreign policy, the political economy of oil, and dependency. I contend that emerging civil society institutions so far have had no significant effect on democratization in the Arab World. Finally, I hypothesize that the level of democracy in the Arab World is influenced greatly by the issue of civil rights. In order to investigate the hypothesized relationships, the following data sets have been used: Gastil's Freedom House Data set, "Repression and Freedom in the 1980s" data set, and Vanhanen's 1990 data set. The findings of this study support the aforementioned hypothesized relationships. I find that Arab countries, in general have made modest progress toward democracy, making the Arab World part of the global revolution.
49
Prawiradinata, Muhamad Salmun. „Stability, elites and development policy in the new order Indonesia 1966-1983“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111321.
Annotation:
One of the most striking characteristics of Third World countries is
political instability. Although not all Third World states are politically unstable,
witness for example Saudi Arabia and Nepal, many nations of both
democratic and authoritarian leanings have experienced strong political
challenges in maintaining established political order and national unity. These
political challenges can take the forms of mass demonstration, riots or even
coups.
50
Koontz, Christopher N. (Christopher Noel). „The Cultural Politics of Baldur von Schirach, 1925-1940“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278546/.