Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Japan Foreign relations United States“
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1
Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. „Review: United States Foreign Policy: Japan Challenges America“. International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, Nr. 1 (März 1993): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800114.
2
Aruga, Tadashi. „Foreign Policy and Social Change: Japan and the United States“. Tocqueville Review 16, Nr. 2 (Januar 1995): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.16.2.79.
Annotation:
In the second half of the nineteenth century, Japan moved from isolation and pacifism towards a militarized foreign policy. It relumed to pacifism after its defeat in World War II. The United States discarded its pacifist stance as it entered World War II and reaffirmed its commitment to a militarized foreign policy at the onset of the Cold War. Because both Japan and the United States had been outside or at the periphery of international relations for such a long time, these shifts tended to be far more dramatic than those experienced by European nations, accustomed as they were to an international milieu where peace and war coexisted.
3
Podoba, Z., und V. Gorshkov. „“Path-Dependency” Effect in Japan-U.S. Trade“. World Economy and International Relations 65, Nr. 11 (2021): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-31-39.
Annotation:
The paper addresses current issues in Japan-U.S. foreign trade following the signing of the Japan-U.S. Trade Agreement and the Japan-U.S. Agreement on Digital Trade in October 2019. By providing an overview of Japan-U.S. trade relations, analyzing current trends in bilateral foreign trade and outlining basic terms of new bilateral agreements, the authors conclude that “path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. contemporary foreign trade persists and trade relations between the two countries are to a greater extent influenced by the U.S. trade policy which aims to assure a broader access of American companies to Japanese markets – the situation that was typical for bilateral trade relations since the 1980s. “Path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. trade relations, conventionally categorized by the existence of numerous trade contradictions, is pronounced in the unchanged goals, strategy and tactics of foreign trade negotiations. The United States maintains its “attacking” role and dominates in the bilateral trade negotiations, while Japan, despite its enhancing influence in the multilateral trading system and regional trade agreements, is forced to “self-defend” and make concessions to a more dominant partner in order to maintain its automobile exports to the United States at the expense of its national interests in other industries, particularly in the agricultural sector. Thus, new trade agreements are unlikely to cause significant structural changes in Japan-U.S. bilateral trade in the shortterm as the problem of persistent trade deficits remains. In order to break the vicious circle of “path-dependency” Japan is to actively cooperate with the economies of the European Union which have large amounts of trade deficits with the U.S., can serve as a mediator in the U.S. – China trade conflicts, as well with other Asian countries via mega-FTAs which possess potential risks to the United States. Further development of foreign trade cooperation will depend on the initiatives of new governments in both countries.
4
SHIRK, SUSAN L. „Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China“. Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, Nr. 1 (14.03.2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.
Annotation:
China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.
5
GORE, Lance L. P. „A Watershed Year: Chinese Foreign Policy in 2018“. East Asian Policy 11, Nr. 01 (Januar 2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000047.
Annotation:
The year 2018 is a watershed year in China’s foreign relations, marked by rapid deterioration of the external environment. The trade war with the United States is fought simultaneously at business, geopolitical and ideological levels. The two were in a struggle to redefine their bilateral relations, which also affected China’s dealings with other states, including the two Koreas, Taiwan and Japan. A more cautious foreign policy is expected from China in 2019.
6
Cha, Victor D. „Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations“. Journal of East Asian Studies 1, Nr. 1 (Februar 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.
Annotation:
The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.
7
SINGH, Bhubhindar. „Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia“. East Asian Policy 13, Nr. 03 (Juli 2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000210.
Annotation:
Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.
8
Katada, Saori N. „Japan's Foreign Aid after the San Francisco Peace Treaty“. Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, Nr. 3-4 (2000): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645886.
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AbstractThe year 2001 marks the fifty-year anniversary of the San Francisco Peace Conference that concluded the U.S. occupation of Japan, and defined the future course of Japan's foreign relations with the rest of the world, particularly with Asia. During these fifty years, Japan transformed itself from a war-devastated nation of poverty and instability to the second richest economy of the world after the United States. Japan's foreign relations with Asia remains of critical importance, and Japan's foreign aid, the largest of the world in the past decade, contributed significantly in shaping the relationship.
9
Moldicz, Csaba. „Geopolitical Tensions in East Asia and the Effects on Japanese and Hungarian Economic Relations“. Foreign Policy Review 14, Nr. 1 (2021): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.76-97.
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The paper places a strong focus on the increasing geopolitical tensions in the world and the geopolitical and geoeconomic adjustment process of both Japan and Hungary to the new environment. After the introductory part (Chapter 1), which discusses the changes in the global political and economic environment, the next chapter (Chapter 2) analyses the geopolitical changes for both countries, focusing on foreign and trade policies. Chapter 3 focuses on how political and economic relations with the two major powers, the United States and Japan, have changed. This chapter also provides an overview of the possible foreign policy strategies vis-à-vis the United States and China. The last chapter tries to find the common platform on which these two countries could work together to achieve their political and economic interests.
10
OTHMAN, Suha Adel. „NOBUSUKE KISHI AND HIS ROLE IN JAPANESE POLITICS (1957- 1960)“. Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, Nr. 1 (01.01.2022): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.4.
Annotation:
The study touched on an important topic in Japan, which is (Prime Minister of Japan Nobusuke Kishi from 1957-1960) and he also had an "important political role because of his great importance to Japan, where in this year (1957) he became the Prime Minister of Japan and had a great role in his proximity It was also characterized by a policy of establishing good relations with European countries for joint cooperation in order to establish friendly relations and establish security agreements, especially with the United States of America. Nobusuke Kishi was the great statesman, especially in the field of economy, and he was loved by the United States of America because of its strong and reassuring relations with him. The study was divided into an introduction, a conclusion, and three sections. The first topic dealt with Nobusuke Kishi, his life and political role until 1957. While the second topic spoke to Nobusuke Kishi's internal policy in Japan, as well as regarding the third topic, it shed light on it, dealing with Nobusuke Kishi's foreign policy. Finally, it should be noted that Nobusuke Kishi's political role still needs more studies and research, especially since this modest effort touched on one aspect of the political aspect. We hope that later studies will address the economic, social and cultural aspects that had an important impact on Japan's policy and in In conclusion. Key words: Nobusuke Kishi, Japan, Political, United States of America, Foreign Policy.
11
Volkov, S. V. „Japan in the Russia - U.S. Relations“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 1(40) (28.02.2015): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-35-42.
Annotation:
The article examines the impact of the crisis in Russia - U. S. relations in connection with the events surrounding Ukraine on the world system and its key component - the Asia-Pacific region where Japan plays a crucial role. The author assumes that the international relations have no common understanding of the rules of engagement between the USA, the Group of Seven, Russia and the BRICS countries. As a result, the leading countries of the world are guided by conflicting scenarios. The article deals with the American scenario in relation to China and the Russian Federation and the Russian one in relation to polycentric and the U. S. - centered world orders. The most important element of the American scenario in relation to Beijing is Japan. This country is central to Washington's policy to contain China. Tokyo is headed for the rapid rejection of pacifist principles of its foreign policy. Russian scenario for the international system is in an active course to establishing a polycentric world order. United States' scenario against Russia in this regard is a containment strategy of Moscow. The central component of this strategy, as it can be assumed, is a violation of the strategic balance in US - Russian relations. However, Ukraine has become a major springboard to contain Russia. Instead of establishing equal Russian - American relations United States and their allies (under American pression) have chosen a policy of isolating Moscow, but such actions are blocking the Russian - Japanese rapprochement beneficial both for Tokyo and Kremlin, which is interested in deepening its ties with Japan in order to diversify its relations with Asia-Pacific area. The author concludes that the long-term interests of Russia and Japan dictate both sides to move closer, but the policy of the U.S. administration towards Russia on the Ukranian question blocks this possibility.
12
Hasegawa, Tsuyoshi. „The Soviet Factor in U.S.-Japanese Defense Cooperation, 1978–1985“. Journal of Cold War Studies 15, Nr. 2 (April 2013): 72–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00338.
Annotation:
In the crucial period from 1978 to 1975, Japan jettisoned its “omnidirectional” foreign policy and embraced a closer and more integrated defense alliance with the United States. Concern about the Soviet threat was the chief motive for this shift. The deployment of Soviet troops in the Northern Territories (Southern Kuriles), the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the deployment of Soviet Backfire bombers and SS-20 nuclear missiles in the Far East all provided impetus toward closer U.S.-Japanese defense cooperation. As Japan closely aligned its defense policy with the United States, Soviet-Japanese relations correspondingly deteriorated. Normal channels of communication were broken off. As the Japanese government elevated the Northern Territories issue to the forefront of Soviet-Japanese relations, Soviet criticism of Japan escalated. By the time Mikhail Gorbachev took power in 1985, Soviet-Japanese relations had sunk to their lowest point.
13
Chemotsky, Harry I. „Trade Adjustment and Foreign Direct Investment: Japan in the United States“. Pacific Focus 1, Nr. 2 (13.02.2008): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.1986.tb00039.x.
14
Poplavska, Myroslava. „Main Directions of Cultural Diplomacy of the USA and Japan“. Socio-Cultural Management Journal 5, Nr. 2 (22.11.2022): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31866/2709-846x.2.2022.267520.
Annotation:
Introduction. The relevance of the research is determined by the growing role of culture and cultural diplomacy as a tool of special (“soft”) power in foreign policy and economic relations between countries in the conditions of globalization, virtualization and digitalization of society. Purpose and methods. The purpose of the article is to identify the features of international exchanges and the spread of popular culture as the main directions of cultural diplomacy in the United States and Japan, in historical retrospect and at the present stage. The methodological basis of the study is a dialectical, systematic and interdisciplinary approach to the study of the phenomenon and processes of cultural diplomacy in developed countries. Results. The essence of the concept of “cultural diplomacy” is revealed. The peculiarities of the cultural policy of the developed countries of the West and the East are analyzed using the example of the foreign policy of the United States of America and Japan. The main tools and mechanisms of cultural diplomacy are considered in historical retrospect and at the present stage. The specifics of the implementation of the main directions of cultural diplomacy by the leading countries of the world in the first decades of the 21st century have been revealed. Conclusions. Based on the analysis of the main directions of cultural diplomacy of the United States and Japan, it can be stated that the states pay special attention to the spread of popular culture abroad and international exchanges in order to arouse the interest of the younger generation in their own culture around the world. Cultural exchange in this context is a form of dialogue between states and can contribute to improving the climate of interstate relations, creating preconditions for the develop-ment of interaction in the long term.
15
Yahuda, Michael. „The Foreign Relations of Greater China“. China Quarterly 136 (Dezember 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.
Annotation:
Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.
16
Nishizaki, Sumiyo. „The United Arab Emirates and Japan: Diversifying Bilateral Relationships and Challenges in the Context of Japan’s New Foreign Policy Focus and US-Japan Relation“. Comparative Islamic Studies 7, Nr. 1-2 (20.09.2012): 269–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.269.
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In this article, I analyze the Japan-Middle East-U.S. triangle relationship. Japan’s Middle East policies, the author contends, have been influenced by its energy needs and relationship with the United States. Fully aware of its status as a country with hardly any energy resources, Japan has engaged in energy diplomacy and investment in oil fields in the Middle East. This article describes how, despite pursuing an energy strategy largely independent of the United States, Japan has constantly needed to take into account its relationship with the Americans, and Japan has slowly shifted toward more frequent support for American policy especially after the Gulf War in 1990. At the same time, Japan’s Middle East policies have been influenced by its domestic politics. For example, former Prime Minister Koizumi’s post-September 11 plan to let Japan’s military forces play a more prominent role in the War on Terror was crushed by his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). This article explains that LDP politicians were afraid that supporting the war would undermine Japan’s economic interests in the Muslim world and how the Democratic Party of Japan which took office this September has attempted to pursue a more independent position in its relations with the United States. This article also explores the shifts in Japan’s Middle East policies under the new administration and their implications on US-Japan relations.
17
Verbitsky, Semyon, Tsuyoshi Hasegawa und Gilbert Rozman. „Misperceptions Between Japan and Russia“. Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, Nr. 1503 (01.01.2000): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2000.88.
Annotation:
The twentieth century has witnessed repeated occasions when Japan and Russia have taken each other's measure and decided on policy accordingly. In the years 1985 to 1999 such mutual testing occuned again amidst adjustments in the direction of each country's global role. As has often been the case, the RussoJapanese relationship was not the main event on the world stage. Both countries placed higher priority on relations with the United States and with China. But to rank this bilateral relationship below two others is not to belittle the stakes involved. For Russia, Tokyo's strategy to look east or west and within Asia to focus in the northeast or the southeast has throughout the century made a great difference in war or peace, in development or isolation. For Japan, Moscow's strategy to balance west and east, and in the east to concentrate on China or Japan, has had telling consequences for other foreign policy choices. At stake in this bilateral relationship have been the development of Siberia and the Russian Far East; the security environment in Northeast Asia including Korea; the prospects of triangular or quadrangular relations with China and the United States; and the balance of power among the world's great powers.
18
Yuan, Zhengqing, und Qiang Fu. „Narrative Framing and the United States’ Threat Construction of Rivals“. Chinese Journal of International Politics 13, Nr. 3 (2020): 419–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poaa008.
Annotation:
Abstract Constructing a credible foreign threat is a key activity in the US national security community. By adopting a narrative approach to threat formation, we attempt to delineate the contours of the Soviet Union, Japan, and China in the US threat discourse spectrum. The Soviet threat is constructed through a story of two ideologically opposed rivals competing for world domination and the Japan-bashing narrative is of victimisation due to Japan’s unfair competition. China threat stories, however, are now more complex, conflating a story of US victimhood at the hands of China’s unfair competition, advocated by President Trump, with a widely embedded but malleable epic tale of power competition between a rising power and the ruling power, and a new Cold War script propagated by the 'deep state' hawks. We have found that as long as a country may potentially threaten the United States’ hegemonic identity, be it a formidable power with an antagonistic outlook like the Soviet Union, an ally from inside like Japan, or a rising peer competitor like China, the United States will invariably construct a diametrical self-other story in a zero-sum mindset and resort relentlessly to its superior Self while customising its threat story scripts in accordance with the rival’s characteristics and dimensions of challenges.
19
Chudinova, K. O. „Scale and development of foreign economic interaction between the USA and Japan in 2009–2021“. Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), Nr. 12 (30.11.2022): 902–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2212-06.
Annotation:
The article analyzes the dynamics of economic cooperation between the US and Japan for the period 2009–2021: bilateral trade, export and import, FDI flows. Particular attention is paid to Japanese FDI and activities of Japanese manufacturing companies in the United States. Bilateral economic relations are a part of the broader context of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific, activities of multinational enterprises and their global production networks. A "triangular" model of trade relations has developed between Japan, China and the United States, with significant part of trade going through global value chains (GVCs). Over the past decade, the US foreign trade policy priorities have changed several times: from the attempt to create a free trade area in the Asia-Pacific under the Obama administration to President Trump’s protectionism and to more liberal economic agenda of the Biden administration. The role of Japan in the Trans-Pacific Partnership creation and reformatting after the US withdrawal is shown. The prerequisites for the progress of bilateral relations to a new stage of scientifi c, technical and economic cooperation in the context of confrontation between the USA and China are analyzed. President Biden’s economic policy priority in the Asia-Pacific is attracting allies to crucial technologies development and increasing global value chains sustainability. Japan is a key partner for the US to secure control over technology transfer, diversify supply sources and strengthen GVCs. Coordination of approaches to promoting economic security is an important priority for the renewed US-Japan alliance, so the two countries can reach a new level of cooperation.
20
Paramonov, O. G. „Military-technical cooperation of Japan with foreign countries and the interests of Russia“. Journal of International Analytics, Nr. 2 (28.06.2017): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-2-52-62.
Annotation:
Nowadays military-technical cooperation is considered by many states as one of the effective tools for ensuring national security, as well as accomplishing a broader range of foreign policy objectives. Under a crisis of regional security environment, the Japanese government also concluded that further refusal to participate in international cooperation in the development and production of weapons begins to negatively affect its own defense capabilities. Nevertheless, Shinzo Abe-led Government’s plans to put an end to Japan’s self-isolation from external arms markets and thus strengthen relations with the United States in the military-and political fields are likely to lead to certain problems in Japan’s relations with such powerful regional actors as Russia and China.
21
Fung, Kwong-Chiu, Hitomi Iizaka und Alan Siu. „United States, Japanese, and Korean FDI and Intra–East Asian Trade“. Asian Economic Papers 9, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2010): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00040.
Annotation:
This paper documents the growing importance of intra–East Asian trade of parts and components. Our empirical analysis shows that foreign direct investment (FDI) does play an important and independent role in facilitating the trade of parts and components in East Asia. This is true for FDI from all three source countries: the United States, Japan, and South Korea. Furthermore, our empirical studies show that compared with U.S. and Korean FDI, FDI from Japan has a particularly strong influence on trade in parts and components as well as trade in capital goods. One policy implication is that economies need to improve their physical infrastructure as well as the quality of their institutions to integrate further into the East Asian production network.
22
Guan, Yichen, Dustin Tingley, David Romney, Amaney Jamal und Robert Keohane. „Chinese views of the United States: evidence from Weibo“. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, Nr. 1 (10.08.2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcy021.
Annotation:
Abstract We study Chinese attitudes toward the United States, and secondarily toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam, by analyzing social media discourse on the Chinese social media site, Weibo. We focus separately on a general analysis of attitudes and on Chinese responses to specific international events involving the United States. In general, we find that Chinese netizens are much more interested in US politics than US society. Their views of the United States are characterized by deep ambivalence; they have remarkably favorable attitudes toward many aspects of US influence, whether economic, political, intellectual, or cultural. Attitudes toward the United States become negative when the focus turns to US foreign policy – actions that Chinese netizens view as antithetical to Chinese interests. On the contrary, attitudes toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam vary a great deal from one another. The contrast between these differentiated Chinese views toward the United States and other countries, on the one hand, and the predominant anti-Americanism in the Middle East, on the other, is striking.
23
Gordon, Joy. „Introduction“. Ethics & International Affairs 33, Nr. 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.
Annotation:
It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.
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Жуков, Олександр. „US FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE FAR EAST IN 1901–1904“. КОНСЕНСУС, Nr. 1 (2021): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2021-01/096-105.
Annotation:
The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the formation of US Far Eastern policy in the early twentieth century. The author identifies the transformation of the country's foreign policy from isolationism to active action as key aspects of the study. Determining the strategic need of the United States to gain a foothold in the Far East reveals the main foreign policy vectors. A special role in this was played by US President Theodore Roosevelt and Secretary of State John Hay, who were the ideologues of the new, "Pacific era" and "open door" policy, particularly in China, which should have led to the beginning of the "American century". Achieving these goals was possible by maintaining friendly relations with Britain and Japan as opposed to Russia. Such a strategy weakened the position of the latter in the region and, as a consequence, increased US trade with the countries of the Far East. The article also considers the main events that led to the beginning of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 and the role of the United States in it, which sought to gain a foothold in the Far East through flexible diplomacy. The author notes the main successes in this direction, in particular, the assessment of the talks between the US Secretary of Defense W. Taft and the Prime Minister of Japan T. Katsura both at the official and unofficial levels. Particular attention is paid to the economic component in the relationship between the Far East (including China) and official governmental and private organizations in the United States. The author notes that, in fact, US policy in China and Japan did not differ from the policy of Western European countries, but the forms and methods of their expansion were different. The study of this problem is important both for studying the peculiarities of US policy in Asia in the past, and for understanding current international relations in the Far East.
25
Sudarman, Suzie. „Can We Reinvent International Studies on Southeast Asia for the Post Western World?“ Indonesian Journal of International Relations 1, Nr. 1 (10.06.2017): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v1i1.6.
Annotation:
Since the end of the Cold War the Asia-Pacific region draws increased attention but there is a gap between the rich comparative and foreign policy scholarship on China, Japan, and the United States with the wider world of international relations theory. Although Pierre Lizee’s work, quoting Stanley Hoffmann, puts forward an argument that international studies as a discipline assumes that it speaks to the nature of politics throughout the entire world,1 it is evident that the study of Southeast Asia in particular, tends to be under-theorized.2 The images, concepts, and theories which underlie international studies as Hoffmann argued, must be recognized for what they are: product of the post-1945 era, when “to study United States foreign policy was to study the international system and to study the international system could not fail to bring one back to the role of the United States.”3
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Rix, Alan, David W. Mabon, Harriet D. Schwar und John P. Glennon. „Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954. Volume XIV: China and Japan (into tow parts).“ Pacific Affairs 59, Nr. 2 (1986): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758944.
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Garin, Artyom, und Sophia Pale. „The Place of the Solomon Islands and Kiribati in China's Geopolitical Thinking“. South East Asia Actual problems of Development, Nr. 3 (52) (2021): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-234-253.
Annotation:
China’s growing influence has affected the South Pacific, where the small developing island states of Oceania re-directed their foreign policies due to Beijing in order to diversify their external relations. It has caused concerns of Australia, the United States, Japan and New Zealand. In 2019 the leaders of Solomon Islands and Kiribati cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favor of China, and this raised Beijing's regional influence to a new level and negatively affected Australia's position in its traditional sphere of influence.
28
Yi, Kil J. „In Search of a Panacea: Japan-Korea Rapprochement and America's "Far Eastern Problems"“. Pacific Historical Review 71, Nr. 4 (01.11.2002): 633–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.4.633.
Annotation:
The United States had three challenges in Asia in the mid-1960s: a hostile China, an assertive Japan, and a faltering South Vietnam. The Johnson administration's solution to these problems was to promote the normalizing of relations between its two vital Asian allies, Japan and South Korea. The two countries had refused to recognize each other diplomatically since the end of Japan's colonial rule over Korea after World War II. The acrimonious relations between Seoul and Tokyo weakened the containment wall in Northeast Asia while depriving Korea of Japanese investments, loans, and markets. These problems forced the United States to commit extensive military and economic assistance to Korea. As expected, a Tokyo-Seoul rapprochment buttressed the West's bulwark against communist powers in the region and hindered a potential Beijing-Tokyo reconciliation. It opened the road for Japan's economic penetration into Korea and enabled Seoul to receive Tokyo's help in economic development. Reassured by the friendship between Korea and Japan, Washington forged an alliance with Seoul in the Vietnam War. Between 1965 and 1973 Korea dispatched 300,000 soldiers in Vietnam, making it the second largest foreign power in support of Saigon. The Korea-Japan rapprochment proved to be a powerful remedy for America's problems in Asia.
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Kim, Young Choul, und Ho Keun Yoo. „Anti-Americanism in East Asia: Analyses of college students’ attitudes in China, Japan, and South Korea“. International Area Studies Review 20, Nr. 1 (08.12.2016): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916682390.
Annotation:
In the last decade, negative attitudes towards the United States have increased throughout the world. Though the United States and East Asian countries have relatively had harmonious relationships, anti-Americanism is still prevalent for various reasons. In spite of China’s increasing economic interdependence with the United States, the country is succeeding to its long history of anti-Americanism. Although Japan and South Korea have been considered pro-United States allies since the Korean War (1950–1953), the countries’ younger generations have often expressed critical opinions of the United States. What is the cause of this anti-American sentiment in the East Asian countries? The purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries using a cross-national survey. The results of the empirical analyses support previous approaches and promote four theoretical concepts: (1) the people’s knowledge and curiosity about the United States is the most influential factor of anti-American sentiment for East Asian college students (the cognitive-orientation); (2) individual’s attitudes towards American culture and society influence anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the cultural-cleavage); (3) anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries is mostly affected by people’s general ideas about the roles of the United States in the world and United States’ foreign policies (the anti-hegemony); and (4) the people’s general perception on the relationship between their own countries and the United States is another determinant of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the equal-relationship). In contrast, it explains that gender and the financial condition of East Asian college students are not significant determinants of anti-American sentiment.
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Choudhury, Srabani Roy. „Japan and the Middle East: An Overview“. Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, Nr. 3 (19.06.2018): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918776711.
Annotation:
As an introduction to this special issue, this article examines the shaping of Japan’s foreign policy; looking at how Japan has risen to the demand of the international community to assume more responsibility in conflict situations, circumventing a pacifist constitution that it had been dealt with. It then explains relations between Middle East and Japan and shows how the latter has been balancing its national interest in order to conform to its alliance with the United States. With more Asian powers having stake in the Middle East, Japan has become proactive about its role in the region. However, with limited hard power options, Japan would have to concentrate on its soft power capabilities and on using its economic strength to mark its presence in the Middle East.
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Chaminda K, Wijekoon Herath Mudiyanselage. „SRI LANKA’S STRATEGIC LOCATION AND FOREIGN POLICY RESPONSE TOWARDS INDIA AND US ON CHINESE INVESTMENTS IN SRI LANKA“. Jurnal Diplomasi Pertahanan 8, Nr. 2 (06.06.2022): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jdp.v8i2.1009.
Annotation:
Sri Lanka is a small state strategically placed between two powerful States India and China, the island nation is significant for India as its closest maritime neighbor and on the other hand China has become an all-weather friend to Sri Lanka who has not interfered into the internal political issues and a supporting character in international politics. Sri Lanka has been sandwiched between the great power politics of these powerful nations since the U.S. is carrying out its strategy using the strategic alliance of the United States, India, UK, Japan, and Australia to counter the growing influence of China. Most importantly, Sri Lanka being a small state, having balanced relations with the big powers is effective to foster the development goals of the countries. Having understood this paper discusses Sri Lanka’s strategic location and foreign policy response towards India and United States on Chinese investments in Sri Lanka. This paper further discusses external and internal factors, core issues, and intentions of above mentioned powerful nations and Sri Lankan foreign policy towards these powerful nations by fostering closer ties in world politics with two regional giants and the United States.
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Magnier-Watanabe, Remy, und James Hoadley. „The motives for Japanese foreign direct investment in the Southeastern United States“. Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Administration 11, Nr. 4 (07.10.2019): 324–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/apjba-04-2019-0087.
Annotation:
Purpose Whereas the USA is still the largest investment destination for Japanese companies, Japan also accounts as the second largest source of investment in the country. The purpose of this paper is to, empirically, examine the detailed motives of Japanese affiliates when investing in the Southeastern USA, adding to previous research at the national level. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses a qualitative approach based on the interviews of long-term Japanese investors in the manufacturing and wholesale trade industries in the Southeastern USA and applies text analysis to identify their motives. Findings The results show that Japanese firms engage in market- and efficiency-seeking foreign direct investment (FDI), and still apply a classic sequence of gradual and incremental market commitments. Market size and growth rate, reducing transaction or transportation costs, and integration within local value chains are the most important to them, whereas competition, creating an export base, lowering tax and accessing skilled labor are of little concern. Practical implications The goal of Japanese FDI in the USA is no longer to bypass tariffs but is still part of a complex industrial network of relations which drives further investment. This result can inform policy makers at the state level about the factors that can drive additional foreign investment, such as the establishment of industrial clusters. Originality/value This study offers current insights into the motives of Japanese FDI in two industries.
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Reich, Simon. „Roads to follow: regulating direct foreign investment“. International Organization 43, Nr. 4 (1989): 543–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034445.
Annotation:
The United States faces a formidable and growing economic challenge from Japan. Over the last decade, the American state has characteristically responded to the loss of domestic market dominance in the manufacturing sector to foreign firms by invoking the principles of free and fair trade in order to delegitimate this foreign competition and legitimate the imposition of trade barriers designed to encourage the investment of multinational corporations (MNCs) in the United States. These tactics have largely succeeded in attracting investment and thus aided domestic employment and the balance of trade. The short-term benefits, however, have been achieved at long-term, unforeseen, undesirable economic and political costs in terms of both the balance of payments and state autonomy. Alternative state responses to the threat posed by Japanese MNCs, while consistent with principles of free trade, challenge the traditional liberal conception of the scope and domain of state behavior and provide more effective policies in achieving both short- and long-term objectives. This article draws on data relating to the treatment of subsidiaries of American automobile manufacturers by European governments with competing indigenous producers in specifying two variables critical to identifying policy alternatives: first, the degree of access granted by the state to foreign firms (limited or unlimited access) and, second, the type of support provided by the state to domestic firms (discriminatory or nondiscriminatory intervention). The analysis suggests that there are four possible policy combinations, which generally reflect the four different postwar state policies pursued by West Germany, France, Britain, and the United States. Of these four, the combination employed by West Germany has proved most effective in pursuing policies consistent with liberal trade principles while reconciling short-term employment and fiscal goals with the broader long-term objectives of sustaining state autonomy and balance-of-payments surpluses in the face of foreign competition. British policies, which have consistently proved the most ineffective, have sacrificed long-term objectives for short-term ones. As a result of structural changes during the 1970s, the American state's chosen policy combination was altered and now replicates the traditional British formula. The United States therefore risks comparable economic and political consequences.
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Aldrich, Richard. „A Question of Expediency: Britain, the United States and Thailand, 1941–42“. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 19, Nr. 2 (September 1988): 209–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400000540.
Annotation:
This passage was written on 27 March 1945 by Major Andrew Gilchrist, a Foreign Office official serving with the Special Operations Executive in Thailand. It neatly demonstrates the manner in which the wartime debate within and between the various Allied bureaucracies responsible for Thailand's post war status appeared to be dominated by the circumstances of Thailand's rapid capitulation to Japan in December 1941. Subsequently, diametrically opposed interpretations of these unhappy events were employed both by Britain to legitimize her wartime plans to re-establish a degree of control over Thailand, and also by the United States to justify her attempts to thwart perceived British aggrandizement in Southeast Asia. Yet despite the clear importance of the events of 1941 for Thailand's relations with the Allies, her place in the outbreak of the Pacific War is not yet fully understood.
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Toyoda, Tetsuya, Ekaterina Vaseneva und Ryo Takahama. „Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks“. RUDN Journal of World History 14, Nr. 4 (15.12.2022): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-4-410-426.
Annotation:
This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the United States, China, Russia, ASEAN, and Taiwan. Examining the origin and further development of the QUAD, the authors highlight the absence of ASEAN members and India’s hesitation to institutionalize the grouping, while analyzing the Russia-Japan relations they focus on common interests in security cooperation, as well on its limitations. As a result, in the short term, the expansion of the Japan-US alliance to the Indo-Pacific region is the most plausible option. However, without involving the ASEAN countries, the Free and Open IndoPacific (FOIP) strategy can only add Australia and India to the existing Japan-US alliance. In the midterm, an alliance with Russia may be, with some serious limitations, geographically a natural option. In the long term, Japan might need to find a proper place in a China-centered order in East Asia. Therefore, the authors conclude that the relative decline of US influence in East Asia is unavoidable in the coming decades, Japan must adjust or even reconsider its security policy.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. „Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific“. American History & Politics Scientific edition, Nr. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
Annotation:
The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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Chen, Yu-Hua. „Japan’s Taiwan Policy in the Xi Jinping Era: Moving Toward Strategic Clarity“. Przegląd Strategiczny, Nr. 15 (15.02.2023): 299–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.18.
Annotation:
Like the United States, Japan views its relations with Taiwan through a greater China framework. It uses a similar strategic ambiguity toward Taiwan to navigate its relations with China and Taiwan. However, Japan’s recent strong support for Taiwan to counter China’s pressure on the island seems to suggest that Japan’s Taiwan policy is moving away from its old strategic ambiguity toward a new strategic clarity. Why has Japan started to protect Taiwan proactively and directly in recent years? How to explain the transformation of Japan’s policy regarding Taiwan from strategic ambiguity to strategic clarity? Drawing upon various primary materials, this article approached those questions from a social constructivism lens. It argues that Japan’s new identity is a critical factor in Japan’s strategic transformation of its Taiwan policy. Japan’s new identity has first taken shape due to the growing challenge from China, and second been accelerated and hardened by the caprices of the United States. It is this new identity and its associated normative expectations that have caused Japan’s foreign behaviour to change fundamentally. This article will detail the process in which how Japan steadily changed its state identity over the years after showing that the existing explanations are unable to properly account for the shift of Japan’s policy toward Taiwan. Some policy implications will be offered in the conclusion section.
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Anwar, Syed Tariq. „FDI Regimes, Investment Screening Process, and Institutional Frameworks: China versus Others in Global Business“. Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (01.04.2012): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012008.
Annotation:
The main purpose of this paper is to investigate and analyse foreign direct investment (FDI) regimes and their screening processes, institutional frameworks, and business environments in world trade. China's FDI regime is specifically compared with that of the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Other countries (France, Germany, Japan, Hong Kong, and Switzerland) were also included in the discussion to evaluate their regulatory and investment issues. By using interdisciplinary literature, secondary data, and research surveys and reports from multilateral institutions, the study investigates the changing profile of FDI regimes in world trade. The paper reveals that China's FDI regime has embraced significant changes to attract foreign investment. Currently, the Chinese market is open yet restricted in its own regulatory environment and institutional hurdles. Investment regimes in the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom continue to change to attract foreign investment that is critical to their economies. We believe that more country- and industry-specific studies are needed to investigate FDI regimes and their institutional frameworks. In today's world trade, China is particularly an interesting case study since the country aggressively attracts foreign investment while keeping its hybrid economy. Policymakers, multinational corporations (MNCs), governments, and researchers need to pay attention to today's changing FDI regimes because of growth opportunities and MNC expansion. The study provides useful discussion and meaningful implications that can be used by policy analysts and practitioners worldwide.
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Dhawan, Ranjit Kumar. „Korea’s ‘New Southern Policy’ Towards India: An Analysis“. Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, Nr. 1 (23.02.2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598420906248.
Annotation:
The Moon Jae-in administration in South Korea (hereafter Korea) initiated the ‘New Southern Policy’ in 2017 to foster closer relations with ASEAN and India and bring them at par with the four major powers—the United States of America (USA), China, Russia and Japan, which have traditionally played a dominant role in Korea’s foreign affairs. Korea’s strategy through this new policy has been to diversify its foreign relations and lessen dependence on these four major powers of the Northeast Asian region. In this policy shift India is projected as one of the key partners for Korea. However, there has not been much progress in Korea’s relations with India in the last 2 years. The New Southern Policy is also not compatible with US-led ‘Indo-Pacific strategy’ in which India is an integral component. This article argues that Seoul’s New Southern Policy toward New Delhi shall remain limited and would largely focus on developing economic relations rather than building security cooperation between the two countries.
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Pulipaka, Sanjay, und Libni Garg. „India and Vietnam in the Indo-Pacific“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, Nr. 2 (07.05.2021): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211004984.
Annotation:
The international order today is characterised by power shift and increasing multipolarity. Countries such as India and Vietnam are working to consolidate the evolving multipolarity in the Indo-Pacific. The article maps the convergences in the Indian and Vietnamese foreign policy strategies and in their approaches to the Indo-Pacific. Both countries confront similar security challenges, such as creeping territorial aggression. Further, India and Vietnam are collaborating with the United States and Japan to maintain a favourable balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. While Delhi and Hanoi agree on the need to reform the United Nations, there is still some distance to travel to find a common position on regional economic architectures. The India–Vietnam partnership demonstrates that nation-states will seek to define the structure of the international order and in this instance by increasing the intensity of multipolarity.
41
Sanders, David, und Geoffrey Edwards. „Consensus and Diversity in Elite Opinion: The Views of the British Foreign Policy Elite in the Early 1990s“. Political Studies 42, Nr. 3 (September 1994): 413–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb01686.x.
Annotation:
The paper reports the results of a systematic and comprehensive survey of the attitudes of the British foreign policy élite that was conducted under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs in 1990. British élite attitudes towards four major international actors – the United States, the EC, the Soviet Union and Japan – are examined in terms of trade relations, financial relations, political relations and security relations. It is argued that the complex pattern of consensus and dissensus evident in the attitudes displayed by the élite – a pattern that can be broadly characterized as agreement on ‘core’ values and disagreement on ‘peripheral’ values – is probably conducive to ‘good’ policymaking. A companion study analyses the extent to which the élite's attitudes appear to be changing over time and considers the distinctive attitude sets that are evident among different segments of the élite.
42
Gao, Henry. „Taking Justice into Your Own Hand: The TBI Mechanism in China“. Journal of World Trade 44, Issue 3 (01.06.2010): 633–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2010023.
Annotation:
To protect the trade interests of their firms in foreign markets, several countries have established various institutional arrangements. For example, the United States has the section 301 procedure, while the EU has the Trade Barrier Regulation (TBR). Learning from their experiences, China also established its own Foreign Trade Barrier Investigation (TBI) mechanism in 2002. This article starts with a discussion on the background for its establishment as well as the substantive and procedural requirements for investigations under TBI. In the next part, the article discusses how TBI has worked in practice by reviewing the Japan – Quantitative Restrictions on Laver case (hereinafter ‘Japan–Laver case’), the only case that has ever been brought under the mechanism. Drawing from the lessons learnt from the Japan–Laver case, the article then offers suggestions on how the TBI might be improved in the future. The article concludes with observations on the possible implications of the TBI on China’s trade partners and the multilateral trading system as a whole.
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Oliveira, Henrique Altemani. „Japan“. Carta Internacional 14, Nr. 1 (21.05.2019): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21530/ci.v14n1.2019.887.
Annotation:
This article seeks to demonstrate that Japan throughout time has made gradual adjustmentsthroughout time to increase its military capacities, in order to regain autonomy in relation toits defence. With this process of “adjustment”, without constitutional reforms, Japan presentlypossesses military capabilities that are similar to those of the primary global powers in termsof budget, technologically advanced military resources, manpower, and it masters the entirecycle for the production of a nuclear weapon. In an unstable regional scenario, entwinedwith the rise of threat to Japan’s strategic and economic security and with the increase of thepossibility of being abandoned by the United States, what is preventing Japan in claimingits defence autonomy and taking collective security actions? The first part of this reflectionintroduces some concepts that indicate the contradictions, paradoxes, and fundaments thatunderpin the construction of the Japanese security identity. The second part concentrates onthe analysis of the tendency of revision or of reinterpretation of the Japanese Constitutionwith regards to possessing Armed Forces as a foreign policy instrument.
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Dubinsky, Volodymyr, und Oleksandr Yuha. „Американський та китайський вектори зовнішньої політики Японії прем’єрства Дзюнітіро Коїдзумі (2001-2006 рр.)“. Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 37 (04.10.2022): 144–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2022-37.144-156.
Annotation:
Th e article defi nes the essence, peculiarities and results of Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro’s foreign policy concept (2001–2006) in the context of Tokyo’s relations with Washington and Beijing at the beginning of the 21st century. Th e methodological bases of the study are the principles of historicism, objectivity and systematicity, as well as diff erent methods. Problem-chronological became the principal method. Th e methods of content analysis, expert assessments were also applied. Th e scientifi c novelty lies in the attempt to comprehensively study the main vectors of the Japanese (American and Chinese) government’s foreign policy activities at the beginning of the 21st century, to determine their content and specifi cs of implementation, and to establish their consequences. Conclusions. It has been established that as Prime Minister, Koizumi paid close attention to the American vector of foreign policy, and as a result, Japan’s relations with the United States improved considerably. Th e strengthening of Japan’s crisis-response mechanism, and its positive experience of participation in overseas operations, helped the country gradually achieve the status of an equal ally of the United States. Simultaneously, there has been a strain on Japan-China relations. It has been established that China’s dissatisfaction with Koizumi’s policies stemmed fi rstly from his focus on strengthening the Japanese-American alliance and secondly from the Prime Minister’s own behaviour, which was seen as disrespecting the national feelings of the Chinese (“war of nerves”). As a result, China’s offi cial policy was aimed at condemning Koizumi’s actions and limiting intergovernmental contacts. As a result, during his premiership, there was no fundamental convergence in the assessment of the historical past and relations between the two countries, which was damaging to both of them in the end.
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Streltsov, D. V. „Russian-Japanese Relations: Long-Term Development Factors“. MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, Nr. 3 (08.07.2020): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-68-85.
Annotation:
The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.
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Zhang, Cheng Wen, Chong You Wu und Su Zhen Wang. „Research State of Combine Threshing Unit Monitoring System and Insufficiency and Emphasis in China“. Applied Mechanics and Materials 246-247 (Dezember 2012): 1026–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.246-247.1026.
Annotation:
This article summarizes the development of United States, Japan and other foreign combine threshing part monitoring system. Meanwhile it analyses the research status of China from two aspects of fault diagnostic and the relationship with feed rate. Which is specifically illustrated the present researching status of the fault alarm, fault warning, troubleshooting, and the relationship be-tween feed rate and travel speed, roller torque, the drive pulley oil pressure relations. At last it con-cludes the insufficiency in the present studies and points out the direction of the strengthened re-search that is model of real-time controlling about feed rate.
47
Taylor, Ian. „China's foreign policy towards Africa in the 1990s“. Journal of Modern African Studies 36, Nr. 3 (September 1998): 443–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x98002857.
Annotation:
The People's Republic of China's (PRC's) policy towards Africa in the 1990s has its roots in the crisis surrounding the Tiananmen Square crackdown on 4 June 1989, and the heavy and persistent criticism by the developed world levelled against Beijing's human rights record since that date. Previous to this, the importance of the African continent to China had become less and less important in the 1980s, as the Cold War underwent a thawing process and China's modernisation project demanded foreign investment and technological assistance. Though Chinese officials paid rhetorical lip service to such issues as South–South co-operation, the reality of the situation was that Beijing was mainly interested in maintaining intimate relations with those countries from which it could benefit economically. In stark contrast to China's position in the 1960s and 1970s, exhortations and propaganda grounded in Maoist foundations disappeared, for the ‘socialist modernisation’ project of Deng Xiaoping demanded economic investment and a non-conflictual approach to international politics. As a result, non-ideological relations with the United States, Western Europe and Japan based on expanding trade links and co-operation took a priority in China's foreign policy formulation.
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PARK, CHEOL HEE. „Who's Who and Whereabouts of Japanese Political Studies in South Korea: With a Focus on the Third Generation Japan Specialists“. Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, Nr. 3 (29.10.2010): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000137.
Annotation:
AbstractThis article is an attempt to identify who's who and the whereabouts of Japanese political studies in South Korea. Previous studies suggest that South Korea made a delayed start in Japanese studies because of submerged anti-Japanese feeling among the general public, and that linguistic and humanistic studies were prevalent while social scientific studies lagged behind. The second generation scholars, who actively published their academic works on Japan between the late 1970s and the early 1990s, contributed to the development of objective, social scientific understanding of Japan. Their research interests included scrutinizing modern Japan, studying Korea-Japan relations, and analyzing Japanese foreign policy. The third generation scholars, which this article focuses on, have a few common characteristics: they began Japanese studies when Japan was rising; most of them were trained in Japan or the United States; most of them are fluent in Japanese; and they are publishing actively in major academic journals. The research interests of the third generation are categorized into four: (1) widening the research horizon; (2) inheriting the tradition of the previous generation; (3) synchronizing research agendas with the foreign scholarly community; and (4) opening up a new research horizon. After making a comprehensive content analysis of the works undertaken by third generation scholars, three major challenges are suggested for the upcoming generation of Japanese studies in South Korea: (1) globalizing the scholarly works with more theoretical analysis; (2) developing a uniquely Korean perspective about Japan; and (3) undertaking a systematic collaborative study with foreign scholars.
49
A.V., Goncharenko. „THE PROBLEM OF NAVAL WEAPONS’ LIMITATION IN FOREIGN POLICY OF THE USA IN THE EARLY 20-IES OF XX CENTURY“. Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), Nr. 54 (2019): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.54.6.
Annotation:
The article researches the position of the United States on the issue of naval arms restriction in the early 20-ies of the XX century. There are outlined causes, the course and the consequences of the intensification of Washington’s naval activity during the investigated period. It is explored the process of formation and implementation of the US initiatives to limit naval weapons before and during the Washington Peace Conference of 1921–1922. The role of the USA in the settlement of foreign policy contradictions between the leading countries of the world in the early 20-ies of the XX century is analyzed. In the early 20’s of the XX century there have been some changes in the international relations system and the role of the USA in it. Despite the isolation stance taken by Washington, the White House continues its policy of «open doors» and «equal opportunities», promoting the elimination of unequal agreements between foreign countries with China, and attempts to influence the position of European countries and Japan in the naval contest issues and limitation of naval weapons. Taking full advantages, which were giving the United States’ the richest country and world creditor status, the US Department of State has stepped up its US impact in the Asia-Pacific region. The new Republican administration succeeded in offsetting the failures of the Paris Decisions of 1919–1920 and began to СУМСЬКА СТАРОВИНА 2019 №LIV 75 construct a new model of international relations in which the United States would occupy a leading position. The success of US diplomacy at the Washington Peace Conference of 1921– 1922 contributed to this. However, the conflict between the former allies within the Entente was only smoothed out and not settled. The latter has led to increasing US capital expansion into Europe due to the significant economic growth in the country. Despite the fact that the Republicans’ achievements in US foreign policy on local issues have been much more specific than trying to solve the problem of a new system of international relations globally, these achievements have been rather relative. Leading countries in the world were still making concessions to the White House on separate issues, but in principle they were not ready to accept the scheme of relations offered by the States. That is why American foreign policy achievements have been impermanent. Key words: the
50
Möller, Kay. „Germany and China: A Continental Temptation“. China Quarterly 147 (September 1996): 706–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000051766.
Annotation:
The fact that Reichswehr officers served as advisors to Chiang Kai-shek between 1927 and 1936 and that Hitler, before concluding his anti- Comintern pact with Japan, may have toyed with a Chinese alternative, can only partly be explained by Germany's great power aspirations at the time. Bom powers had been latecomers to global interaction and were rather traditional continental players when compared with Britain or the United States. Both derived their foreign policy claims from a pre-modern and sometimes mythological status.