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1
de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. „The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
2
Ponniah, Helen. „Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.
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Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to
the beginning of this century. From the beginning
Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature
Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials
and also as a potential market for its finished products
Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which
became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which
were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron
ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of
Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and
other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular
in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads
on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British
colonial administration. For example, the British
enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited
rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a
quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the
late 1930s.
3
Herrmann, John. „Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.
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The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic
achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic
power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage
and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In
the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of
four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific
Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations
between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing
emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment.
That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent
for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly
apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA),
because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese
involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that
made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial
focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political
objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic
relationship.
4
Traylor, John Christopher 1960. „American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.
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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
5
Imamoto, Shizuka. „Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /“. Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
6
Duho, Drapeau Dann. „The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97)“. Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.
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Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.
7
Hachem, Daniel R. (Daniel Raymond). „A Study on U.S. Japanese Foreign Trade“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278155/.
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This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.
8
Culp, Rhonda Phillips. „Competition in services : an examination of US multinational companies in Japan's service sector“. Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28632.
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9
Nukumi, Tetsuro. „Political Economy of Industrial Keiretsu Groups in Japan and their Impact on Foreign Trade with the United States“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278301/.
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The postwar transformation of the international environment has caused economic issues to become a main source of contention among industrial states. The trade imbalance between Japan and its trading partners became a major source of conflict. Reciprocity of access and opening the market of Japan became the main point of debate and the major issue affecting relations between Japan and the United States. While the distinction between the domain of domestic and international politics increasingly is blurred, different domestic political economies create bilateral political and economic conflict. The structure and politics of intercorporate groups or vertical keiretsu are a major feature of Japan's industrial structure and political economy. This case study examines how vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries affect the Japanese political economy and international trade. A political economy approach focuses on the political context of economic phenomena by analyzing both political and economic variables. Case studies of keiretsu were used in order to gain an understanding of Japan's political economy. A number of propositions or assumptions about the political economy and the dynamics of keiretsu were examined in these studies. It was found that vertical keiretsu influences the industrial sector, trade, and foreign policies in Japan. Japan's industrial policies cannot fully be understood without taking keiretsu into consideration. Scholars have not yet fully considered vertical keiretsu as major actors in the Japanese political process. Their political influence on industrial policies has largely been overlooked. Vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries were found in the case studies to have been shaping industrial policies since the early post war years. Findings about the nature of Japan's political economy help to explain the conflictive bilateral relationships between Japan and the United States. The findings also show that understanding political economies of nations is increasingly important as the world economy grows and greater trade interaction is imminent.
10
Zhang, Qing. „Management of construction international joint ventures between Australia and Asia“. Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36103/1/36103_Zhang_2000.pdf.
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In recent years, many of South East Asian countries have experienced high
levels of economic growth. Coupled with their sheer population, this has led to
a huge demand for the improvement of infrastructure. The construction
market is growing rapidly in these countries, with governments encouraging
multinational companies to set up joint ventures with the local companies to
bring in advanced construction technology. International Joint Venture (IJV)
as a unique formation of project structure has become one of the most widely
used methods for multinational construction companies to enter into the Asian
market.
Australia is building closer relationships with Asian countries and is playing an
active role in the economy development of Asia Pacific region. Australian
contractors are also trying to gain a foothold in the international construction
market. They have the geographical advantage over their US or European
competitors to target the Asian market. Despite all this, the Australian
construction industry has been slow in accessing the Asian market, and has
experienced many difficulties.
As a result of the increasing interest in joint ventures in the business
environment and the high failure rate of the IJV, the study of IJV is gaining
increasing popularity among researchers. Most of the research has focused
on the motivations to joint venture. For example, past studies have
investigated joint ventures as means of coping with resource limitations and
uncertainty, reduction of risk and/or uncertainty, and expediting entry into a
new geographic or technological market. Another focus of joint venture research has been on joint venture performance and control. However, little
literature is available on how to manage the IJV between Australia and Asian
countries. As more and more Australian companies are forming joint ventures
in Asian developing countries, it is important to investigate the performance of
these joint ventures.
This research project aims at the Australian IJV in Asia. After the analysis of
existing joint venture problems, four areas of joint venture management - joint
venture formation, joint venture partnership and negotiation, joint venture
organisational management and joint venture project management have been
identified as the research concentration. Industry interviews and a
questionnaire survey has been used to collect data. Research findings are
further developed into a theoretical model for Australian IJV management.
11
Walter, Jason Michael. „Determinants of Bilateral Trade between the United States and Japan“. Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2010. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29311.
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The objective of this study is to evaluate the effects of macroeconomic policy variables on bilateral trade between the United States and Japan. An auto-regressive distributed lag model is developed to estimate the effects of government economic policies on four commodity groups: agriculture; materials and chemicals; machinery and transport equipment; and manufactured goods. Results indicate that monetary policy significantly affects U. S. and Japanese imports of manufactured goods and transport equipment. The results also show that changes in government expenditure have a significant long-run effect on U.S. imports of manufactured goods and Japanese imports of materials and chemicals, while the long-run
effects of income and exchange rates are significant for most commodity groups.
12
Wick, Shelley D. „Constructing Threat: How Americans Identify Economic Competitors“. FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/860.
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China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.
13
Magwaza, Mayibuye Matthew. „South Africa and Japan - a bureaucratic policy analysis“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85570.
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Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study applies a modified bureaucratic policy process model to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese relations, particularly in regards to a proposed Economic Partnership Agreement, and the experiences of Japanese agencies within South Africa. South Africa and Japan are major trade partners, and the Japanese government has a significant presence in the African aid scene via the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), and through the works of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). South African – Japanese relations have been documented in a modest but respectable fashion by a range of researchers, including Alden, Skidmore and Osada. The bureaucratic policy process model has been used in an array of studies on international relations and decision making, notably by Graham Allison. However, it has not been previously applied to South African – Japanese relations. As a result, there is a dearth of information on how bureaucratic dynamics affect Japanese – South African relations. In response to this, a modified bureaucratic policy process model is used to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese governmental relations. A literature review of primary and secondary sources is undertaken, consisting of a historical review of South African – Japanese relations. Following this, a brief overview of contemporary literature on South African – Japanese relations is performed. This includes both secondary sources and primary sources relating to government bureaucracies current priorities and strategies. Material on TICAD is included in this section. Interviews with government officials from both the Japanese and South African governments are carried out using a modified snowball sampling system. The interviews provide insights into the different bureaucratic organization’s priorities and programmes, as well as their relationships with other organizations. From this data, two emergent themes are addressed: the failure of a contemplated Free Trade Agreement / Economic Partnership Agreement and the way in which Japanese agencies, particularly JICA, operate within the South Africa context. It is found that the FTA failed due to welfare concerns from the South African Department of Trade and Industry, as well as greater complications relating to trade agreements in general. These greater complications stem from the involvement of regional bodies such as the South African Customs Union. Japanese agencies are found to be constrained within South Africa by a lack of resources as well as by the independent and somewhat sceptical attitude of South African government agencies towards Japanese aid efforts. It is proposed that the relevance of extra national bureaucracies to the decision making process surrounding the FTA has implications for deploying the bureaucratic policy process model, which has generally only considered national bureaucracies in discussing how decisions are made. It is further suggested that South African trade deals are complicated by the country’s location within the South African Customs Union and the South African Development Community, and the consequent need to consult and negotiate with third parties who are likely to be impacted by such deals. Finally, it is suggested that because both South Africa and Japan face significant, but different economic challenges, they should prioritise improving their economic relations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel gebruik om die hedendaagse betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed, veral wat betref ’n voorgestelde ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms tussen die twee lande en die ervarings van Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Japan is groot handelsvennote, en die Japannese regering handhaaf ’n beduidende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-hulptoneel deur middel van die Tokiose Internasionale Konferensie oor Afrika-ontwikkeling (TICAD) en die werk van die Japannese Internasionale Samewerkingsagentskap (JICA). Verskeie navorsers, waaronder Alden, Skidmore en Osada, het die betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan al op beskeie dog aansienlike wyse beskryf. Die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel is al in ’n rits studies oor internasionale betrekkinge en besluitneming gebruik, in die besonder deur Graham Allison. Tog is dit nog nooit voorheen op betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan toegepas nie. Dus bestaan daar weinig inligting oor hoe burokratiese dinamiek die betrekkinge tussen hierdie twee lande raak. In antwoord hierop is ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel dus gebruik om die hedendaagse staatsbetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed. Eerstens is ’n literatuuroorsig van primêre en sekondêre bronne onderneem wat uit ’n historiese oorsig van betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan bestaan het. Daarná is ’n oorsig van kontemporêre literatuur oor die verhoudinge tussen die twee lande onderneem. Dít het sowel sekondêre as primêre bronne met betrekking tot die huidige prioriteite en strategieë van staatsburokrasieë ingesluit. Hierdie afdeling sluit ook materiaal oor TICAD in. Onderhoude met staatsamptenare van die Japannese sowel as die Suid-Afrikaanse regerings is met behulp van ’n aangepaste stelsel van sneeubalsteekproefneming gevoer. Die onderhoude bied insig in die verskillende burokratiese organisasies se prioriteite en programme, sowel as hul verhoudings met ander organisasies. Twee temas wat uit hierdie data na vore gekom het, is vervolgens bespreek: die mislukking van ’n beoogde vryehandel-/ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms, en die funksionering van Japannese agentskappe, veral JICA, in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Daar word bevind dat die vryehandelsooreenkoms misluk het weens welsynsbesware van die Suid-Afrikaanse Departement van Handel en Nywerheid, sowel as groter komplikasies met betrekking tot handelsooreenkomste in die algemeen. Hierdie groter komplikasies hou verband met die betrokkenheid van streeksliggame soos die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie. Voorts blyk Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika aan bande gelê te word deur ’n gebrek aan hulpbronne, sowel as Suid-Afrikaanse staatsagentskappe se onafhanklike en effens skeptiese houding jeens Japannese hulppogings. Die studie doen aan die hand dat die relevansie van bykomende nasionale burokrasieë in die besluitnemingsproses oor die vryehandelsooreenkoms bepaalde implikasies inhou vir die gebruik van die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel, wat meestal slegs rekening hou met enkele nasionale burokrasieë se rol in besluitneming. Voorts blyk dit dat Suid-Afrikaanse handelstransaksies bemoeilik word deur die land se lidmaatskap van die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap, en die gevolglike behoefte om oorleg te pleeg met derde partye wat waarskynlik deur sulke transaksies geraak sal word. Laastens word aangevoer dat aangesien Suid-Afrika en Japan met beduidende dog verskillende ekonomiese uitdagings te kampe het, die verbetering van ekonomiese betrekkinge tussen die twee lande nou voorrang behoort te geniet.
14
Nguyen, Thi Bich Ha. „Strategic Economic Partnership between Vietnam and Japan: Current State, Challenges and Measures to Promote Trade and Investment Relations“. 名古屋大学大学院経済学研究科附属国際経済政策研究センター, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/16042.
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15
Olson, Cassandra A. „Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands Dispute—Trilateral Policy Responses Between China, Japan, and the US“. The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429761310.
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16
Nel, Philip Rudolph. „Japanese investment in the South African economy : prospects for the future“. Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/318.
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17
Fox, Senan James. „Uncharted waters in a new era : an actor-centered constructivist liberal approach to the East China Sea disputes, 2003 - 2008“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2080.
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This thesis examines the deep bilateral tensions surrounding the East China Sea (ECS) disagreements between Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period from August 19th 2003 to June 18th 2008 from an actor-centred constructivist liberal viewpoint. The East China Sea disputes could be described as a conflicting difference of opinion over a) the demarcation of maritime territory and Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) in which potentially significant energy deposits exist and b) the ownership of the strategically important and historically sensitive Pinnacle (Senkaku/Diaoyu) Islands. This research addresses the question of why, given the fact that China and Japan have a strong interest in co-operation and stable relations with each other, small incidents in the ECS blow up into larger problems, cause approaches to the East China Sea to wax and wane, and move the relationship in a direction that goes against preferred national objectives? In attempting to unravel this puzzle, this work argues that domestic politics and popular negative sentiment have been the major issues that have greatly amplified and politicised the ECS problems and have significantly affected positive progress in negotiations aimed at managing and stabilising these disputes. By examining these, the thesis addresses the question of why China and Japan have been so constrained in their attempts to find a workable bilateral agreement over disputed energy resources and demarcation in the East China Sea. It also indirectly deals with the question of why the conflicting legal complexities surrounding these disagreements contributed to both states so fervently maintaining and defending their claims.
18
Cezar, Rodrigo Fagundes. „Constrangimentos domésticos à política externa comercial dos Estados Unidos no Governo Clinton (1993-2001)“. Marília, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/127875.
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Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Ferreira de CarvalhoBanca: Filipe Almeida do Prado Mendonça
Banca: Tullo Vigevani
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A dissertação analisa as dificuldades domésticas apresentadas à formulação e à aprovação de política externa comercial nos EUA durante o governo de Bill Clinton (1993-2001) e a forma pela qual o Executivo se ajustou a esses obstáculos. Faz-se uma narrativa analítica, tendo com ênfase 1) a aprovação do NAFTA (1993), 2) os entraves ao processo de renovação do fasttrack (1997), 3) as relações comerciais com a China (1993-1996) e com o Japão (1993-1995), 4) a normalização das relações comerciais com a China e reunião ministerial da OMC em Seattle (1999-2000). O quadro analítico contém elementos de distintas abordagens, como a das unidades de decisão e da política burocrática, partindo da premissa de que o processo decisório em política externa comercial se dá por meio de coalizões. Argumenta-se que a forma como se elaborou a política comercial durante o governo Clinton foi essencial para que se chegasse aos resultados obtidos, sendo que os entraves no processo foram resultado das divisões no Congresso, na sociedade e no Executivo e das dificuldades de coordenação entre esses atores. Conclui-se que a análise oferecida, ao considerar os principais atores e seu relacionamento no processo decisório, permite entender com mais clareza os entraves domésticos à política externa comercial, bem como o modo pelo qual o Executivo se ajustou a tais entraves.
Abstract: This dissertation analyzes the domestic constraints that arose during the formulation and voting of US trade policy throughout Bill Clinton's administration (1993-2001) and the manner in which the Executive adjusted to these obstacles. An analytical narrative is undertaken with emphasis on: 1) the approval of NAFTA (1993); 2) the constraints to the renewal of fast-track authority (1997); 3) trade relations with China (1993-1996) and with Japan (1993-1995), 4) the normalization of trade relations with China and the WTO ministerial conference in Seattle (1999-2000). The analytic framework contains elements of different approaches such as decision units approach and bureaucratic politics model, based on the assumption that decision is made through coalitions. We argue that the way trade policy was formulated was essential for the results achieved and that the constraints were the result of divisions in the Congress, society and Executive and the difficulties related to the coordination of these actors. We conclude that the analysis provided allows us to understand more clearly the domestic constraints to the US trade policy and the manner in which the Executive adjusted to these obstacles by considering the relationship among the main actors within the decision-making process.
Mestre
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Monnet, Rodolphe. „La politique extérieure de l'Inde en Afrique“. Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCB025.
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Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'AfriqueSince 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa
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Saito, Tadashi. „Trade without diplomatic relations : a comparative study of China-Japan and China-Australia trade relations in the 1960s“. Master's thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128709.
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This sub-thesis deals with Sino-Japanese and Sino-Australian trade
relations from 1960 to 1972. During this period, both Japan and Australia
maintained trade ties with China (the People's Republic of China), although
they had broken off diplomatic relations with her.1 The main interest here
is how and why these trade relations were maintained without diplomatic
relations. This, then, is a study of trade relations between states which
have no diplomatic relations.
21
Kamada, Mayumi. „Private economic diplomacy in Australia-Japan relations : the role of business cooperation committees“. Phd thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128304.
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The thesis examines the functions of the AustraliaJapan
Business Cooperation Committee (AJBCC) and the
Japan-Australia Business Cooperation Committee (JABCC) in ·
the context of mechanisms used by the business
communi ties in both countries to expand communication
with foreign countries. It also evaluates the role of
the committees in the development of Australia-Japan
relations.
The concept of private economic diplomacy is used to
explain how the significance of each committee in its own
domestic environment reflected the importance of the
other country as a trading partner. How each committee
functioned as an instrument of private economic diplomacy
was influenced by the structure of business
representation in each country. In particular, the
characteristics of the individuals who took the
ini tiative in establishing the committees and the peak
business organisations that provided administrative
backup for the committees tended to determine the limits
of committee activities.
The two committees made different inputs into their
own business communi ties. The AJBCC made an important
impact on the development of Australia's private economic
diplomacy by introducing the concept of an organised,
cross-sectoral approach to foreign countries. fvlany
similar commi ttees wi th other countries were later
established modelled on the AJBCC. Involvement of these committees in Australia's foreign policy formulation and
implementation, however, was limited, mainly because of
the service-orientated nature of their umbrella
organisations. The AJBCC established more formalised
operations and contacts with its own government than the
JABCC.
The inauguration of the JABCC was significant step
in the evolution of Japan's private economic diplomacy,
because it represented the establishment of a permanent
channel of communication with a foreign country.
Throughout its history, the JABCC continued to raise
issues at joint meetings with the AJBCC, which strongly
reflected the basic goals of Japan's private economic
diplomacy at the time. The domestic impact of the JABCC,
however, was relatively minor. Compared with other
business cooperation committees in Japan, less emphasis
was given to domestic political functions in the
operation of the JABCC.
Both committees' activities centred on holding joint
meetings, which provided a
channel between the two
legitimate communication
countries and important
opportuni ties for business leaders to extend their
personal contacts. The two committees also acted as a
medium of communication between the Australian and
Japanese governments. As time went by this channel
became relatively less significant.
22
Terada, Takashi. „Creating an Asia Pacific economic community : the roles of Australia and Japan in regional institution-building“. Phd thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147083.
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23
Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). „The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia“. 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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Asayama, Yumiko. „Pacific Island responses to Australian and Japanese government assistance in dealing with problems of adaptation to climate change“. Master's thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150369.
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It is widely acknowledged that the Pacific Island Countries (PICs) are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change and that they have limited resources and capacity to deal with the problems of adaptation without assistance from the international community. While PICs might logically take a regional approach in requesting international assistance to implement adaptation measures, climate change affects a wide range of activities. This study examined Pacific Island responses to donors' assistance, with particular focus on Australian and Japanese assistance and explored cross-sectoral issues associated with planning and implementation of adaptation measures by PICs. Australia asserts that a scientific knowledge base and capacity to use timely locally tailored scientific data is a fundamental requirement for guide policy makers and planners to provide cost-effective resource management and the implementation of locally appropriate adaptation measures. Australia has provided assistance on that basis through its overseas aid program from the early 1990s. However, given the diversity of local concerns, the different stakeholders have different perceptions of the threat and risks of climate change and preferred response measures. Under these conditions, robust scientific knowledge alone does not necessarily translate into sensible decision-making processes, in the absence of further assistance to assist PIC in enhancing their institutional capacity and to implement climate change projects. Japanese assistance, which specifically targets climate change in PICs, was found to be limited to the promotion of climate change research and human resource development. More broadly, Japanese ODA has prioritized PICs' environmental problems and the improvement of their livelihood over time, because the primary objective of Japanese assistance is to support PICs' taking ownership of their own development through capacity development with its grant aid and technical cooperation. Interviewees' opinions, particularly those of government officials, regarding Japan's assistance indicated that PICs adaptation needs were generally consistent with their needs for livelihood improvement and economic growth. Responses also revealed that it was of fundamental importance to PICs that donors' recognize and understand the diverse condition in each country and develop individually tailored responses through comprehensive program-based assistance. The delivery of Japanese ODA on a bilateral basis was thus welcomed by many PICs. It is clear that PICs are unable to implement the necessary adaptation responses without significant financial and technical assistance from donors. Interviewees responses tended to highlight their personal or agencies' preferred process for obtaining and delivering aid. Both Australian and Japanese assistance to date have provided little impetus for institutional change to promote a long-term commitment to the implementation of adaptation measures by PICs. In addition, the different funding mechanisms have caused institutional fragmentation between agencies in PICs, resulting in limited information sharing and lack of policy coordination across agencies. Donor expectations and PICs' adaptation needs are unlikely to be met until PICs' institutional challenges, including the ability to effectively utilize existing funds, are addressed.
25
Monyae, Lennon. „China and Japan in Africa: the case of FOCAC and TIDAL“. Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24530.
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Research report submitted towards the award of Master of Arts Department of International Relations University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2017This dissertation investigates FOCAC and TICAD contributions towards development on the African continent. The research explains the architecture of the latter conference diplomacy institutions. Japan and China are argued to be competing through evidence from the different fields that give foreign assistance to. Jospeh Nye’s soft power as theoretical framework will guide the research’s understanding of Chinese and Japanese engagements in African development. The research found that FOCAC outweighed TICAD in financial contributions however TICAD through JICA had more grassroots level contributions. China was seen to be focused on bilateral relations aimed at supporting state-led companies in big infrastructure development. Japan is argued to be more engaging with external actors while supporting African development and in addition, showed more support for the African Union’s policies. China has ‘win-win’ and Japan has ‘partnership’ both in line with African Pan -African ideals. Africans are lacking policy and guidelines in dealing with foreign partners and argued to organise themselves and respond to Japanese and Chinese interests collectively. Agenda 2063 that mentions external partners as a source of funding for development is not enough to use a policy. African development policies are seen to have failed previously due to unfulfilled promises from external partners. The research argues that African people should take FOCAC and TICAD as learning spaces and take a leadership role in their own development.
XL2018
26
Okamoto, Jiro. „Australia's foreign economic policy and ASEAN“. Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149958.
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Douglas, Megan. „Japanese perceptions of APEC“. Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/143814.
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Dugis, Vinsensio. „Australian-Indonesian relations, a study of political, economic and defence cooperation (1986-1996)“. Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/111279.
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This thesis analyses the relationship between Australia and Indonesia between 1986-1996 and particularly focuses on cooperation in the areas of politics, economics and defence. It is argued that the relationship between Australia and Indonesia has become stronger due to the mutual interests of the two countries.Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1997
29
Lloyd, Rachel. „Japanese foreign direct investment in Europe in a comparative perspective“. Master's thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129397.
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Japanese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Europe has undergone significant change in
the last decade. Between 1985 and 1990, the stock of Japanese FDI directed to Europe
increased more than five times, and the annual flow of new investment grew from about
$2 billion to over $14 billion. Europe's share of Japan's total FDI also increased
substantially. However, with the end of the 'bubble economy', new investment in Europe
fell sharply.
The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the trends in Japanese FDI in Europe in the
context of Japanese FDI worldwide. The thesis will analyse the reasons for and
implications of these trends. In addition, attention will be given to the attitudes towards
this investment and the resulting conflicts, and prospects for the future.
30
Swan, William L. „Japanese economic relations with Siam : aspects of their historical development 1884 to 1942“. Phd thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128298.
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This study traces the course of Japanese economic relations with Siam from the
late 19th century, when Japanese began going to Siam for economic purposes follow -
ing the end of the Tokugawa Bakufu, to the beginning of the Pacific war, when Japan
was at the apex of its power in Southeast Asia and had formulated a new economic
policy towards Siam, one which dealt with Siam as a member of the Greater East Asia
Co-Prosperity Sphere. During the decades before the Pacific war, Japanese capital
investment in Siam remained negligible and trade was the most important feature of
economic relations between the two countries. This trade fell roughly into three phases:
ihe first and longest lasted until the onset of the Depression and was a period of gradual
trade growth, when Japanese products began to establish themselves in the Siamese
market; the second phase ran from around 1932 until 1937 during which Japan's
exports to Siam experienced an extraordinary expansion, a result of the Depression
which reduced Siamese purchasing power making low-priced Japanese products very
attractive and which made Japan Siam's preeminent trading partner; the third phase
started with the outbreak of the "China Incident" in mid 1937 and continued until the
outbreak of the Pacific war in December 1941, a period when political and military
factors began to affect Siam-Japan economic relations until by 1941 these factors, most
importantly the growing Japanese confrontation with Britain and the United States, were
able to completely reorient Japan's trade relations with Southeast Asia. This reorientation
took Siam from the position of an unimportant Southeast Asian trading partner with
Japan to one of the most if not the most important by 1941. The events of the months
surrounding the outbreak of the Pacific war are dealt with at some length as these make
up a period of great significance in Siam-Japan relations, culminating as it did in Siam's
alliance with Japan and finally its declaration of war on Britain and the United States.
Strong evidence is set forth from contemporary Siamese, Japanese and English
sources showing that the Siamese were not the reluctant Japanese ally as has come to
be commonly accepted since the war. In chapters nine through twelve, which discuss
this important period in Siam-Japan relations, a critique is made of the now accepted
postwar interpretation of Siam's relations with Japan at the time the Pacific war began.
It is argued that important postwar Siamese memoirs and reminiscences have not been
forthright in their rendering of events with Japan at the beginning of the war, and that the
Siamese government, especially Phibun, was ready to commit Siam totally to the
Japanese side by the second day of the war. This study ends with an investigation of
aspects of Japan's wartime economic relations with Siam. One was the introduction of a
wartime Japanese money system into Southeast Asia; a second was the negotiations
that took place during much of 1942 over the lending of baht to the Japanese to pay for
their expenditures in Siam during the war, both show that Japan recognized Siam as an
independent nation and an ally and accorded it distinctly different treatment from that
given to its occupied areas. Another aspect of wartime relations looked at is the intro -
duction of a new Japanese economic policy for Siam which was to pave the way for that
country's economic integration into the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. The
approach taken in formulating this policy and its thrust followed the pattern that the
Japanese had employed from the time they began building their colonial empire in
Taiwan and Korea. For this reason it provides an indication of Japanese intentions for
Siam-Japan economic relations had the war gone in Japan's favour.
31
Armstrong, Shiro. „The Japan-China economic relationship: distance, institutions and politics“. Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109329.
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This study of the trade and investment relationship between Japan and China asks what
drives it and whether the vagaries of their political relationship have affected these
elements of their economic relationship. Tools are developed to account for the
determinants of trade and investment flows and to measure resistances to trade and
investment. This allows benchmarking and cross country comparisons of trade and
investment performance. A world trade frontier and an FDI frontier are estimated using
an approach that incorporates a consistent framework for isolating core determinants
and resistances. The results suggest that the proximity of Japan and China, their
complementary economic structures and the multilateral settings in which both are
deeply integrated have been more powerful drivers of trade than the ups and downs of
politics. While the economic relationship is not independent from the politics it has not
been diminished or disturbed by politics to a significant extent. The analysis is
complemented by examination of the electronics and automobile sectors, investigation
of the dynamics of the link between politics and trade, and discussion of the role of the
WTO. China's commitment to the global trading system from the mid 1980s and its
accession to the WTO in 200 I have meant that tensions from time to time in the
political relationship have not derailed, but have increasingly come to be dominated by,
the economic relationship.
32
Dungey, Mardi. „International influences on the Australian economy“. Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146002.
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33
Applegate, Craig John. „The external costs associated with Australia's foreign debts : analysis and measurement“. Phd thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128798.
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An important macroeconomic issue in Australia is whether
Australia's foreign debt, particularly that of the private sector,
imposes an external cost on other residents of the country. The
traditional source of an external cost associated with foreign debt
is ruled out in the Australian case as it is found not to have any
monopsony power in the world capital market. However, an
external cost can also come from interaction between private and
public debt.
This interaction could occur in the event of default, in
which the government intervenes with the debt repayment of the
private sector. The possibility of default, although examined in the
literature, has not been explicitly incorporated in the Australian
foreign debt debate. In light of this, a model is developed in which
it is sometimes optimal for the government to intervene in
repayments of private sector foreign debt. The external cost
imposed by the private sector foreign debt takes the form of the
imposition of an ex-ante expected default penalty on other
borrowers within an economy.
In the 1980's, the governments of those countries which
have had problems in repaying their debts and which have also
had large private sector foreign debts, have tended to interfere in
the repayment of those private foreign debts. The scale of
Australia's foreign debt as a proportion of G.N.P. is found to be
roughly comparable to that of Latin America. Between January 1990 and March 1993 , the
Commonwealth of Australia is found to have paid an average of
0.55 percent on its seven-year borrowings in the Eurodollar
market above the rate paid by the I.M.F'/World Bank. This is
interpreted as the default risk premium on Australia's debt. It
appears to be possible that it may be in the interest of the
Australian government to interfere in the foreign debt repayments
of both the public and private sector in the future. The analysis in
chapter seven indicates that it is possible for foreign debt to result
in an external cost in these circumstances.
A time-series analysis for the Australian government
eurodollar debt is carried out for the period 1986 to 1993, when
the Commonwealth's credit-rating was downgraded. The economic
variables identified in the literature, however, were found to be
statistically insignificant in this case. The chosen factors for default
risk premia are those that are considered to be relevant to the two
major theories used in the empirical analysis. These are the
efficient risk-sharing and default-based penalty theories of
sovereign debt. These include exogenous shocks and variables
relating to both the benefit and penalty for default.
Although theory and recent history suggest that such an
external cost exists, in the case of Australia for the period covered,
the determinants of this external cost are difficult to establish.
34
Kunkel, John H. „Demanding results : US market access policies towards Japan“. Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146030.
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Jiang, Yang. „China's policymaking on regional economic cooperation“. Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150429.
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Nguyen, Huyen Thi Phuong. „The role of Japan's official development assistance in implementing local development programs and its influence on Vietnam-Japan diplomatic relations : the case of Da Nang city“. Master's thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150583.
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Due to the strategic economic role that Da Nang City plays in the development of Central Vietnam, and the advancement of the whole country of Vietnam and the Mekong Region, this city has become the main receiver and focal point of Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA). This research analyzes the impacts of Japan's ODA projects over Vietnam's development by closely studying the ODA's experiences of Da Nang City. Two representative projects that were funded using Japan's ODA in Da Nang City were chosen as case studies to analyze the crucial role of Japan's ODA projects in the economic and social development of Da Nang City, Vietnam. Because of the importance of Japan's ODA projects in the overall development of Vietnam and in various localities, Vietnam's locality, Japan's ODA has greatly influenced the diplomatic relationships that exist between Vietnam and Japan. This research illustrates how Japan's ODA has been used in furthering the foreign policies of Vietnam and Japan and studies its impacts on the two countries' diplomatic relationships. The findings of this research have helped the author in making some recommendations on the effective handling of Japan's ODA at the local and national scales. The findings and recommendations in this study are expected to provide useful information which could help in the efficient management of ODA in Vietnam, and consequently lead to the improvement of the diplomatic relationships between Vietnam and Japan.
37
Zhang, Dong Dong. „Political economy of the China-Japan relationship in an era of reform and liberalisation“. Phd thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145350.
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Satake, Tomohiko. „From 'collective defence' to 'international security' : security burden-sharing in the US-Japan and the US-Australia alliances during the post-Cold War era“. Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150144.
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Tarte, Sandra. „Japan's aid diplomacy and the South Pacific“. Phd thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/122681.
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This thesis is a study of the factors that influence and shape Japan’s official development
assistance to the Pacific island countries. It is a case study of Japan’s aid diplomacy and
contributes to the broader debate about what drives Japan’s aid program and how to
interpret Japan’s role as an aid donor. The thesis argues that the issue of access to the
region’s fisheries resources has profoundly influenced and politicised Japan’s aid
relations with the Pacific island countries. But other political and strategic agendas have
also shaped Japan’s aid diplomacy with the region. These motivated the Kuranari
Doctrine, Japan’s major statement of principles underlying its foreign policy with the
Pacific islands.
Through analysis of Japan’s fisheries aid diplomacy, the Kuranari Doctrine and
Japan’s approach to multilateral aid policy frameworks, the thesis shows how, over time,
policies may be driven by competing interests and objectives. The study demonstrates
how different aid policies may be formulated by different parts of the aid bureaucracy,
often without close coordination. This analysis builds on perspectives of Japan’s aid
administration, especially the bureaucratic politics approach and the ‘modified strong
state paradigm’. While the former emphasises inter-ministry conflicts and rivalry, the
latter stresses coordination between government and private sector interests in ODA
policy. This study suggests that neither perspective, on its own, provides an adequate
explanation of the economic, political and bureaucratic factors shaping Japan’s aid
policies to the Pacific island countries, and the way these have changed over time. While
there is close coordination between government and private sector actors in order to
advance strategic economic interests, coordination within the aid administration is more
problematic.
The thesis challenges assumptions, implicit in much of the literature on Japan’s
ODA, that there is a coherent set of aid policies and that Japan’s ODA program has
evolved in a rational way from a narrow economic focus to encompass broader
diplomatic and political considerations. It suggests, instead, that there are tensions within
the aid program, especially between economic and political objectives. The study
highlights the way the Pacific island countries have challenged Japan’s economic
dominance through a combination of collective diplomacy, alliance building and
exploiting international regimes (the Law of the Sea Convention). The Pacific islands
case is of interest in that it shows how extreme disparities between Japan and aid
recipients may be balanced, to some extent, by both bureaucratic and diplomatic factors.
The study shows how Japan’s aid diplomacy has reacted to challenges and threats in the
regional context, but argues that external pressures and domestic political processes may
pull Japan in different directions and give rise to a disjointed, ad hoc set of aid policies.
40
„Japan's comprehensive national security strategy and its economic cooperation with and assistance to the ASEAN countries“. Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1989. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5886204.
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Guciano, Hanafi Sofyan. „The role of the Yen in East Asia“. Phd thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145975.
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Miankhel, Adil Khan. „Trade exposure and the dynamics of regional integration“. Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150286.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
An export-led growth strategy is considered as a sustainable path to growth, and yet many countries are not exporting to their full potential. A country's inability to export to its potential is a reflection of institutional and structural impediments and rigidities at home as well as in its trading partners. As a strategy to overcome these socio-political and institutional barriers, countries engage with each other to improve the exporting environment through negotiating trade agreements. In order to highlight a country's obstacles in realization of its export potential and strategy to overcome these socio-political-institutional barriers through regional agreements, this thesis explores empirically the presence of such barriers and tests the dynamics of regional integration by carrying out four empirical studies.
The first study deals with estimating Australia's export potential as it is relatively open among the resource-based developed economies for empirical testing. A major link between export growth and trade agreements is the flow of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), mostly from the developed economies. Therefore, in order to find the impact of FDI on economic growth, the second study conducts an empirical analysis of six FDI recipient emerging countries. The third and fourth studies gauge the positive and negative impacts of regional integration on economic growth of member countries. The third study analyses the long-term impact of exports and FDI on output growth among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), ASEAN plus 3 and ASEAN plus 6 groupings. The fourth study identifies the relative importance of shock propagation channels in EU, NAFTA, ASEAN plus 3, MERCOSUR and SAARC and tests the empirical findings for each region by observing the regions' responses to the recent idiosyncratic shocks of 2007 and 2008.
The first study examines Australia's export potential and explores whether Australia is realizing its full export potential. A country's inability to realize its full potential is an indication of presence of 'behind the border' constraints influencing negatively a country's exports. The empirical analysis indicates that even in the case of Australia, which is relatively open among the resource-based developed economies, 'behind the border' factors are important to explain the reasons why it does not export its full potential.
The impact of FDI on economic growth is found in the second study by conducting an empirical analysis on six FDI recipient emerging countries, Chile, India, Mexico, Malaysia, Pakistan and Thailand, as FDI flows mostly from the developed economies. The study explores the dynamic relationship between exports, FDI and GDP and given that these countries are at different stages of growth, the impact of FDI and exports on economic growth is identified at different stages of growth in both the short and long-term.
The third study examines the long-run impact of exports and FDI on output growth among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), ASEAN plus 3 and ASEAN plus 6 groupings as despite having bilateral and multilateral trade agreements, most of the countries are also linked directly or indirectly as members of regional trade blocs. However, each regional grouping has different characteristics due to the interplay of the forces of regionalism and regionalization. The study indicates the presence of positive impact of FDI and export on output growth in ASEAN and ASEAN plus 3 countries and finds no long-run relationship between FDI and export on GDP growth in the ASEAN plus 6 grouping.
As there are risks associated with increased regional and global integration that result in the exposure of economies to shocks from external markets, the fourth study explores the relative importance of shock propagation channels in various regions, namely MERCOSUR, EU, ASEAN+3, NAFTA to the recent idiosyncratic shocks of 2007 and 2008. Trade and financial integration are identified as the two most important idiosyncratic shock transmission mechanisms. The empirical analysis shows that in the EU, ASEAN+3, NAFTA and MERCOSUR, GDP has a short term causal relationship with financial variable and any reversal in financial flows could affect the regions GDP negatively. In addition, only in the MERCOSUR and SAARC regions, GDP has a causal short term relationship with goods exports and any negative goods export shocks affects only these two regions GDP and that too depends on the level of exposure to the shock-originating country. Therefore, economic integration not only helps promote export growth and attract FDI but may also lead to greater volatility in output from negative shocks. The response of each region to these shocks may differ depending on the special characteristics of each region, type of shock and shock transmission mechanisms. The thesis highlights that besides benefits of enhanced growth due to regional agreements, there are also risks associated with regional integration. Furthermore, each region has special characteristics that needs to be identified and this thesis highlights the weak links in different regions due to which the recent financial crisis spread to different regions by analysing the idiosyncratic shocks of 2007 and 2008.
43
Iizaka, Hitomi. „Two essays in international economics Evidence of consumption risk sharing in Japan and Determinants of U.S. and Japanese FDI in China /“. Diss., 1999. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/44432029.html.
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Bird, David Samuel. „J.A. Lyons, the 'tame Tasmanian': a study in Australian foreign and defence policy, 1932-39“. 2004. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/7403.
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J.A. Lyons, Prime Minister of Australia, 1932-39, presided over twin policies of conciliation and rearmament in a search for peace. The thesis discusses his individual world-view, one chiefly constructed on principles of consensus, and analyses the foreign and defence policies of his government, thereby re-evaluating suggestions that Lyons was chiefly interested in only domestic policy.The foreign policy of the Lyons years was primarily directed at the Asian-Pacific region, especially at Japan. It consisted of an Australian variety of ‘cunctation’, superseded by the variety of ‘appeasement’ found in the Australian Eastern Mission of 1934, arguably the first time that appeasement was applied in East Asia and the first of three significant external policy initiatives of the Lyons years. Lyons himself lobbied in favour of appeasement in the broader imperial context from 1935, recognising that it needed to be targeted at Rome and Berlin, as well as at Tokyo. Any Australian government could not apply appeasement in Europe directly, in the absence of an Australian diplomatic service, although Lyons sought to advance conciliation through ‘personal diplomacy’ in certain foreign capitals. It was not, however, until the premiership of Chamberlain, after May 1937, that London and Canberra were united in the desire for the application of ‘wider appeasement’, the policy adopted at the 1937 Imperial Conference. At this gathering, Lyons presented a second major initiative, the proposal for a Pacific Pact of non-aggression; his magnum opus and the ultimate opportunity for his regional peacemaking.
The Imperial Conference had also discussed and endorsed measures designed to enhance the process of imperial consultation and once Whitehall subsequently began to apply appeasement in Europe, Lyons was keen to ensure that the voice of his dominion was heard. This was especially so during the first Czech crisis of September 1938 in which, it is argued, Lyons and his appeasing circle sought to play a significant consultative and intermediary role. These efforts seemed to have been rewarded by the climax of European appeasement: the 1938 ‘Munich Pact’. Appeasement was, however, everywhere dissolving from late-1938, as was the mechanism of imperial consultation, and the response of Lyons as prime minister was to initiate the process of establishing an independent Australian diplomatic service, something long considered by his government, but hitherto delayed. This initiative came too late to prevent his reluctant admission of the failure of appeasement, in March 1939.
The policy of conciliation was accompanied from the beginning of the Lyons years by a muscular defence policy. That policy involved five separate rearmament programs, September 1933-December 1938. Although mindful of imperial needs, this policy was chiefly directed at the requirements of home defence and the Lyons government remained wary of the Singapore strategy. Lyons’s character was stamped on it by his decisive opposition to conscription, 1938-39. Although it was his misfortune, as a leading Australian appeaser, that conciliation was everywhere overshadowed by rearmament, the considerable defensive preparations of the Lyons years ensured that a sufficient state of readiness was attained to match the hostile scenarios envisaged in defence planning after 1932. The attempts made to secure a level of joint, imperial defence planning, however, resulted in failure.
In its examination of the foreign and defence policies of the 1930s this thesis augments the revision underway in current scholarship. It demonstrates that an identifiable Australian foreign policy existed and that it was chiefly a regional one - even if the application of that policy was retarded by the absence of a diplomatic structure and by the consequent reliance on London. It nonetheless adhered to the patterns of external policy that had evolved since Federation. When combined with an examination of the robust defence measures of these years, Lyons emerges as a vigorous premier with a clear vision of Australia’s place in the world. It is argued that the search for peace of the ‘Tame Tasmanian’, 1932-39, was sustained and considerable.
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Moon, Sang Bok. „From the inside out : domestic factors underlying the variance across Korea's FTA policy outcomes“. Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151531.
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Oakman, Daniel. „Crossing the frontier : Australia, Asia and the Colombo Plan, 1950-1965“. Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/120880.
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The Colombo Plan for Cooperative Economic Development of South and
Southeast Asia developed out of a meeting of Commonwealth Foreign Ministers in
Ceylon, January 1950. To date, few scholars have examined the Colombo Plan in any
significant detail and most assessments focus on the development of educational links
between Australia and Asia, largely because of the significant numbers of scholars who
came to Australia under the scheme.
This thesis explores the Colombo Plan from a variety of perspectives, focusing on
the economic, political, social and strategic context surrounding the emergence and
implementation of the program between 1950 and 1965. This thesis argues that the
Colombo Plan had a much broader political and cultural agenda, and cannot be
understood from a humanitarian perspective alone. The Colombo Plan was an attempt to
counter communist expansion in the newly independent nations of Southeast Asia by
raising living standards and thus removing the conditions considered likely to create
popular sympathy for communist forces. More significantly, the Colombo Plan, with its
modernist assumptions about the importance of development, technology and social
progress, was to be a vehicle for the transmission of Western values.
By exploring the cultural, ideological and political underpinnings of the Colombo
Plan, this thesis illustrates that the plan was an important part of Australian foreign policy,
and was motivated by international security priorities and the need to allay domestic
cultural concerns. One of the important ways Australia expressed and promoted its
political and economic interests in the Asian region was through the Colombo Plan. This
scheme functioned as a humanitarian program intended to improve the living conditions
in Asian countries, however, it also operated as ‘unspoken propaganda’ designed to
improve trade relations, establish diplomatic and cultural contacts, and help deflect
criticism of the White Australia Policy. This examination of the Colombo Plan reveals
the changing nature of Australia’s regional identity and the nature of its engagement with
Asia during the 1950s and early 1960s.
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Broadbent, Stephen J. „Australia's defence export policy“. Master's thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145187.
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Mita, Takashi. „Japan's Development Assistance in the Republic of Palau: Community Impacts and Effects“. 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/21115.
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Anderson, Jane Louise. „A Kundu relationship : translating development in the Papua New Guinea church partnership program“. Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150897.
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This thesis addresses the puzzle of how a development policy model of partnership works by examining the case of the Papua New Guinea Church Partnership Program (CPP), involving seven Papua New Guinea churches, their partner Australian faithbased NGOs, the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) and the National Government. By focusing on the effects on churches of engaging in a donor-funded program, the research adds to a particular strand in the anthropology of development literature concerned with how development interventions work, and to another in development studies concerned with the relationship between religion and development. This thesis uses a Foucauldian governmentality perspective to understand development and foreign aid as regimes of practice, shaped by a secular tradition that uses a language in which the policy model of partnership has become both normative and instrumental. It also understands Christianity as a regime of practice, shaped by a religious tradition that uses a particular language for talking about development. Employing the extended metaphor of the kundu or hour-glass drum, the thesis analyses processes of translation of the Christian and secular 'rhythms', or languages of development, being played by the partners. Key interlocutors carry out the work of translation in order to make their languages mutually intelligible. In so doing, they find themselves enacting a kundu relationship, which affirms their personal agency as partnership trustees. As partners with diverse interests are brought together to achieve CPP outcomes and their own organisational goals, being in a kundu relationship creates local translation spaces where the dynamic interaction of Christian and secular regimes of practice occur. These spaces present opportunities for manoeuvre on the part of the churches, and for the exercise of a productive form of power that simultaneously disciplines and empowers them in unanticipated ways. In this way, the thesis discerns continuities in the dialectical encounters between the global and the local in Papua New Guinea's missionary and colonial histories and the present-day development landscape. The conclusion is that Papua New Guinea churches are assuming organisational identities as agents of a form of development that is underpinned theologically and translated into the vernacular. The churches are framing their engagement with development as a means of fulfilling what John's Gospel calls 'life in all its fullness'.
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Nishitateno, Shuhei. „Global production sharing in the automobile industry : the case of Japan“. Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150241.
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The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the literature on global production sharing by examining the case of the Japanese automobile industry in the global context. The key hypothesis is that the unique characteristics of the production system and supplier relationships in Japan matter in determining the extent and modality of production sharing. The analysis focuses specifically on the implications of the 'following-leader' pattern (that is, parts and components suppliers following car producers) of Japanese overseas investment and of the interlocking relationships among firms (keiretsu networks).
The analysis is conducted at both the macro and micro levels. The macro-level analysis examines whether the following-leader investment and keiretsu network serve to differentiate patterns of Japan's parts and components and final trade from that of the other five major auto-producing nations (the United States, Germany, France, Italy, Sweden). The methodology involves estimating an augmented gravity model using a newly-constructed three-dimensional (country-partner-product) panel dataset. The micro-level analysis focuses on exports and imports separately. The export-side analysis examines whether the following-leader investments by Japanese suppliers substitute or complement auto parts exports from Japan. The import-side analysis probes the role of keiretsu networks through an in-depth case study of the supplier network of Toyota Motors, focusing specifically on the role of domestic and overseas parts suppliers in determining Toyota's global procurement patterns of parts and components. The analysis makes use of a unique product{u00AC}level dataset compiled from customs records.
The thesis begins with an overview of the globalisation process of the automobile industry, with emphasis on the comparative performance of Japanese automakers in the global automobile industry. Chapter 3 undertakes a comparative analysis at the macro-level to investigate unique features of global production sharing by Japanese automakers. Chapters 4 to 6 report the results of micro-level analyses. Chapter 4 provides a profile of the Japanese automobile industry with a particular focus on Toyota, including its history, management, and production networks in order to set the stage for the empirical analyses in subsequent chapters. Chapter 5 explores the effect of the following-leader investment by Japanese suppliers on auto parts exports from Japan. Chapter 6 examines how domestic and global keiretsu networks impact on auto parts imports. Chapter 7 summarises the key findings and policy implications.
A number of interesting results emerge from the analyses. First, there is clear evidence of a following-leader pattern in foreign direct investment (FDI) by Japanese auto parts suppliers, and therefore the magnitude of the relationship between Japanese auto parts exports and FDI is much smaller compared to the other major auto-producing countries. Second, the micro-level analysis shows that the following-leader investment by Japanese auto parts suppliers plays an important role in increasing exports from Japan. Third, in contrast with previous studies, there is no evidence to support the hypothesis that the domestic keiretsu network constrains auto parts imports to Japan: there seems to be a clear division of labour between local auto parts producers and their overseas counterparts operating within global automobile networks.