Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Ivanovice na Hané“

The scientific paper shows results formulated in researches MSM 6215648904 Brno, 2012) and EP focused in analysis of managerial, financial and economic risks and methods of their solving in strategical decision making of business TOP management in a new entrepreneurial environment with influences caused by integration processes, development of information technology and factors of globalization. There is analyzed the situation in Bioveta, Ltd. Ivanovice na Hané in detail.

The impact of precipitations and air temperatures on winter wheat yields was evaluated in a 34-year long-<br /> term field trial with mineral and organic fertilization established at two experimental sites with different soil-climatic conditions: Ivanovice na Hané with well fertile soils (degraded Chernozem), higher average year temperatures and lower precipitations; Lukavec situated in Bohemian-Moravian highlands with less fertile soils (Cambisol), lower temperatures and higher precipitations. At both sites, a significant positive effect of used fertilizers was noted from the dose of 80 kg N/ha; the best yields were generally obtained at 120 kg N/ha and 160 kg N/ha. The wheat yields at the Ivanovice site were negatively affected by the decrease of precipitations, namely in more fertilized treatments, particularly farmyard manure + mineral nitrogen, from the dose of 80 kg N/ha. A different trend was obtained at the Lukavec site where better winter wheat yields were obtained under lower precipitations. The air temperatures played a positive role at the Lukavec site, but no significant effect of temperature was observed at the Ivanovice site. The less productive areas in highlands can become more interesting for agriculture production with changing climate. However, the soils generally having lower quality and nutrient content can be a limiting factor for obtaining high yields.

Abstract Field trials with the genetic modified (GM) maize stacked hybrid NK603 × MON810 performed in two different locations in the Czech Republic were used for evaluation of genetic diversity of rhizosphere bacterial communities using the terminal restriction fragment length polymorphism. Statistically significant differences in the number of terminal restriction fragments (i.e. bacterial richness) between GM and non-GM maize were not detected. Diversity indices (Gini-Simpson and Shannon’s) revealed higher bacterial diversity in non-GM sample from location Ivanovice na Hané and in the GM maize from location Probluz, but statistical significant differences between GM and non-GM samples were not detected. Additionally, using principal component analysis and cluster analysis, no substantial variation in the composition of bacterial communities between GM and conventional maize were observed but the differences among individual collection sites were recorded.

The effect of two strategies, used to control <i>Ostrinia nubialis</i>, on the abundance and diversity of epigeic spiders and harvestmen in maize was monitored. The two strategies were (1) transgenic insect-resistant maize, and (2) biological control by <i>Trichogramma</i> wasps on an isogenic maize hybrid. They were compared with a conventional system (isogenic maize hybrid), which was taken as the control. The investigation was performed at two localities (Ivanovice na Hané and Prague) in the Czech Republic from 2002 to 2004. Spiders (Araneae) and harvestmen (Opiliones) were collected by means of pitfall traps. We found that the annual abundance and diversity of arachnids on plots with the two strategies were not significantly different from a conventional system. The overall abundance of spiders decreased over three years in all systems. There was no difference in the family and guild (hunters versus web-builders) composition between strategies and the conventional system. A displacement of linyphiid spiders with lycosids on all plots over time was observed. This change is attributed to the existence of a sparse weed cover of maize fields as a result of consecutive monocultural planting.

Within the period 1990–2012, effects of different soil tillage intensity on yields of spring barley were studied in a field experiment in the sugar-beet producing region (Ivanovice na Hané, Czech Republic). The forecrop of the spring barley was always sugar beet; following in three different crop rotations, after maize for silage, winter wheat and spring barley. Four variants of tillage were evaluated: Variant 1 – ploughing to the depth of 0.22 m; Variant 2 – shallow ploughing to the depth of 0.15 m; Variant 3 – no tillage; Variant 4 – shallow loosening soil to the depth of 0.10 m.Effect of different tillage on yields of spring barley was statistically insignificant. In all three crop rotations, the highest and the lowest average yields were obtained in Variant 2 (ploughing to the depth of 0.15 m) and Variant 1 (ploughing to the depth of 0.22 m), respectively. Average yields in variants of soil tillage were these: variant 1 – 6.42 t.ha−1; variant 2 – 6.57 t.ha−1, variant 3 – 6.53 t.ha−1, variant 4 – 6.50 t.ha−1. The obtained results indicate that in these pedo-climatic conditions reduction of intensity soil tillage represented a very suitable alternative in case of growing spring barley after sugar beet as compared with the conventional method of tillage by ploughing to the depth of 0.22 m.

We compared three control strategies against European corn borer (Ostrinia nubilalis Hubner) in maize with respect to carabid beetles, beneficial epigeal arthropods. The impact of the focal treatment (insect resistant Bt maize MON 810) was compared with conventionally farmed and Trichogramma-treated plots at two sites (Prague-Ruzyně and Ivanovice na Han&eacute;) in the Czech Republic, replicated in three cropping seasons (2002&ndash;2004). The sampled assemblages were species-poor. The species were unevenly distributed in terms of their catch size &ndash; the communities were dominated by 7 (Ruzyně) or 3 (Ivanovice) species. No differences were found in species richness or species composition between treatments, seasons or sites, suggesting no effect of planting transgenic insect resistant Bt maize MON 810 on the assemblages of carabid beetles in the study fields. &nbsp;

ABSTRACT Two pathogenic species in the genus Listeria, Listeria monocytogenes and Listeria ivanovii, are characterized by the production of hemolysins belonging to cholesterol-dependent cytolysins, listeriolysin O (LLO) and ivanolysin O (ILO), respectively. LLO, produced by L. monocytogenes, is able to induce gamma interferon (IFN-γ) production and contributes to the generation of Th1-dependent protective immunity. On the other hand, nothing is known about the role of ILO, produced by L. ivanovii, in this regard. In this study, we immunized mice with 0.1 50% lethal dose (LD50) of L. monocytogenes and L. ivanovii. Protective immunity against a challenge with 10 LD50 was generated in mice infected with L. monocytogenes, whereas L. ivanovii infection did not induce protection. After immunization, the level of IFN-γ in serum samples was increased in mice given L. monocytogenes but not in those given L. ivanovii. To determine the IFN-γ-inducing activity of cytolysins, recombinant protein was constructed. Recombinant ILO exhibited significantly lower IFN-γ-inducing activity than LLO. By comparing the IFN-γ-inducing activity of a chimera incorporating LLO and ILO, it was found that domains 1 to 3 of LLO were critical for IFN-γ-inducing activity while the counterpart in ILO was unable to induce cytokine production. These results suggested that the weak ability of ILO to induce IFN-γ production is responsible for the failure of L. ivanovii to generate effective protective immunity.

Species of Ivanovia (Codiaceae or Udoteaceae, Chlorophyta) have traditionally been characterized as phylloid or leaf-like. Extraordinarily well preserved specimens of I. tebagaensis in limestone from the Upper Permian of southern Tunisia indicate that the thallus was cyathiform or cup-shaped, similar to the broadly conical codiacean Calcipatera and to living Udotea cyathiformis. Ivanovia also shared with Calcipatera the same general membrane structure consisting of bilateral cortices with palisades of utricles, now filled with micrite, and a medulla of tubular coenocytes, now filled with sparry calcite mosaic. A cyathiform thallus would have had an inner and an outer cortex and those of I. tebagaensis were dimorphic. The utricular structure as usually seen in thin sections using transmitted light is much clearer when viewed on polished surfaces of hand specimens using reflected light. Commonly occurring fused membranes suggest that the thalli reproduced vegetatively by budding. The complexity and regularity of the I. tebagaensis membrane structure strongly suggest that a model which proposes that Ivanovia is simply a diagenetic stage in the fossilization of the red alga, Archeolithophyllum, is invalid.

<span>Me van a perdonar el atrevimiento de poner en un pedestal a la madre de Mendeleiev pero, no sé, quizá conforme uno crece va sentando conciencia del papel cardinal de las madres y los padres en la vida de las personas. Su nombre: Dimitri Ivanovich. Su obra principal: La tabla periódica. Su madre: María. Muchas veces los químicos nos preguntamos ¿cuáles son los principios más importantes de nuestra ciencia? ¿Cuál es nuestro equivalente a las tres leyes de Newton? Existen varios artículos que han pretendido citar globalmente cuáles son las ideas más importantes de la química. ¿En cuáles de ellos se cita a la periodicidad?</span>

This article explores George Ivanovitch Gurdjieff’s (c.1866-1949) Enneagram Movements. Gurdjieff used the symbol of the enneagram in his teaching to demonstrate the ‘perpetual motion’ of his cosmic Laws of Three and Seven, which govern his cosmological system. The symbol is composed of a circle encompassing a triangle representing the numbers 3, 6, and 9 (the Law of Three), and a six-sided figure representing the numbers 1, 4, 2, 8, 5, 7 (the Law of Seven). This article sets out to investigate the meaning of the enneagram and the significance of the Enneagram Movements, which enact the motion of the symbol. As well as examining primary and secondary sources on Gurdjieff, the author draws from first-hand experience of the Movements, particularly her work studying the Movement ‘Enneagram 5’ in a Movements class in Sydney, Australia.

The article analyzes the diary records of the outstanding Soviet physicist, Academician and President of the USSR Academy of Sciences Sergei Ivanovich Vavilov (1891—1951), dedicated to his reader’s perception of contemporary Soviet literature. Widely-read S.I. Vavilov collected his private library of 37 thousand volumes; he regularly visited bookstores, mainly antiquarian and second-hand bookshops. Despite the prevailing interest to the old books, S.I. Vavilov knew Soviet literature, used its images in his popular science works (S.A. Yesenin) and diary characteristics (I. Ilf and E. Petrov). The few diary entries with the assessments of the works of Soviet writers (A.N. Tolstoy, A.E. Korneychuk, K.I. Chukovsky, A. Bely, A.K. Vinogradov, V.V. Veresaev, M.A. Bulgakov, etc.) most commonly demonstrate critical attitude to them. It was defined by both his classical aesthetic preferences, formed in his youth on the material of Russian literature of the 19th century, and by his unflattering attitude to the Soviet reality, which Academician did not show publicly, allowing just certain statements in his private diaries. The generally negative perception of Soviet literature indicates that, contrary to the claims of some researchers, S.I. Vavilov was not a Stalinist and was quite sceptical of the socialist reality.

The political changes of 1948 brought, among other things, a significant shift in the housing policy. Focus was no longer on living in detached family houses or urban villas so popular prior to 1948. On the other hand, we can also find architecturally great villa like family houses designed by professional architects. However, construction of these houses was not far from being illegal since everything was done secretly without the slightest possibility of being presented within the professional circles or the public. The investors recruited mainly from social and cultural groups of famous people with original ideas, were not acceptable to the ruling party. Let us name a few: the villa of the famous film director Věra Chytilová in Trója, Prague (1975), Emil Přikryl`s villa; or three villas from the 1950s: Miroslav Zikmund`s (1954), Jiří Hanzelka`s (1956) and Zdeněk Liška`s (1959), designed by Zdeněk Plesník in Zlín. The most remarkable realization of family houses, so different from other contemporary designs, was the one by Ivan Ruller in Brno. Thanks to the used materials, Ruller`s houses have the capacity to age in a natural in way, without losing any of the powerful touches of modernity. In 1968, Ruller`s type of villa was designed for example for Petráček, the director of Chemoprojekt. Its construction was inspired largely by the trend in architecture “new brutalism”. Some of other Ruller`s villas can be found in Ivanovice (1976) and Mokrá Hora (1979). Architect Josef Němec`s own villa (1976) as well as Růžena Žertová`s atrium family house (1981) are just other examples of high-quality houses from and around Brno.

The publication analyzes a collection of photographs by Grigory Ivanovich Ivanov (1876-1930), which is kept in the Altai State Museum of Local Lore in the city of Barnaul. The photographs were taken by Ivanov in 1913 during his expedition to the remote areas of Gornaya Shoria. The introduction of these photographs into scientific circulation became possible only at the end of the 20th century. The photographs show the traditional culture of the indigenous inhabitants of this area - the Shors, who at the time of Ivanov's expedition still retained the traditional features of their ethnic culture. The photographs show the traditional material culture of the Shors, their traditional means of transportation and transport. The most developed among the Shors at that time were winter means of transportation and transport (skis, sledges, scraps), which ensured hunting. Water vehicles (boats, rafts, ferries), which made it possible to move people and goods along mountain rivers were equally important. In the early 20th century horses were used by the Shors for horseback riding, as well as for horse and goose transport of goods. The horse equipment used in this case was distinguished by great archaism. In remote mountainous areas, the local population also used archaic methods of transporting goods by hand. However, the photographs also show more developed forms of vehicles and transport, which the population of Gornaya Shoria began to use in the early 20th century under the influence of the Russian population.

This paper discusses an episode from the academic biography of Fyodor Ivanovich Shmit (1877–1937), a prominent Russian art historian and art theorist, museologist. The history of F.I. Shmit’s teaching at Leningrad State University during the 1920s and 1930s was covered. The scholar was an alumnus of the university and renewed the relationship with the alma mater following his return from Ukraine to Leningrad in the mid-1920s. Until 1932, F.I. Shmit taught here various disciplines of art history and theory. Since 1930, he had worked as the head of the Department of General History of Art and taught here such courses as History of Byzantine Art, History of Art in Feudal Europe, History of Ancient Art, History of Western European Art of the Age of Primitive Accumulation of Capital. He actively presented the results of his research in the form of academic reports. The analysis of F.I. Shmit’s curricula shows that, on the one hand, he tried to adapt them to the needs of the changing time, but, on the other one, he tried to preserve the traditional academic content. In many ways, his activities during this period helped to uphold the traditions of the St. Petersburg-Petrograd School of Art History. However, F.I. Shmit was deprived of the opportunity to continue his teaching due to the changes in the structure of higher education, which were typical for that period, as well as because of the growing pressure of the totalitarian state. In 1933, he was arrested, expelled from Leningrad, and murdered.

The fate of a Serbian political emigrant in Russia, the journalist, politician, and historian Dušan Ivanović Semiz (1884–1955) and his family, is studied for the first time on the basis of archival materials from St. Petersburg: the Institute of Russian Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Pushkin House) and the Russian State Historical Archive. Dušan Semiz was a journalist and press correspondent at the frontlines of WWI and the author of historical and political pamphlets and books, and translations of Serbian epics into Russian. He was first arrested in Leningrad in 1929 for being a former active participant in the Serbian nationalist revolutionary organisation Crna ruka (The Black Hand) and sentenced to five years in the GULAG. His first spell in the labor camps was followed by several others. Semiz did hard labor as a lumberjack in the Archangel region and at the construction of the White Sea–Baltic Canal; he was exiled to Kazakhstan in Berlik, where Alexander Solzhenitsyn was also later exiled. Semiz was not released from the GULAG until 1953, not long before his death. Here I present some fragments of the works by Semiz on historical and current relationships between Serbia and Russia, the causes of WWII, and also a short story he wrote in 1933, as well as his letters from the GULAG and exile to his family and letters from his family to him. These documents show hist strong personality, which was maintained even through his period in the GULAG. The archive materials presented in the paper are another historical document of Stalinist terror and are of interest for the study of Serbo-Russian historical and cultural links in the mid 20th century.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the historical stages of the modern button accordion repertoire formation based on the genre and stylistic analysis of the repertoire models used in the process of teaching the students in the Kharkiv button accordion school. The actualization of the current research topic has set up a need for relying to a greater extent not on the printed sources, but on the reports of the witnesses, the first button accordion students of Kharkiv Conservatory, such as University professors Alexander Ivanovich Nazarenko, Anatoly Pavlovich Haydenko, Igor Ivanovich Kharkiv, as well as college professors Yevhen Leonidovych Vashchenko and Yevhen Heorhiyovych Malykhin, who were the first-hand participants in the process of the regional school formation. Theoretical background. Although the historiography of the Ukrainian button accordion art contains a fairly large amount of scientific and methodological studies (M. Imkhanitsky, V. Semeshko, A. Stashevsky, I. Snedkov, A. Svetov), many problems of the modern academic folk instrumental music remain unresolved. In particular, the concert repertoire formation in terms of a pragmatic dimension of the button accordion teachers approaches study within the Kharkiv school has not been the subject of a special interest of researchers in this area yet. The purpose of the research is to trace the stages of formation of the button accordionists’ modern concert and pedagogical repertoire on the basis of the genre and stylistic models’ analysis used in the process of teaching in the Kharkiv regional button accordion school. The object of the article is historical experience of the Kharkiv button accordion school as a component of academic folk and instrumental performance. Methods of research are conditioned by the material and formulation of the problem itself, in particular, a historical method is used to explain the organic connection of the facts, preconditions and personalities that brings together the historical experience of the Kharkiv button accordion school, a genre and stylistic method provides the embodiment of the performers original creative achievements. Results and Discussion. There are three main factors which have influenced the formation of the concert and pedagogical repertoire of the button accordion students of the Ukrainian Folk Instruments Department in KhNUA: &#9679; the performing school and its genesis represented by particular teachers with their own repertoire preferences; &#9679; improving the design of the instrument itself; &#9679; the volume and quality of the original repertoire, as well as the productivity level and number of the composers working to develop it. Considering the general condition of the Kharkiv regional button accordion school of the 1950s, we can point out the prospects of the core guidelines underlying its basis: the formation of a list of clearly regulated and systematized program requirements; the impossibility of the requirements for the performance of genre forms (the absence of full-fledged imitation polyphony in the pedagogical repertoire) in full compliance with the “classical canons”; the predominance of small forms over large ones, as well as their obvious genre affiliation (songs, dances, marches); a significant shortage of the original works inciting the adaptation skills formation. Since the late 1960s the original pedagogical repertoire has been characterized by a great variety of genre and stylistic forms, such as a concert, a sonata, a suite, a partita, a fantasy, small cycles, a scherzo, a prelude, a concertino, a play, an arrangement of folk songs, arrangements of popular works, a concert etude. The representatives of five generations provide an inheritance of the traditions that represent the Kharkiv button accordion school creative experience and simultaneously transform it in accordance with the modern challenges. Conclusions. The conclusions emphasize the fact that the historically settled genre models of the performing and pedagogical repertoire of accordionists were established in the process of the Kharkiv button accordion school activity. The diversity of the original music for a button accordion is now represented by almost all existing genres and stylistic performance directions. It was the high culture of the Kharkiv musicians’ performance that brought the status of the academic art of playing folk instruments into a scientific level, as a new standard of sound and creative thinking.

The collection Strength Breaks the Straw, published in St. Petersburg in 1874 by the Circle of Tchaikovsky, marked the heyday of the literary work of Nikolai Ivanovich Naumov, a Siberian writer and official. The works of this collection were originally published in leading democratic journals of this period and later entered the pantheon of populist fiction and won the attention of many contemporaries and researchers in the future. A relevant aspect in the study of Naumov’s creative heritage of the first half of the 1870s, i.e. the mentioned collection, is the understanding of the mutual influence of the various social fields he was engaged in during these years sequentially or in parallel and, accordingly, of his various institutional activities closely connected with literary ones, in particular, with the aesthetics and poetics of the collection. The article explores the mechanisms of influence of these various social fields on Naumov’s literary activities during this period. It reveals the poetic and aesthetic features of the works of the collection caused by the historical and literary trends, by the ideological influence of populism, and by Naumov’s own tasks as a Siberian writer and official. The analysis showed that the features of the works are caused not only by the main trends of populist ideology and fiction, but also by the tasks that Naumov tried to solve in the course of his institutional activities. His works of the first half of the 1870s, which the Tchaikovtsy used to spread their ideology, aimed at satisfying the demands of the mass reader and also at creating his “ideal” reader, which regionalists sought from Naumov. The exceptional documentary nature creating a “reality effect” and directly related to the author’s ubiquitous voice permeating the structure of each essay was a means for Naumov to form the reader’s reception, primarily that of a reader from people and from Siberia. On the other hand, the documentary nature of Naumov’s essays is caused not only by the trends associated with the flourishing of realism and the search for means of transmission of the truth of life in fiction, but also by the writer’s previous public service, which provided him with rich factual material and influenced the nature of its presentation in literature. This mutual influence was largely supported by the fact that, in the considered period, Naumov occupied homologous positions in various social fields.

The article is written on the material of the unpublished diaries of Sergei Ivanovich Turgenev (1792–1827) and focuses on two journeys he made in 1811 while studying at the University of Göttingen: to the Harz and to Holland. The former is a special type of student travel that developed in the German “Bursch” environment and had its own stable routes and behavioral “rituals”. The curriculum of the University of Göttingen had a special course on travel; therefore, for university students, hiking in the Harz was part of the unwritten compulsory “program”. The relative proximity of the Harz to Göttingen, its connection with German history, and the beauty of its nature made it an attractive destination for an educational trip that allowed combining the useful with the pleasant. However, the concept “useful”, when applied to the Harz, changed at the turn of the 19th century. The amateur interest in natural history and mineralogy led to a shift in focus from the description of historical monuments to the natural sciences. The Harz began to be considered primarily as a geological phenomenon and a place of mining, which also determined the plans for its exploration. This focus on natural science is evident in the recordings of Sergei Turgenev’s elder brothers, Alexander and Nikolai, who also studied in Göttingen and visited the Harz several years earlier. The described context allows seeing the peculiarities of Sergei Turgenev’s perception of the Harz. He went there solely for pleasure, did not prepare for the journey in any way, and wrote down his impressions only to satisfy Alexander Turgenev’s request of a report on the trip from his younger brother. For this purpose, Sergei “literated” some of his notes based on his travel diary. Lacking pragmatic information, he tried to compensate for it with “sensitive” reasoning and poetic quotations. The somewhat artificial literary character of the text is balanced by the vivid details and sketches of momentary everyday situations. Sergei Turgenev did not post-process his travel notes on the trip to Holland. The notes show that, within just a few months, Sergei Turgenev’s perception of the European space changed. The entertaining “Bursch” transformed, according to his own words, into an “inquisitive” traveler from Stern’s “classification”. He looks at the Dutch, who then recently became new subjects of the French Empire; watches their preparations for Napoleon’s arrival; is surprised at the degree of their loyalty to the foreign ruler; and ponders the question of how much this loyalty depends on citizens’ well-being. The trip to Holland leads Sergei Turgenev, upon his return to Göttingen, to reading Adam Smith, on the one hand; on the other hand, it gives a start to the reasoning, which goes through all his later diaries and letters, on constitutionalism, on the nature of revolutions, and on the need for modernization reforms in Russia.

AbstractGeorge Ivanovitch Gurdjieff (1866-1949) plays a special role among the key figures of contemporary esotericism. While he always refused to be identified as “a master”, and did not particularly like the word “esotericism” either, Gurdjieff was uniquely infiuential not only on subsequent Western esotericism, but on literature, architecture, music and the arts in general as well. It is true, on the other hand, that followers, schools and independent disciples each interpreted Gurdjieff's teachings in very different ways. The article discusses Gurdjieff's infiuence on a lesser known, but quite important esoteric author, the Colombian master Samael Aun Weor (1917-1997), who established a “Gnostic Movement” which today is present in a number of different countries and has several thousands of followers. Neither Gurdjieff nor Weor left behind a single group or movement. Instead, their followers split up into a dozen different organizations, as also happened with the followers of other masters within the framework of Western esotericism, where a characteristic “genealogical hypertrophy” often leads to endless claims of legitimacy and schisms. Both Gurdjieff and Weor may also be studied in terms of the “charisma of the book”, a category Jane Williams-Hogan introduced with reference to Emanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772), i.e. their books generated a plethora of organized movements even beyond the presumed intentions of their authors. What is perhaps new in this article is that it discusses Gurdjieff's profound infiuence on Weor. This infiuence is rarely acknowledged, and in fact the crucial element of Weor's system, i.e. sexual magic, is not a central feature in most of the movements claiming Gurdjieff's heritage. Yet, a doctrine of sexuality as a pre-eminent kind of relation with the sacred, and as a means of achieving higher states of consciousness, is far from absent in Gurdjieff's writings. In fact, several of Weor's ideas about the use and manipulation of sexual energies appear to be taken literally from Gurdjieff. A study of Weor thus may be especially significant in order to address an aspect of Gurdjieff which was never adequately discussed in the large international corpus of publications about his teachings.

Kaliningrad into Кёнигсберг – a social need or a dream of a few? Societal initiative for a change of the city’s nameKaliningrad Oblast of the Russian Federation has been subject to manifold social processes due to its specific history, geographic conditions and other factors. Some of the former resulted in rejecting numerous elements of the Soviet past by a part of the local population. This included the very name of Kaliningrad, as a tribute paid to Mikhail Ivanovich Kalinin who has been considered one of the state and party officials responsible for mass purges in the 1930s and 1940s.the purpose of the article is to analyse the initiative put forward by a group of social activists to change the name ‘Kaliningrad’ into ‘Кёнигсберг’ (Königsberg), that is to return to the pre-war name of the city. As authors of the petition refer to previous attempts of changing the name and use them as an important part of their reasoning, the history of the notion has also been outlined with emphasis on the December 1988 discussion noted by Alexander Nikolaevich Yakovlev, then a Communist Party official.In the article, a brief introduction of the petition is followed by main arguments used by its supporters and the discussion which the document triggered among the local administration and in the media, in particular the Internet. The discussion concentrated on two aspects of the petition. First, controversies around procedural handling of the petition by Kaliningrad Duma. Secondly, fierce debates about phrases used in the document and their political significance in the context of the contemporary identity of Kaliningrad Oblast.Results of the debate and the impact the petition had on broader public opinion, both in Kaliningrad Oblast and the whole of Russia, turned out to be meagre. Only 400 signatures were collected across the country to support the idea. No decisive measures were taken on the administrative level such as moving the initiative toward a referendum. No agreement was reached between those who wish to turn the whole notion down and those who would like to postpone the final decision to a more distant future.In conclusion, it is worth noting that despite the obvious failure of the petition the discussion showed considerable social activity in Kaliningrad Oblast, especially on the part of the younger generation. This was reflected by a number of threads and posts in electronic media, many of which served as a basis for a constructive debate with relatively few irrelevant (insulting, aggressive and vulgar) arguments. On the other hand, the article shows that there is still considerable nostalgia for the Soviet Union and its artifacts in Kaliningrad Oblast.

IntroductionThis short article examines contemporary artistic use of walkie-talkies across two projects: Saturday (2002) by Sabrina Raaf and Walk That Sound (2014) by Lukatoyboy. Drawing on Dominic Pettman’s notion of sonic intimacy, I argue that both artists incorporate walkie-talkies as part of their explorations of mediated wandering, and in ways that seek to capture sonic ambiances and intimacies. One thing that is striking about both these works is that they rethink what’s possible with walkie-talkies; both artists use them not just as low-tech, portable devices for one-to-one communication over distance, but also—and more strikingly—as (covert) recording equipment for capturing, while wandering, snippets of intimate conversation between passers-by and the “voice” of the surrounding environment. Both artworks strive to make the familiar strange. They prompt us to question our preconceived perceptions of, and affective engagements with, the people and places around us, to listen more attentively to the voices of others (and the “Other”), and to aurally inhabit in new ways the spaces and places we find ourselves in and routinely pass through.The walkie-talkie is an established, simple communication device, consisting of a two-way radio transceiver with a speaker and microphone (in some cases, the speaker is also used as the microphone) and an antenna (Wikipedia). Walkie-talkies are half-duplex communication devices, meaning that they use a single radio channel: only one radio on the channel can transmit at a time, but many can listen; when a user wishes to talk, they must turn off the receiver and turn on the transmitter by pressing a push-to-talk button (Wikipedia). In some models, static—known as squelch—is produced each time the push-to-talk button is depressed. The push-to-talk button is a feature of both projects: in Saturday, it transforms the walkie-talkie into a cheap, portable recorder-transmitter. In Walk That Sound, rapid fire exchanges of conversation using the push-to-talk button feature strongly.Interestingly, walkie-talkies were developed during World War Two. While they continue to be used within certain industrial settings, they are perhaps best known as a “quaint” household toy and “fun tool” (Smith). Early print ads for walkie-talkie toys marketed them as a form of both spyware for kids (with the Gabriel Toy Co. releasing a 007-themed walkie-talkie set) and as a teletechnology for communication over distance—“how thrilling to ‘speak through space!’”, states one ad (Statuv “New!”). What is noteworthy about these early ads is that they actively promote experimental use of walkie-talkies. For instance, a 1953 ad for Vibro-Matic “Space Commander” walkie-talkies casts them as media transmission devices, suggesting that, with them, one can send and receive “voice – songs – music” (Statuv “New!”). In addition, a 1962 ad for the Knight-Kit walkie-talkie imagines “you’ll find new uses for this exciting walkie-talkie every day” (Statuv “Details”). Resurgent interest in walkie-talkies has seen them also promoted more recently as intimate tools “for communication without asking permission to communicate” (“Nextel”); this is to say that they have been marketed as devices for synchronous or immediate communication that overcome the limits of asynchronous communication, such as texting, where there might be substantial delays between the sending of a message and receipt of a response. Within this context, it is not surprising that Snapchat and Instagram have also since added “walkie-talkie” features to their messaging services. The Nextel byline, emphasising “without asking permission”, also speaks to the possibilities of using walkie-talkies as rudimentary forms of spyware.Within art practice that explores mediated forms of wandering—that is, walking while using media and various “remote transmission technologies” (Duclos 233)—walkie-talkies hold appeal for a number of reasons, including their particular aesthetic qualities, such as the crackling or static sound (squelch) that one encounters when using them; their portability; their affordability; and, the fact that, while they can be operated on multiple channels, they tend to be regarded primarily as devices that permit two-way, one-to-one (and therefore intimate, if not secure) remote communication. As we will see below, however, contemporary artists, such as the aforementioned earlier advertisers, have also been very attentive to the device’s experimental possibilities. Perhaps the best known (if possibly apocryphal) example of artistic use of walkie-talkies is by the Situationist International as part of their explorations in urban wandering (a revolutionary strategy called dérive). In the Situationist text from 1960, Die Welt als Labyrinth (Anon.), there is a detailed account of how walkie-talkies were to form part of a planned dérive, which was organised by the Dutch section of the Situationist International, through the city of Amsterdam, but which never went ahead:Two groups, each containing three situationists, would dérive for three days, on foot or eventually by boat (sleeping in hotels along the way) without leaving the center of Amsterdam. By means of the walkie-talkies with which they would be equipped, these groups would remain in contact, with each other, if possible, and in any case with the radio-truck of the cartographic team, from where the director of the dérive—in this case Constant [Nieuwenhuys]—moving around so as to maintain contact, would define their routes and sometimes give instructions (it was also the director of the dérive’s responsibility to prepare experiments at certain locations and secretly arranged events.) (Anon.) This proposed dérive formed part of Situationist experiments in unitary urbanism, a process that consisted of “making different parts of the city communicate with one another.” Their ambition was to create new situations informed by, among other things, encounters and atmospheres that were registered through dérive in order to reconnect parts of the city that were separated spatially (Lefebvre quoted in Lefebvre and Ross 73). In an interview with Kristin Ross, Henri Lefebvre insists that the Situationists “did have their experiments; I didn’t participate. They used all kinds of means of communication—I don’t know when exactly they were using walkie-talkies. But I know they were used in Amsterdam and in Strasbourg” (Lefebvre quoted in Lefebvre and Ross 73). However, as Rebecca Duclos points out, such use “is, in fact, not well documented”, and “none of the more well-known reports on situationist activity […] specifically mentions the use of walkie-talkies within their descriptive narratives” (Duclos 233). In the early 2000s, walkie-talkies also figured prominently, alongside other media devices, in at least two location-based gaming projects by renowned British art collective Blast Theory, Can You See Me Now? (2001) and You Get Me (2008). In the first of these projects, participants in the game (“online players”) competed against members of Blast Theory (“runners”), tracking them through city streets via a GPS-enabled handheld computer that runners carried with them. The goal for online players was to move an avatar they created through a virtual map of the city as multiple runners “pursued their avatar’s geographical coordinates in real-time” (Leorke). As Dale Leorke explains, “Players could see the locations of the runners and other players and exchange text messages with other players” (Leorke 27), and runners could “read players’ messages and communicate directly with each other through a walkie-talkie” (28). An audio stream from these walkie-talkie conversations allowed players to eavesdrop on their pursuers (Blast Theory, Can You See Me Now?).You Get Me was similarly structured, with online players and “runners” (eight teenagers who worked with Blast Theory on the game). Remotely situated online players began the game by listening to the “personal geography” of the runners over a walkie-talkie stream (Blast Theory, You Get Me). They then selected one runner, and tracked them down by navigating their own avatar, without being caught, through a virtual version of Mile End Park in London, in pursuit of their chosen runner who was moving about the actual Mile End Park. Once their chosen runner was contacted, the player had to respond to a question that the runner posed to them. If the runner was satisfied with the player’s answer, conversation switched to “the privacy of a mobile phone” in order to converse further; if not, the player was thrown back into the game (Blast Theory, You Get Me). A key aim of Blast Theory’s work, as I have argued elsewhere (Wilken), is the fostering of interactions and fleeting intimacies between relative and complete strangers. The walkie-talkie is a key tool in both the aforementioned Blast Theory projects for facilitating these interactions and intimacies.Beyond these well-known examples, walkie-talkies have been employed in productive and exploratory ways by other artists. The focus in this article is on two specific projects: the first by US-based sound artist Sabrina Raaf, called Saturday (2002) and the second by Serbian sound designer Lukatoyboy (Luka Ivanović), titled Walk That Sound (2014). Sonic IntimaciesThe concept that gives shape and direction to the analysis of the art projects by Raaf and Lukatoyboy and their use of walkie-talkies is that of sonic intimacy. This is a concept of emerging critical interest across media and sound studies and geography (see, for example, James; Pettman; Gallagher and Prior). Sonic intimacy, as Dominic Pettman explains, is composed of two simultaneous yet opposing orientations. On the one hand, sonic intimacy involves a “turning inward, away from the wider world, to more private and personal experiences and relationships” (79). While, on the other hand, it also involves a turning outward, to seek and heed “the voice of the world” (79)—or what Pettman refers to as the “vox mundi” (66). Pettman conceives of the “vox mundi” as an “ecological voice”, whereby “all manner of creatures, agents, entities, objects, and phenomena” (79) have the opportunity to speak to us, if only we were prepared to listen to our surroundings in new and different ways. In a later passage, he also refers to the “vox mundi” as a “carrier or potentially enlightening alterity” (83). Voices, Pettman writes, “transgress the neat divisions we make between ‘us’ and ‘them’, at all scales and junctures” (6). Thus, Pettman’s suggestion is that “by listening to the ‘voices’ that lie dormant in the surrounding world […] we may in turn foster a more sustainable relationship with [the] local matrix of specific existences” (85), be they human or otherwise.This formulation of sonic intimacy provides a productive conceptual frame for thinking through Raaf’s and Lukatoyboy’s use of walkie-talkies. The contention in this article is that these two projects are striking for the way that they both use walkie-talkies to explore, simultaneously, this double articulation or dual orientation of sonic intimacy—a turning inwards to capture more private and personal experiences and conversations, and a turning outwards to capture the vox mundi. Employing Pettman’s notion of sonic intimacy as a conceptual frame, I trace below the different ways that these two projects incorporate walkie-talkies in order to develop mediated forms of wandering that seek to capture place-based sonic ambiances and sonic intimacies.Sabrina Raaf, Saturday (2002)US sound artist Sabrina Raaf’s Saturday (2002) is a sound-based art installation based on recordings of “stolen conversations” that Raaf gathered over many Saturdays in Humboldt Park, Chicago. Raaf’s work harks back to the early marketing of walkie-talkie toys as spyware. In Raaf’s hands, this device is used not for engaging in intimate one-to-one conversation, but for listening in on, and capturing, the intimate conversations of others. In other words, she uses this device, as the Nextel slogan goes, for “communication without permission to communicate” (“Nextel”). Raaf’s inspiration for the piece was twofold. First, she has noted that “with the overuse of radio frequency bands for wireless communications, there comes the increased occurrence of crossed lines where a private conversation becomes accidentally shared” (Raaf). Reminiscent of Francis Ford Coppola’s film The Conversation (1974), in which surveillance expert Harry Caul (Gene Hackman) records the conversation of a couple as they walk through crowded Union Square in San Francisco, Raaf used a combination of walkie-talkies, CB radios, and “various other forms of consumer spy […] technology in order to actively harvest such communication leaks” (Raaf). The second source of inspiration was noticing the “sheer quantity of non-phone, low tech, radio transmissions that were constantly being sent around [the] neighbourhood”, transmissions that were easily intercepted. These conversations were eclectic in composition and character:The transmissions included communications between gang members on street corners nearby and group conversations between friends talking about changes in the neighbourhood and their families. There were raw, intimate conversations and often even late night sex talk between potential lovers. (Raaf)What struck Raaf about these conversations, these transmissions, was that there was “a furtive quality” to most of them, and “a particular daringness to their tone”.During her Saturday wanderings, Raaf complemented her recordings of stolen snippets of conversation with recordings of the “voice” of the surrounding neighbourhood—“the women singing out their windows to their radios, the young men in their low rider cars circling the block, the children, the ice cream carts, etc. These are the sounds that are mixed into the piece” (Raaf).Audience engagement with Saturday involves a kind of austere intimacy of its own that seems befitting of a surveillance-inspired sonic portrait of urban and private life. The piece is accessed via an interactive glove. This glove is white in colour and about the size of a large gardening glove, with a Velcro strap that fastens across the hand, like a cycling glove. The glove, which only has coverings for thumb and first two fingers (it is missing the ring and little fingers) is wired into and rests on top of a roughly A4-sized white rectangular box. This box, which is mounted onto the wall of an all-white gallery space at the short end, serves as a small shelf. The displayed glove is illuminated by a discrete, bent-arm desk lamp, that protrudes from the shelf near the gallery wall. Above the shelf are a series of wall-mounted colour images that relate to the project. In order to hear the soundtrack of Saturday, gallery visitors approach the shelf, put on the glove, and “magically just press their fingertips to their forehead [to] hear the sound without the use of their ears” (Raaf). The glove, Raaf explains, “is outfitted with leading edge audio electronic devices called ‘bone transducers’ […]. These transducers transmit sound in a very unusual fashion. They translate sound into vibration patterns which resonate through bone” (Raaf).Employing this technique, Raaf explains, “permits a new way of listening”:The user places their fingers to their forehead—in a gesture akin to Rodin’s The Thinker or of a clairvoyant—in order to tap into the lives of strangers. Pressing different combinations of fingers to the temple yield plural viewpoints and group conversations. These sounds are literally mixed in the bones of the listener. (Raaf) The result is a (literally and figuratively) touching sonic portrait of Humboldt Park, its residents, and the “voice” of its surrounding neighbourhoods. Through the unique technosomatic (Richardson) apparatus—combinations of gestures that convey the soundscape directly through the bones and body—those engaging with Saturday get to hear voices in/of/around Humboldt Park. It is a portrait that combines sonic intimacy in the two forms described earlier in this article. In its inward-focused form, the gallery visitor-listener is positioned as a voyeur of sorts, listening into stolen snippets of private and personal relationships, experiences, and interactions. And, in its outward-focused form, the gallery visitor-listener encounters a soundscape in which an array of agents, entities, and objects are also given a voice. Additional work performed by this piece, it seems to me, is to be found in the intermingling of these two form of sonic intimacy—the personal and the environmental—and the way that they prompt reflection on mediation, place, urban life, others, and intimacy. That is to say that, beyond its particular sonic portrait of Humboldt Park, Saturday works in “clearing some conceptual space” in the mind of the departing gallery visitor such that they might “listen for, if not precisely to, the collective, polyphonic ‘voice of the world’” (Pettman 6) as they go about their day-to-day lives.Lukatoyboy, Walk That Sound (2014)The second project, Walk That Sound, by Serbian sound artist Lukatoyboy was completed for the 2014 CTM festival. CTM is an annual festival event that is staged in Berlin and dedicated to “adventurous music and art” (CTM Festival, “About”). A key project within the festival is CTM Radio Lab. The Lab supports works, commissioned by CTM Festival and Deutschlandradio Kultur – Hörspiel/Klangkunst (among other partnering organisations), that seek to pair and explore the “specific artistic possibilities of radio with the potentials of live performance or installation” (CTM Festival, “Projects”). Lukatoyboy’s Walk That Sound was one of two commissioned pieces for the 2014 CTM Radio Lab. The project used the “commonplace yet often forgotten walkie-talkie” (CTM Festival, “Projects”) to create a moving urban sound portrait in the area around the Kottbusser Tor U-Bahn station in Berlin-Kreuzberg. Walk That Sound recruited participants—“mobile scouts”—to rove around the Kottbusser Tor area (CTM Festival, “Projects”). Armed with walkie-talkies, and playing with “the array of available and free frequencies, and the almost unlimited amount of users that can interact over these different channels”, the project captured the dispatches via walkie-talkie of each participant (CTM Festival, “Projects”). The resultant recording of Walk That Sound—which was aired on Deutschlandradio (see Lukatoyboy), part of a long tradition of transmitting experimental music and sound art on German radio (Cory)—forms an eclectic soundscape.The work juxtaposes snippets of dialogue shared between the mobile scouts, overheard mobile phone conversations, and moments of relative quietude, where the subdued soundtrack is formed by the ambient sounds—the “voice”—of the Kottbusser Tor area. This voice includes distant traffic, the distinctive auditory ticking of pedestrian lights, and moments of tumult and agitation, such as the sounds of construction work, car horns, emergency services vehicle sirens, a bottle bouncing on the pavement, and various other repetitive yet difficult to identify industrial sounds. This voice trails off towards the end of the recording into extended walkie-talkie produced static or squelch. The topics covered within the “crackling dialogues” (CTM Festival, “Projects”) of the mobile scouts ranged widely. There were banal observations (“I just stepped on a used tissue”; “people are crossing the street”; “there are 150 trains”)—wonderings that bear strong similarities with French writer Georges Perec’s well-known experimental descriptions of everyday Parisian life in the 1970s (Perec “An Attempt”). There were also intimate, confiding, flirtatious remarks (“Do you want to come to Turkey with me?”), as well as a number of playfully paranoid observations and quips (“I like to lie”; “I can see you”; “do you feel like you are being recorded?”; “I’m being followed”) that seem to speak to the fraught history of Berlin in particular as well as the complicated character of urban life in general—as Pettman asks, “what does ‘together’ signify in a socioeconomic system so efficient in producing alienation and isolation?” (92).In sum, Walk That Sound is a strangely moving exploration of sonic intimacy, one that shifts between many different registers and points of focus—much like urban wandering itself. As a work, it is variously funny, smart, paranoid, intimate, expansive, difficult to decipher, and, at times, even difficult to listen to. Pettman argues that, “thanks in large part to the industrialization of the human ear […], we have lost the capacity to hear the vox mundi, which is […] the sum total of cacophonous, heterogeneous, incommensurate, and unsynthesizable sounds of the postnatural world” (8). Walk That Sound functions almost like a response to this dilemma. One comes away from listening to it with a heightened awareness of, appreciation for, and aural connection to the rich messiness of the polyphonic contemporary urban vox mundi. ConclusionThe argument of this article is that Sabrina Raaf’s Saturday and Lukatoyboy’s Walk That Sound are two projects that both incorporate walkie-talkies in order to develop mediated forms of wandering that seek to capture place-based sonic ambiances and sonic intimacies. Drawing on Pettman’s notion of “sonic intimacy”, examination of these projects has opened consideration around voice, analogue technology, and what Nick Couldry refers to as “an obligation to listen” (Couldry 580). In order to be heard, Pettman remarks, and “in order to be considered a voice at all”, and therefore as “something worth heeding”, the vox mundi “must arrive intimately, or else it is experienced as noise or static” (Pettman 83). In both the projects discussed here—Saturday and Walk That Sound—the walkie-talkie provides this means of “intimate arrival”. As half-duplex communication devices, walkie-talkies have always fulfilled a double function: communicating and listening. This dual functionality is exploited in new ways by Raaf and Lukatoyboy. In their projects, both artists turn the microphone outwards, such that the walkie-talkie becomes not just a device for communicating while in the field, but also—and more strikingly—it becomes a field recording device. The result of which is that this simple, “playful” communication device is utilised in these two projects in two ways: on the one hand, as a “carrier of potentially enlightening alterity” (Pettman 83), a means of encouraging “potential encounters” (89) with strangers who have been thrown together and who cross paths, and, on the other hand, as a means of fostering “an environmental awareness” (89) of the world around us. In developing these prompts, Raaf and Lukatoyboy build potential bridges between Pettman’s work on sonic intimacy, their own work, and the work of other experimental artists. For instance, in relation to potential encounters, there are clear points of connection with Blast Theory, a group who, as noted earlier, have utilised walkie-talkies and sound-based and other media technologies to explore issues around urban encounters with strangers that promote reflection on ideas and experiences of otherness and difference (see Wilken)—issues that are also implicit in the two works examined. In relation to environmental awareness, their work—as well as Pettman’s calls for greater sonic intimacy—brings renewed urgency to Georges Perec’s encouragement to “question the habitual” and to account for, and listen carefully to, “the common, the ordinary, the infraordinary, the background noise” (Perec “Approaches” 210).Walkie-talkies, for Raaf and Lukatoyboy, when reimagined as field recording devices as much as remote transmission technologies, thus “allow new forms of listening, which in turn afford new forms of being together” (Pettman 92), new forms of being in the world, and new forms of sonic intimacy. Both these artworks engage with, and explore, what’s at stake in a politics and ethics of listening. Pettman prompts us, as urban dweller-wanderers, to think about how we might “attend to the act of listening itself, rather than to a specific sound” (Pettman 1). His questioning, as this article has explored, is answered by the works from Raaf and Lukatoyboy in effective style and technique, setting up opportunities for aural attentiveness and experiential learning. However, it is up to us whether we are prepared to listen carefully and to open ourselves to such intimate sonic contact with others and with the environments in which we live.ReferencesAnon. “Die Welt als Labyrinth.” Internationale Situationiste 4 (Jan. 1960). International Situationist Online, 19 June 2019 <https://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/si/diewelt.html>Blast Theory. “Can You See Me Now?” Blast Theory, 19 June 2019 <https://www.blasttheory.co.uk/projects/can-you-see-me-now/>.———. “You Get Me.” Blast Theory, 19 June 2019 <https://wwww.blasttheory.co.uk/projects/you-get-me/>.Cory, Mark E. “Soundplay: The Polyphonous Tradition of German Radio Art.” Wireless Imagination: Sound, Radio, and the Avant-garde. Eds. Douglas Kahn and Gregory Whitehead. 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