Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Israel on Campus Coalition“
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Levanon, Talia. „Israel Trauma Coalition Resillience Centers“. Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 25, S1 (Februar 2010): S52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00023049.
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Peretz, Don. „Barak's Israel“. Current History 100, Nr. 642 (01.01.2001): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.642.21.
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The sense of solidarity that characterized Israeli society half a century ago has dissipated as society has divided into contentious, often conflicting groups. … [But] since the Jerusalem intifada erupted in October, many in Jewish Israeli society have refocused their hostility: PA President Yasir Arafat has become the archenemy. … Barak, however, has been unable to form a new majority coalition or capitalize on the anti-Arafat emotion sweeping through the Jewish community.
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Vinci, Debra M., Robert C. Philen, Susan E. Walch, Rebecca Kennedy, Mica Harrell, Carla Rime und Jaclyn Matthews. „Social Norms Tactics to Promote a Campus Alcohol Coalition“. American Journal of Health Education 41, Nr. 1 (Januar 2010): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19325037.2010.10599124.
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Braimah, Awaisu. „Killing to Cling to Power? The Dilemmas of Israeli Prime Minister“. International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 7, Nr. 3 (01.03.2024): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v7i3.2034.
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Hamas's strategic surprise attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, is not only a military and intelligence failure on the part of Israel, but it also casts doubt on the capacity of the Israeli Prime Minister to provide the security needs of Israelis. What this paper does is explore the complexities and dilemmas of Israel’s war on Gaza despite domestic pressure to halt the Gaza war to enable the release of hostages, the call on the coalition government to account for the needless deaths of Israelis on the fateful October 7, 2023 attack and the growing pressure abroad to respect humanitarian law of war in Gaza. The war nevertheless continues unabated while Hamas is ducking for cover with the multiracial captives. The multilevel demands on the Israeli PM and his right-wing coalition have ramifications on the regime’s legitimacy, a bleak future for the two-state solution, and the general implication of the war on global politics. This paper utilised the Diversionary Theory of War to explain the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza. The paper argues that Hamas attacked Israel to thwart the normalisation process between Israel and Saudi Arabia, while the Israeli prime minister is using the Gaza war as an alibi to boost his reelection bid and to divert the attention of Israelis from the toxic domestic politics to cling to power.
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Darling-Hammond, Linda, Jacqueline Ancess und Susanna Wichterle Ort. „Reinventing High School: Outcomes of the Coalition Campus Schools Project“. American Educational Research Journal 39, Nr. 3 (Januar 2002): 639–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/00028312039003639.
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Literte, Patricia E. „Mobilizing Beyond Black and White: Coalition Building and Identity Formation among Students of Color at a Public and a Private University“. Journal of Minority Achievement, Creativity, and Leadership 1, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2020): 301–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/minoachicrealead.1.2.0301.
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Abstract Given the increasing importance of relations among non-White racial groups in contemporary US society, as well as the significant role of higher education and college students in shaping issues of race, this article examines coalition building between Black, Latinx, and Asian Pacific American students, as well as the construction of a pan-racial “people of color” identity, on two university campuses in California. Drawing on 36 in-depth interviews with students, staff, and administrators, as well as archival materials, the factors and circumstances that facilitate coalition building among students of color, the nature of these coalitions and their impact on students’ consciousness and collective identities, and the ways in which institutions of higher education respond to coalition building among students of color, are discussed. The findings of this study suggest that students of color will coalesce and build coalitions, as well as construct a people-of-color identity, when they have historical role models, feel that their positions on campus are threatened, and develop ideologies of anti-racism which characterize communities of color as having shared, fundamental, beliefs, interests, and concerns. Conversely, findings also suggest that an apathetic political climate on campus, lack of historical role models, and the institutionalization of student services delineated along racial lines that do not engage in cross-racial programming, work against coalition building and the creation of a shared identity among students of color.
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Gebhardt, Thomas L., Kimberly Kaphingst und William DeJong. „A Campus-community Coalition to Control Alcohol-related Problems Off Campus: An Environmental Management Case Study“. Journal of American College Health 48, Nr. 5 (01.03.2000): 211–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07448480009599306.
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Nomikos, John M., und A. Th Symeonides. „Coalition Building, Cooperation, and Intelligence: The Case of Greece and Israel“. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 32, Nr. 4 (05.08.2019): 677–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2019.1621093.
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Cohen, Benjamin, Kira T. Lawrence, Andrea Armstrong, Miranda Wilcha und Alexa Gatti. „Greening Lafayette: a model for building sustainable community“. International Journal of Sustainability in Higher Education 19, Nr. 7 (05.11.2018): 1239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijshe-01-2018-0006.
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Purpose A coalition of students, professors, administrators and operational staff at Lafayette College designed an environmental module to integrate in-class curricular education with out-of-class environmental engagement. The purpose of this study was to improve the ethos of sustainability across campus. Design/methodology/approach The research reported here draws from qualitative and quantitative assessments to corroborate previous evidence that institution-wide collaboration is a necessary prerequisite for the successful development of such environmental campus programming. Findings It adds to those prior conclusions with the finding that three intertwined factors are critical keys to success. One is attention in the design process to coalition building between the academic, administrative and operational units of campus; second is a strong focus on organizational capacity; and third is explicit attention to preparing long-term management. Practical implications The particularities of college campuses, where student residence is temporary while the campus environment is continuous, require attention to organizational sustainability as much as the more common technical features of sustainability (e.g. energy, water, food, transportation systems, etc.). For small colleges seeking to implement similar programming to foster a culture of sustainability on their campuses, that commitment to organizational sustainability demonstrates that maintenance, durability and invested personnel are essential factors when similarly seeking interdisciplinary environmental education initiatives. Originality/value This paper describes the original program structure of Greening Lafayette. The program was built on the campus of Lafayette College through specific co-curricular, administrative, academic and facilities efforts. The paper details the approach Lafayette College students and faculty took to draw from best practices in campus sustainability, analyze their campus’ baseline engagement in and awareness of sustainability and leverage their college’s structures to design a program that generates a campus ethos of sustainability. It further elucidates the importance of ensuring the organizational sustainability of the program itself. While Greening Lafayette was designed for the context of a specific undergraduate campus, the program offers a model for faculty, students and administrators of other colleges and universities to build coalitions, design sustainability programming and develop an ethos of sustainability on their campuses.
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Daoud, Suheir Abu Oksa. „Between Religion and Politics: The Case of the Islamic Movement in Israel“. Religions 15, Nr. 1 (16.01.2024): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15010110.
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The power of the “moderate” branch of the Islamic Movement (Alharaka al-Islamiyya, subsequently referred to as IM) Southern Branch (IMSF) in Israel stems from its ability to adapt to different situations, reconcile with the complex reality of being an indigenous minority in a state that defines itself a “Jewish state”, and operate within the state structure accepting democratic processes that have long been debated to clash with Islamism. Besides being represented in the Israeli Knesset since 1996, the culmination of this adaptation was the joining of the movement to the short-lived Zionist coalition government on 2 June 2021 (the government collapsed in July 2022). This historic entry of an Arab Party into a Jewish/Zionist government coalition for the first time in Israel’s history was a shocking surprise to many, not only due to the IM being an Arab–Palestinian movement but also an Islamist movement. My analysis shows that despite this reconciliation, the IM continues to emphasize religiosity, binding it to the national political struggle and identity of Israel’s Palestinian minority. For its supporters, the IMSF is seen as a meeting point of spiritual/religious needs on the one hand and material needs in the social, political, and cultural spheres on the other. However, for its opponents, mainly from the other Arab political parties, the IM had deviated from the national consensus and accepted strategies and tools to deal with the challenges facing them as a minority in Israel. And, for some others, the IM had even deviated from Islam itself. I draw on a field study that spanned several years. It is based on qualitative, extensive interviews with senior Islamist and non-Islamist leaders in Israel, as well as primary sources of the IM, including publications, leaders’ speeches, and social media. All quotes in this article are based on the author’s interviews during 2022–2024. Interviews with the following leaders and activists: IM leader Abdul-Malik Dahamsheh (sheik Ibrahim Sarsour), former MK Muhammad Hasan Ken`an, Nosiba Darwish `Issa, IM MK Eman Yassin Khatib, NDA’ chairman Sami Abu Shehadeh, secretary general of Abnaa al-Balad (Sons of the Country) Muhammad Kana`neh, and with Kufr Qare` former mayor Zuhair Yahya were conducted by in-person or by phone during summer–fall 2023. The interviews with former IMNF activist Aisha Hajjar, activist Zuhriyyeh ‘Azab, journalist Abd el-Rahman Magadleh, and DFPE member Elias Abu Oksa were conducted via What’s App, Messenger, and e-mail in 2022. The interview with political analyst Ameer Makhoul was conducted in December 2023 via Messenger. Follow-up communication was mainly through What’s App to clarify certain points. The interview questions focused on the reasons for the Islamic Movement’s division into two wings, the religious and political justifications for entering the Knesset and the coalition, the relationship between the southern wing and the main Arab parties active in the Israeli Knesset, the experience of unity with them, and the experience of its members while in the Zionist coalition. This article examines how the Islamic Movement in Israel uses religion as a tool to influence the national, cultural, political, economic, and social lives of the Arab minority in Israel. It asks: How does the Islamic Movement, religiously and politically, justify its involvement in the political game and in a Zionist government coalition, and how do Arab parties perceive this involvement? Moreover, it raises an important question about the nature of the movement: to what extent is the Islamic Movement a political Islam movement, and whether it has abandoned the basic goals of political Islam for the sake of becoming a democratic Islamic party? This article will provide significant insight into crucial aspects of the IM that have been previously overlooked. While being in a Zionist coalition gave hardly any latitude in decision making about policies, budgets were an attractive avenue for the Islamic Movement to guide public opinion and gain political support. The article comes during the ongoing war on Gaza, which will undoubtedly cast a shadow on the political climate and the political map in Israel in general and on the political work of Arab parties and the Islamic Movement in particular. Although it is too early to predict the impact of this war on the Islamic Movement and its political future, it can be assumed that the impact will be profound.
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Freilich, Charles D. „National Security Decision-Making in Israel: Processes, Pathologies, and Strengths“. Middle East Journal 60, Nr. 4 (01.10.2006): 635–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.4.11.
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This article presents a first of its kind typology of Israeli national security decision-making processes, focusing on five primary pathologies and a number of strengths. It will demonstrate that these pathologies are the product of an extraordinarily compelling external environment and domestic structural factors: chiefly, the extreme politicization of the decision-making process stemming from the proportional representation electoral system, the consequent need to govern through coalition cabinets, and the absence of effective cabinet-level decision-making support capabilities.
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Syler, Claire. „A Campus Counter Tour: Performing institutional narratives“. Applied Theatre Research 7, Nr. 2 (01.12.2019): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/atr_00014_1.
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Abstract This article traces the work of a cross-listed Theatre and Black Studies performance course at a US university that had recently experienced campus protests concerning anti-black racism. The course culminated in an admissions-style walking tour that critically analysed the university environment by juxtaposing dominant institutional narratives with counter accounts performed by a multi-ethnic ensemble of students. The article begins by contextualizing the university's history of anti-black racism and then describes the curriculum created for the class and the broader Campus Counter Tour performance. To conclude, it discusses the assets embedded in the Counter Tour project (accessibility, coalition building, and participation in a movement), which could be valuable for applied theatre practitioners interested in using walking tours to address institutional narratives bound up in racism or colonialism more broadly.
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Paik, Seung-Hoon, und Young-Bin Kim. „The Coalition Government in a Multiparty Knesset Democracy in Israel: An Analysis of the Coalition Government of Lapid-Bennett“. Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 20, Nr. 2 (30.08.2021): 33–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2021.20.2.33.
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Yishai, Yael. „The Hidden Agenda: Abortion Politics in Israel“. Journal of Social Policy 22, Nr. 2 (April 1993): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400019309.
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AbstractThe paper examines the formulation and implementation of abortion politics in Israel. Liberalisation of abortion, triggered by the need to enable poor women to terminate unwanted pregnancies, enjoyed wide consensus. The highly controversial repeal of the social-cause clause, prompted by coalition bargaining, was aimed at encouraging fertility. Both policies failed to realise intentions of decision-makers. Liberalisation of abortion did not result in population control among the poor; restriction of abortion did not lead to increasing birth rates. The reasons for the unsuccessful impact are grounded in the hidden agenda, caused by the incompatibility between two policy goals: curbing birth rates among the poor and encouraging fertility among the Jewish population on the whole. The hidden agenda hindered the achievement of impact: population control policy was not followed up by family planning. Population growth policy was not followed up by economic incentives.
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Jenkins, Martin D. „The national coalition for campus child care: A study in strategic success“. Early Childhood Research Quarterly 6, Nr. 1 (März 1991): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0885-2006(91)90026-h.
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Prochaska, John D., Sharon Croisant, Lesley C. Sommer, Neil Treble, Krista Bohn, Lori Wiseman, Chantele Singleton und Lance Hallberg. „82003 Network Evaluation of a Community-Campus Partnership: Applying a Systems Science Lens to Evaluating Collaboration and Translation“. Journal of Clinical and Translational Science 5, s1 (März 2021): 81–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cts.2021.612.
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ABSTRACT IMPACT: Using network analysis and a systems science lens, UTMB’s Institute for Translational Sciences is able to quantify the evolution of REACH (its Community-Campus Partnership) as measured by the creation of new partnerships among member entities, promoting the translation and sharing of ideas and resources, and formalization of relationships among members. OBJECTIVES/GOALS: o Present how network analysis and systems science can inform evaluation of community-campus partnerships o Describe results from our experience with evaluating the REACH coalition o Summarize lessons-learned and likely improvements we are considering for our methodology METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: In 2016, we administered a network survey to core members of the Research, Education, and Community Health (REACH) coalition. The survey captured attributes about each organization, including size, populations served, etc. The survey also captured data on the relationships among these organizations, including joint meeting attendance, joint event planning, shared tangible resources, shared information, and formal legal agreements between organizations. These data were analyzed using network analysis methods. The survey was again repeated in 2018, and comparisons were made to evaluate how the network structure had evolved from 2016 to 2018. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: Joint meeting attendance was high in both 2016 and 2018; however, there was evidence of increased sharing of information and tangible resources in 2018. We also observed an increase in joint event planning among partnering agencies. Most strikingly, we observed that the number of formalized agreements (in the form of Memoranda of Understanding or more formalized contracts) between agencies more than doubled between 2016 and 2018. By measuring the evolution of our network of partners, we are able to document the evolution of a community-campus partnership over time. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF FINDINGS: Over the course of 2 years, the coalition signaled an increase in deeper collaborations beyond simply meeting together. The use of network analysis demonstrated utility and provided another dimension for evaluating the development of teams, partnerships, and coalitions.
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Panneerselvam, A. „Evaluating the Efficacy of India's Coalition Governments“. Journal of Language and Linguistics in Society, Nr. 11 (22.09.2021): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jlls.11.21.28.
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Nowadays, alliance is typical in many regions of the planet. The Nordic Countries, the Benelux Countries, Australia, Austria, Germany, Italy, Japan, Turkey, Israel, New Zealand, Kosovo, Pakistan, Kenya, India, Trinidad and Tobago, Thailand, and Ukraine are instances of nations that regularly have coalition governments. Other countries that have frequent coalition governments include the countries of the Benelux and Germany. Since 1959 until 2008, Switzerland was led by a coalition government consisting of the four parties who held the most parliamentary seats. The fact that India opted for democracy and that we have been working toward maintaining a robust democratic system for almost 75 years now counts as a significant accomplishment. In India, the study of coalitions is still in its very early stages and is a relatively new field of academic endeavour. Nevertheless, it might turn out to be of tremendous significance for our nation. The development of democracy must necessarily progress through this stage of coalition building. They might represent a logical step in the process of transitioning from a multi-party system to a bi-party system in India, which is a country that has more than a hundred different political parties. In this study, several aspects of coalition governments and the history of coalition governance in India are examined and discussed. In order to arrive at a conclusion, the research used both historical and descriptive methods. In this study, a substantial amount of time was spent using a thematic software programme to analyze the qualitative data, which consisted of information obtained from secondary sources.
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PANNEERSELVAM, A. „Evaluating the Efficacy of India's Coalition Governments“. Journal of Psychology and Political Science, Nr. 12 (27.11.2021): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpps.12.15.23.
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Nowadays, alliance is typical in many regions of the planet. The Nordic Countries, the Benelux Countries, Australia, Austria, Germany, Italy, Japan, Turkey, Israel, New Zealand, Kosovo, Pakistan, Kenya, India, Trinidad and Tobago, Thailand, and Ukraine are instances of nations that regularly have coalition governments. Other countries that have frequent coalition governments include the countries of the Benelux and Germany. Since 1959 until 2008, Switzerland was led by a coalition government consisting of the four parties who held the most parliamentary seats. The fact that India opted for democracy and that we have been working toward maintaining a robust democratic system for almost 75 years now counts as a significant accomplishment. In India, the study of coalitions is still in its very early stages and is a relatively new field of academic endeavour. Nevertheless, it might turn out to be of tremendous significance for our nation. The development of democracy must necessarily progress through this stage of coalition building. They might represent a logical step in the process of transitioning from a multi-party system to a bi-party system in India, which is a country that has more than a hundred different political parties. In this study, several aspects of coalition governments and the history of coalition governance in India are examined and discussed. In order to arrive at a conclusion, the research used both historical and descriptive methods. In this study, a substantial amount of time was spent using a thematic software programme to analyze the qualitative data, which consisted of information obtained from secondary sources.
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Hickey, Abbigail, Onikia Brown und Alicia Powers. „P025 Alabama Campus Coalition for Basic Needs Engage Assessment: Key Findings for the Development of Campus Food Security Coalitions“. Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior 54, Nr. 7 (Juli 2022): S29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jneb.2022.04.065.
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O'Brien, Mary Claire, Heather Champion, Ralph B. D'Agostino, Barbara Alvarez Martin, Thomas P. McCoy, Mark Wolfson und Robert H. Durant. „How Ready are Colleges for an Environmental Approach That Utilizes Campus/Community Coalitions?“ International Quarterly of Community Health Education 25, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2005): 295–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/g542-w332-gg21-056u.
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While there is optimism about an environmental management approach that utilizes campus-community coalitions to reduce levels of high-risk drinking, the readiness of schools to implement such an approach is unknown. We surveyed 100 colleges regarding their readiness based on eight factors: existence of a task force to address alcohol use on campus; the inclusion of the college/university President; inclusion of a community representative; frequent meetings; external funding to address alcohol use; previous environmental training; changes implemented as a result of environmental training; and a plan to institute environmental training in the future. Having an alcohol task force or coalition (57%) was associated with participation by the president and/or community representative on the task force, having extramural funding to address high-risk drinking, training in environmental management, implementation of changes after the training, plans for future training, school size, Greek organizations on campus, and being a state university.
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Metz, Allan. „Israel, the religious parties, the coalition negotiations of March‐June 1990, and beyond“. New Political Science 11, Nr. 1-2 (März 1992): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393149208429658.
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Olswang, Steven G., und Marilyn L. De Give. „The Making of a Branch Campus System: A Statewide Strategy of Coalition Building“. Review of Higher Education 22, Nr. 3 (1999): 287–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rhe.1999.0009.
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Palumbo, Enrico. „Italian Catholics and the June 1967 War: A Turning Point“. Israel Studies 28, Nr. 3 (September 2023): 50–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.28.3.05.
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ABSTRACT: This article examines the debate in the Italian Catholic world which erupted during the Arab-Israeli war of June 1967. At the time, Italy was governed by the Christian Democrats, a Catholic-based party in a center-left coalition and the Italian electorate leaned heavily towards Israel, as newspapers, magazines and many politicians feared a possible resurgent genocide against the Jews. Only a few important but minority public figures took radically different positions: Foreign Minister Amintore Fanfani and, more moderately, Prime Minister Aldo Moro together with their allies in the party. After the end of the war, many Italian Catholics changed their minds: Israel no longer risked "a new holocaust," and the tragedy of the Palestinian people became obvious.
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Palumbo, Enrico. „Italian Catholics and the June 1967 War: A Turning Point“. Israel Studies 28, Nr. 3 (September 2023): 50–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a903072.
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ABSTRACT: This article examines the debate in the Italian Catholic world which erupted during the Arab-Israeli war of June 1967. At the time, Italy was governed by the Christian Democrats, a Catholic-based party in a center-left coalition and the Italian electorate leaned heavily towards Israel, as newspapers, magazines and many politicians feared a possible resurgent genocide against the Jews. Only a few important but minority public figures took radically different positions: Foreign Minister Amintore Fanfani and, more moderately, Prime Minister Aldo Moro together with their allies in the party. After the end of the war, many Italian Catholics changed their minds: Israel no longer risked "a new holocaust," and the tragedy of the Palestinian people became obvious.
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Gawerc, Michelle I. „The Centrality of Difference in Coalition-Building across Divides“. Contention 9, Nr. 2 (01.12.2021): 20–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2021.090202.
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Abstract Collective identities, as literature suggests, are constructed via an emphasis on sameness within a group and in the downplaying of internal difference. This study, however, found that collective agency, and resultingly, collective identity, was fueled just as much by a careful negotiation of difference as it was a group's core similarities. Based on interviews with Palestinian, Israeli, and international activists involved in two Palestinian-led coalitions in Israel/Palestine, the study shows how uneven privileges and other differences, could be leveraged for the benefit of the coalitions, particularly through assessing what each ethno-national group brought to the collective. When members enacted their closely negotiated and distinct roles, the coalition's sense of “we” was further solidified. Indeed, as this article illustrates, difference as well as unequal privileges, can be perceived as a defining feature of a strategically constructed collective identity and the reason for a partnership, not simply a problem to be managed.
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Musrifah, Musrifah. „Revolusi Kampus, Wajah Baru Islam di Amerika“. Madinah: Jurnal Studi Islam 11, Nr. 1 (10.06.2024): 142–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.58518/madinah.v11i1.2478.
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Israel's brutal attacks on Palestinian land continue. More than 35,000 Palestinian civilians have been killed. Most of the victims are women and children. The genocide committed by Israel and funded by the United States (US) has been condemned by the world. Interestingly, a massive wave of protests was carried out by students on prominent campuses in the US. This ally of Israel deployed a large number of police officers to stop student action. More than 1000 students from various campuses in the US were arrested by local police. However, the action did not stop and actually expanded to hundreds of campuses. The US student social movement confirms the theory of social movements led by youth and students, which is undeniable. The US student solidarity action has erupted into a campus revolution that places students as the main actors and agents of change. The campus revolution in the US has succeeded in giving a new color to US democracy that melts ideological barriers. The campus revolution in the US also presents a new face of Islam in the land of Pamansam, which is dominated by young people and scholars.
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Ajl, Max. „Zionism: The Real Enemy of the Jews, Volume 1: The False Messiah, Alan Hart, Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2009; Zionism: The Real Enemy of the Jews, Volume 2: David Becomes Goliath, Alan Hart, Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2009; Zionism: The Real Enemy of the Jews, Volume 3: Conflict Without End, Alan Hart, Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2010“. Historical Materialism 20, Nr. 3 (2012): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341260.
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AbstractThis review-essay looks at a recent trilogy of works on Israeli history, the political history of the relationship between the United States and Israel, and the effect of the Israel lobby on the relationship between the two states. While the books attempt to construct a narrative that essentially blame the lobby for close to one hundred years of American malfeasance in the Middle East, they falter due to their idealism, their weak grasp of regional political economy and American capital accumulation, and their conspiracism. Instead, this review proposes a reinterpretation of regional political economy, materially grounding the lobby and the Special Relationship while situating the two within the patterns of accumulation pushed by Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler’s ‘weapondollar-petrodollar coalition’, the main determinant of American foreign policy in the Middle East.
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Nestel, Sheryl. „The “Palestine Test” Revisited: Faculty, Students and Activists Talk about Their Experiences of Harassment, Intimidation and Suppression of Speech on Palestine“. TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies 47 (01.09.2023): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/topia-2023-06-21.
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This article acknowledges the prescience of MJ Nadeau and Alan Sears’ 2009 article “The Palestine Test, Countering the Silencing Campaign”. It introduces recent research with Canadian academics and activists about their experiences of suppression of speech on Palestine. These include political interventions in academic hiring, threats of violence, harassment by pro-Israel advocates and media outlets and classroom surveillance by pro-Israel campus groups, all of which are violations of academic freedom and grave impediments to the production of knowledge.
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Hertz-Lazarowitz, Rachel. „Arab and Jewish Youth in Israel: Voicing National Injustice on Campus“. Journal of Social Issues 59, Nr. 1 (31.01.2003): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-4560.t01-1-00004.
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Wood, Brian. „The Second Annual CUFI Conference, July 2007: The Christian Zionist Coalition Hits its Stride“. Journal of Palestine Studies 37, Nr. 1 (2007): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.37.1.79.
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Christians United for Israel, the Zionist lobby group that has grown by leaps and bounds since its founding two years ago, held its second annual conference in Washington, D.C., July 2007. Attended by political figures and rank-and-file members alike, the AIPAC-style conference showcased the group's formidable financial, organizational, and political strength, signaling that the group seems poised to set the agenda for future Christian Zionist work in the United States.
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Volkov, Shulamit. „Hans Rosenberg as a Teacher: A Few Personal Notes“. Central European History 24, Nr. 1 (1991): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900016575.
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When I returned from a long summer in Israel, following the Six Days War of June 1967, Berkeley seemed to belong to an altogether different universe. Things that had been upper-most in my mind, indeed in everyone's mind, during those months in Jerusalem were of marginal interest to the bustling students and respectable faculty members on campus. In comparison with the hectic atmosphere in Israel at that time, even the most politically involved campus in the United States appeared like the proverbial ivory tower. After a brief hiatus during which everyone had breathlessly observed the events of the war in the Middle East, these events quickly receded into the background, and on the shores of the Pacific other issues seemed far more important. While activists were busily preparing an attack on United States government policy in Vietnam, everyone else, secluded in the innumerable Berkeley classrooms, seemed concerned with purely academic matters.
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Naha, Alik. „India-Israel Relations: Opportunities and Complexities“. Social Inquiry: Journal of Social Science Research 2, Nr. 2 (25.11.2020): 80–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/sijssr.v2i2.33055.
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India and Israel share a rich civilizational history that began with the coming of Jews to India in 562 BCE and an identical colonial past being colonized by the British Empire. Together, they share a special association marked by several commonalities like both were born out of the bitter partition, practicing democratic ideals, subject to hostile neighbours, and rising cross-border terrorism. While India recognized Israel in 1950, it took four long decades for both to formally began their diplomatic ties. The post-Cold War world order, the rise of coalition politics in India, and the successful de-hyphenation of Indo-Israel ties from Indo-Palestine ties have further contributed to the increasing importance of the relationship. Today, the relationship, which was once founded on the bedrock of defense cooperation and arms trade, has become multifaceted. Both countries have converged across fields that include space, science, and technology, real estate, textile, cybersecurity, pharmaceuticals, agricultural innovations, water management, energy, etc. Along with convergences, there are also geopolitical divergences on the question of Palestine, Israel’s critical view of India-Iran relations, India’s sensitivities to Israel-China relations, etc. that have contributed to shaping the relationship. However, trust and pragmatism have never let the divergences overpower convergences in the relationship. A growing Indo-Israel tie is also seen as a boost to heightened Indo-US ties. This increased reconciliation between Israel and India is also expected to have wider implications for regional geopolitics and further shaping the strategic discourse of the region.
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Navot, Doron, Yair Goldshmidt und Asaf Yakir. „The Limits of Right-Wing Populism in Power and the Israeli Political Crisis of 2018–2021“. Middle East Journal 76, Nr. 3 (01.12.2022): 327–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/76.3.12.
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Between 2018 and 2021, Israel experienced an unprecedented political crisis that saw four rounds of elections, as the country's parties failed to form a stable coalition government. This article contends that this crisis was the result of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's shift away from neoliberalism and toward a populist "anti-system" agenda. While Netanyahu's intensification of institutional subversion played a role in his success in the mid–late 2010s, it complicated relations within his party and among his political allies. The end result was years of political deadlock.
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Bennett, Andrew A., und Aydin S. Oksoy. „Football Stadium Expansion: A Multiparty Negotiation Exercise“. Management Teaching Review 5, Nr. 2 (07.02.2019): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2379298119826268.
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Multiparty negotiations are a unique context in which three or more parties have different issues, priorities, and underlying interests. The Football Stadium Expansion is a four-person negotiation exercise that reinforces distributive and integrative negotiation skills (e.g., recognizing priorities, making concessions) as well as introduces three negotiation skills necessary for a multiparty context: coalition forming, decision agreement rules, and straw votes. Using a setting familiar to both students and community members—an expansion of a campus football stadium—this exercise is ideal for classes or trainings with a 50- or 75-minute limit.
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FISHER, FRANKLIN M., und ANNETTE HUBER-LEE. „WAS-guided cooperation in water: the grand coalition and sub-coalitions“. Environment and Development Economics 14, Nr. 1 (Februar 2009): 89–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355770x08004695.
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ABSTRACTThis paper builds on the earlier development of WAS – a method of dealing with water issues that focuses on water values rather than water quantities and takes into account public values that are not simply private ones (see Fisher et al., 2005). WAS can be used for infrastructure or policy planning, but it can also assist in the resolution of water disputes. Indeed, WAS-guided cooperation in water can turn what appears to be a zero-sum gain into a win-win situation. It is shown that if WAS sets the rules for cooperation, then, when all claimants use those rules, the coalition of all of them together is stable. Results for possible coalitions of Israel, Jordan, and Palestine are given for varying assumptions as to water ownership. The gains from cooperation are compared and analyzed. WAS-guided cooperation is seen to make the value of ownership shifts relatively trivial.
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Cohen, Eli, und Elizabeth (Betty) Boyd. „The KGB and Anti-Israel Propaganda Operations“. Informing Science: The International Journal of an Emerging Transdiscipline 22 (2019): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/4488.
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Aim/Purpose: The paper explores the success of KGB Operation SIG to incite hatred and create chaos against a democracy Background: About 50 years ago, the KGB created the means to create upheaval in the Mid-dle East. This paper explores one such campaign and its successor campaign, revealing some disinformation techniques in use today. Methodology: The paper brings together literature from many fields in its exploration of Op-eration SIG. Contribution: The paper reveals the role of the KGB in the PLO’s campaign to replace Israel with an Arab Muslim state and the PLO and Hamas’s successor disinformation mechanisms Findings: Operation SIG is an early and extremely successful example of the Sovi-et/Russian campaign to disrupt democracy. Recommendation for Researchers: The recurrence of antisemitism, particularly on campus, can be attributed to Operation SIG.
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Warschawski, Michel. „The 2006 Israeli Elections: A Drive to Normalcy and Separation“. Journal of Palestine Studies 35, Nr. 4 (01.01.2006): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2006.35.4.44.
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This report looks at major trends shown by Israel's March 2006 elections, despite the lowest voter turnout in the country's history (fueled by disgust at corruption). Most important, the resounding defeat of the Likud and the Right in favor of the ““center”” confirmed a shift in political culture away from the Greater Israel ideology and permanent preemptive war against terrorism (i.e., the Palestinians) and the emergence of a broad consensus on unilateral separation (not peace), seen as the guarantor of security and normalcy. Also discussed are the early hopes raised by Amir Peretz's election as Labor party head (and his subsequent domestication), the return of a certain discourse of social justice after years of uncontested neo-liberalism, and the durability of the ““community”” or ethnic vote. The letter ends with a look at coalition politics in Israel and the formation of the new government.
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Karasova, Tatiana A. „Israeli Parlamentarism in XXI Century: Electorial Failure or System Crises?“ Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, Nr. 3 (2022): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020267-0.
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Just within three years Israel experienced four consecutive Knesset electoral campaigns (in April and September 2019; March 2020 and March 2021). However, neither leader of the permanently ruling since 2009 center-right Likud party Benjamin Netanyahu, no his electoral opponents were able to form in any way stable coalition Government. In fact the electoral campaign during this period due to the uncompromised rivalry between the major party blocs never terminated. In March 2021, at last, the anti-Netanyahu bloc managed to win electionsand form the coalition government. Such situation that hardly had any precedent in Israeli political history, as well as the obvious deadlock that Israeli political system appeared poses several questions that yet to find their comprehensive answer in the academic literature. Do we deal with a situational political "glitch", which - exactly as it had happened in the past, could be resolved at some point? Or, on the contrary, do we observe here the systematic crises of the party and political system of this country, which basic foundations were constructed long before the declaration of the State of Israel itself? Finally, considering similar political trends in other Western countries, could we talk about the general crises of the European-style parliamentary democracy model, the one that during the past centuries was believed to be the optimal political structure framework for modern and contemporary ethnic national and civic national states? While analyzing the Israeli experience the authors of this article intend to answer a part of these and related questions.
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Gudev, P., I. Ibragimov, Y. Kvashnin, L. Samrskaya, I. Svistunova, N. Surkov und P. Timofeev. „Mediterranean in a Search of a New Balance of Interests“. International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, Nr. 3 (2021): 104–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.7.
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The Eastern Mediterranean has become an arena of fierce competition for an access to sea spaces and their resources, including hydrocarbons. Coastal states and a number of non-regional players are deeply involved in this rivalry. Currently the region is witnessing a confrontation between Turkey and a "balancing coalition", which consists of Greece, Cyprus, Israel and Egypt. The article deals with the problem of maritime spaces delimitation in the Aegean Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean. It also studies the policies of the main actors. The primary goal is to make an assessment of the risks and to analyze possible ways to reduce tension by balancing the interests of major players. The analysis shows that Turkey intends to consistently defend its claims on the continental shelf based on the so-called "principle of justice", thus challenging the Greek claims. Ankara managed to prevent the construction of the EastMed gas pipeline, thus hurting the interests of other countries of the region. In turn, Greece appeals to the norms of international maritime law. Itis actively looking now for allies that could help it contain Turkey. There is a potential “anti-Turkey” coalition comprising France, Israel and Egypt. The authors conclude that, despite the extreme complexity of the situation, especially from the legal point of view, tension in the Eastern Mediterranean can be reduced because the countries of the region are reluctant to engage in a military confrontation with Turkey and alternative routes for energy transportation exist. In addition, there are signs that Greece might be open to a reasonable compromise with Turkey.
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Roznai, Yaniv, und Duncan M. Okubasu. „Stability of constitutional structures and identity amidst ‘political settlement’: lessons from Kenya and Israel“. Comparative Constitutional Studies 1, Nr. 1 (August 2023): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/ccs.2023.0017.
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In 2021, two dramatic judgments were handed down in Kenya’s Court of Appeals (CoA) and the Israeli Supreme Court. In Kenya, the CoA upheld a ruling from the High Court that had found the Constitution Amendment Bill of 2020 – aimed to implement the Building Bridges Initiatives (BBI) – unconstitutional and void, inter alia, for violating the basic structure of the constitution. Politically, this was a blow to the BBI initiative, a key project for President Uhuru Kenyatta and opposition leader Raila Odinga. It is assumed that the real purpose of the initiative, beside ‘reconciliation’, was expansion of executive power by allowing both leaders to form a coalition for the sake of winning the 2022 general elections. About the same time, in Israel, after the March 2020 election did not lead to a clear result that would allow one of the two major competing parties to form a coalition, an agreement to form a unity government of the two was reached. Yet, in light of a deep distrust between the parties, a strong legal anchoring was needed. This led to a major constitutional amendment that transformed the system of government and established a ‘rotating government’ model which created a new position of ‘Alternate Prime Minister’ alongside the serving prime minister. This tailor-made constitutional reform served a political purpose of the two leaders to form a government. In both countries, the sought constitutional change was challenged before courts. Yet, while in Kenya, courts stopped the constitutional transformation, the Israeli court did not intervene. This article reviews both case studies in order to draw broad lessons on how political settlement may overcome constitutional rigidity and abuse the amending process for dismemberment of the constitution, and how courts may function as a veto institution that can be a useful countermeasure against radical change to constitutional structures and identity.
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Karolyi, Paul. „Chronology“. Journal of Palestine Studies 46, Nr. 1 (2016): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.s3.
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This is part 131 of a chronology begun in Journal of Palestine Studies 13, no. 3 (Spring 1984), and covers events from 16 May to 15 August 2016 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. The habba, or uprising, that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015 dissipated further as the Israeli government expanded its crackdown on the occupied Palestinian territories, the Israeli Left, and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected international efforts to push Israel closer to peace talks with the Palestinians, instead shifting his ruling coalition further to the right. The French peace initiative advanced with Palestinian backing, despite Israeli opposition. Egypt lent its weight to international peace efforts, but failed to break the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. Internally, the Palestinians prepared for municipal elections on 10/8/2016. Israel and Turkey reached a formal reconciliation agreement, paving the way for a return to full diplomatic relations. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the peace process, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (1).
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Evans, Matt. „Parties’ foreign policy approach and the outcome of coalition allocation negotiations: the case of Israel“. International Politics 55, Nr. 5 (16.10.2017): 655–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41311-017-0102-4.
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Omer, Atalia. „Hitmazrehut or Becoming of the East: Re-Orienting Israeli Social Mapping“. Critical Sociology 43, Nr. 6 (23.09.2015): 949–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920515604475.
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Through developing of the concept of hitmazrehut, the article highlights avenues for decolonializing and de-orientalizing sociopolitical theory and practice in Israel/Palestine. Hitmazrehut (literally ‘becoming of the East’) is understood as the transformation of relations between space, identity, and narrative through an intersectionality framework of social movement activism and intellectual counter-discourse. Exposing the intersections among sites of marginality as well as cultivating localized interpretations of identity (delinked from the orientalist positing of Israel in the ‘West’) would contribute to the possibility of the formation of transformative coalition building across national boundaries. Hitmazrehut is both an outcome and a necessary process for enabling geopolitical reframing. The article begins with the ahistorical and orientalist biases of sociological inquiry into the region. It continues with an analysis of efforts to localize and re-orient Jewish identity as well as the Mizrahi discursive critique of epistemological violence guiding sociological scholarship, double consciousness and patterns of ethnic passing.
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Karolyi, Paul. „Update on Conflict and Diplomacy“. Journal of Palestine Studies 46, Nr. 1 (2016): 95–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.95.
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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, and covers the quarter beginning on 16 May and ending on 15 August 2016. The surge of unrest and resistance that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015 continued to dissipate this quarter as the Israeli government strengthened its crackdown on the occupied Palestinian territories, Israeli left-wing activism, and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected an international push towards peace talks with the Palestinians, and shifted his ruling coalition further to the right. Despite Israel's opposition, the French peace initiative advanced with Palestinian backing and Egypt lent its weight to international peace efforts, but failed to break the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. Internally, the Palestinians prepared for municipal elections on 10/8. In regional developments, Israel and Turkey reached a formal reconciliation agreement, paving the way for a return to full diplomatic relations.
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Ben Hagai, Ella, und Eileen L. Zurbriggen. „Between tikkun olam and self-defense: Young Jewish Americans debate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict“. Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, Nr. 1 (05.04.2017): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i1.629.
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In this study, we examined processes associated with ingroup members’ break from their ingroup and solidarity with the outgroup. We explored these processes by observing the current dramatic social change in which a growing number of young Jewish Americans have come to reject Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians. We conducted a yearlong participant observation and in-depth interviews with 27 Jewish American college students involved in Israel advocacy on a college campus. Findings suggest that Jewish Americans entering the Jewish community in college came to learn about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through a lens of Jewish vulnerability. A bill proposed by Palestinian solidarity organizations to divest from companies associated with Israel (part of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions or BDS movement) was also interpreted through the lens of Israel's vulnerability. As the college’s Student Union debated the bill, a schism emerged in the Jewish community. Some Jewish students who had a strong sense of their Jewish identity and grounded their Judaism in principles of social justice exhibited a greater openness to the Palestinian narrative of the conflict. Understanding of Palestinian dispossession was associated with the rejection of the mainstream Jewish establishment’s unconditional support of Israel. Moreover, dissenting Jewish students were concerned that others in the campus community would perceive them as denying the demands of people of color. We discuss our observations of the process of social change in relation to social science theories on narrative acknowledgment and collective action.
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Khanin, Vladimir (Ze'ev), und Petr Viktorovich Oskolkov. „French-speaking jewish community in contemporary Israel: sociological and political profile“. Contemporary Europe, Nr. 4 (15.12.2023): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323040046.
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The article examines the sociological, demographic, and political characteristics of a French-speaking repatriate community in Israel. The community is an important factor in both Israeli and French internal politics and the bilateral relations between Israel and European countries. The authors conclude that multiple identities are preserved, consisting of French-speaking, Jewish, and Israeli elements, and underline the quantitative and qualitative difference between the 2010s wave of repatriation and the previous waves. The difference is tainted by the reasons that pushed the French Jews to their historic homeland and by the difficulties of economic integration. A well-developed infrastructural network is created that buttresses the identitarian multiplicity. There are also indicators that the identity infrastructure might be complemented by the organized political representation that is now realized through the positions reserved non-officially in the national party lists. Because of its predominantly right-wing conservative political orientation, the French Jewish community is considered an electoral resource for the incumbent coalition of right-wing conservative, nationalist, and ultraorthodox parties, and the need for further stimulation of the French aliya is now voiced.
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Heese, Birgit, Julian Hofer, Holger Baars, Ronny Engelmann, Dietrich Althausen und Yoav Y. Schechner. „Wild fire aerosol optical properties measured by lidar at Haifa, Israel“. EPJ Web of Conferences 176 (2018): 05049. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/epjconf/201817605049.
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Optical properties of fresh biomass burning aerosol were measured by lidar during the wild fires in Israel in November 2016. A single-wavelength lidar Polly was operated at the Technion Campus at Haifa. The detector with originally two channels at 532 and 607 nm was recently upgraded with a cross- and a co-polarised channel at 532 nm, and a rotational Raman channel at 530.2 nm. Preliminary results show high particle depolarisation ratios probably caused by soil dust and large fly-ash particles.
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Dery, David. „Policy by the Way: When Policy is Incidental to Making Other Policies“. Journal of Public Policy 18, Nr. 2 (Mai 1998): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x98000087.
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My aim is to explore an important feature of public policy that has been somewhat neglected: many policies are largely made by the way of making other polices. To examine this idea and tentatively explore some of its implications, I shall employ the notion of ‘policy by the way’. What I wish to convey with the help of this concept is the reality of many areas of concern which are touched by public policy entirely or primarily by the way of focusing on other areas of concern. The notion of ‘policy by the way’ is anticipated in some key concepts of policy research and policy analysis, but its specific features still seem to deserve more focused attention. I gradually build up the notion of policy by the way with the help of well-known contributions to the field and a few examples from Israel, albeit no claim is made that Israel is in any way representative of other western democracies. It is quite possible, however, that the reality of public policy as a byproduct, which I believe is universal, is more easily discerned due to the special politics of Israel, basically, a fragile coalition government with strong turf orientation and weak coordination.
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Iakimova, Elizaveta. „Evolution of “Alliance 90 / The Greens” Approaches to German Relations with Israel“. Oriental Courier, Nr. 3 (2023): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310028348-0.
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The article analyzes the transformation of approaches towards Israel among the German environmentally-conscious parties. The author focuses on the course of the “Alliance 90 / The Greens” from its formation to the present, when the party has become a part of the government. Additional attention is paid to the perception of Israel by its predecessors — the “greens” from the FRG and the GDR. The feasibility of studying the Middle East vector of activity of this political force is explained by the fact that throughout the history it has remained an attractive partner in the formation of government coalitions, choosing the portfolio of foreign minister. Moreover, the German “Greens” are also represented in the European Parliament, having an opportunity to participate in decision-making process at the supranational level. The article considers the specifics environmentally-conscious parties in Germany and Israel, retrospective of perception of the State of Israel by the party, the current political platform of the “Alliance 90 / The Greens” and the activity of its member A. Baerbock as German Foreign Minister. The author concludes that the German “Greens” agree with the need to adhere to the historical principles of bilateral relations, having different approaches with the Israeli government to the Middle East conflict resolution. At the same time, under the influence of the position of senior coalition partners, topical international issues and the need to strengthen its own positions within the country, the party is able to soften its rhetoric.
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Ben-David, Boaz, Ortal Shimon-Raz, Yuval Palgi, lia Ring und Tchelet Bresslet. „ACTIVE PARTICIPATION OF OLDER ADULTS AT POLITICAL RALLIES AS A SOURCE OF RESILIENCE: THE CASE OF THE ISRAELI PROTEST“. Innovation in Aging 7, Supplement_1 (01.12.2023): 1170. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igad104.3752.
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Abstract The governing Israeli coalition suggested on Dec 2022 a reform plan that would fundamentally alter the system of checks and balances within Israeli society. According to law experts, the plan would effectively end liberal democracy in Israel. This turn of events sparked the largest protest movement in the 75year history of Israel. The current situation is unparalleled, and the mental health costs appear to be significant. However, the toll on older adults has not been directly examined yet. The breadth of the protest movement is remarkable. A July 2023 poll conducted by the Israel Democracy Institute estimated that almost a quarter of Israeli citizens had participated at a protest action at least once. It was primarily through participation at large rallies held weekly across the country - one of the main symbols of the protest movement. Interestingly, the survey reported a 37% participation rate among older adults, the highesy participation rate among all tested age groups. Since older Israelis are members of the founding generation of the state, their participation is not surprising. They feel threatened as their way of life and heritage are at risk. In the current study, we conducted a survey that examined mental health indices among older Israelis. Specifically, we wanted to test whether active participation at the protest could serve as a source for resilience in older age. Unfortunately, political turmoil is not unique to Israel. Thus, we hope that our findings could assist practitioners globally.