Dissertationen zum Thema „Iraqi Arabs“
Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: Iraqi Arabs.
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Dissertationen für die Forschung zum Thema "Iraqi Arabs" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Dissertationen für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Anabtawi, Manal. „Crisis management in Jordan: case study of the Iraqi crisis“. Thesis, University of Kent, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.592676.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
2
Sgreva, Maddalena <1996>. „Minoranze e politiche linguistiche in Iraq: dall'ascesa del Ba'th alla nascita della moderna Repubblica Irachena“. Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19041.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Questa tesi prende in esame le politiche linguistiche messe in atto dal Governo Iracheno nei confronti delle principali minoranze presenti nel Paese: curdi, turkmeni e aramei. Un’analisi storica comprendente l’arco temporale tra gli anni sessanta, con la salita al potere del Ba’th e la nascita della moderna Repubblica irachena nel 2003. Un’attenzione particolare è riservata alle attitudini dello Stato nei confronti di questi gruppi minoritari soprattutto per quanto riguarda l’aspetto linguistico, toccando gli ambiti della rappresentanza governativa, educazione e libertà d’espressione. La ricerca si avvale sia di fonti autorevoli, quali documenti ufficiali e provvedimenti emanati dal governo, sia risorse soggettive costituite da interviste rivolte a membri di tali minoranze con l’obiettivo di fornire una testimonianza diretta sul variegato panorama idiomatico dell’Iraq. Questo studio cronologico evidenzia come si sia arrivati all’attuale situazione sociolinguistica, che da una parte vede l’arabo dominare incontrastato, dall’altra l’implementazione di politiche linguistiche è volta alla tutela e preservazione del ricco patrimonio linguistico iracheno.
3
Manasseh, Sara. „Women in music performance : the Iraqi Jewish experience in Israel“. Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298109.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
4
Wien, Peter. „Iraqi Arab nationalism : authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist inclinations, 1932 - 1941 /“. London ;New York : Routledge, 2008. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip0518/2005025604.html.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Univ., Diss. u.d.T. Wien, Peter: Discipline and Sacrifice: authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist inclination in Iraqi Arab Nationalism, 1934-1941--Bonn, 2003.Includes bibliographical references and index. The historical framework -- Generational conflict -- The generational approach -- The sherifian generation -- The young effendiyya -- The debate of the Iraqi press -- The Iraqi press in its environment -- Direct references to Germany and fascism -- Fascist imagery? -- The debate on the youth.
5
Alburaas, Theyab M. „The Anglo-Iraqi Relationship Between 1945 and 1948“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9802/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper discuses the British Labour government's social, economic and military policies in Iraq between 1945 and 1948. The ability of the Iraqi monarchy to adapt to the British policies after World War II is discussed. The British were trying to put more social justice into the Iraqi regime in order to keep British influence and to increase the Iraqi regime's stability against the Arab nationalist movement.
6
Al-Athari, Lamees. „"This rhythm does not please me" : women protest war in Dunya Mikhail's poetry“. Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/865.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
7
Hasan, Hozan Abdulrahman. „THE EFFECT OF FEDERALISM ON THE ETHNIC CONFLICT BETWEEN KURDS AND ARABS IN IRAQ“. OpenSIUC, 2014. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/1428.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Since 2003 Iraq has struggled dealing with a new type of federal constitutionalism and engaged in three separate elections. It is expected that this federalism will encompass all the ethnic and religious groups and create more peace and stability between these groups. One of my major concentrations in this thesis will be to evaluate the successes and failures of this new federalism and its record in reducing the range of violence and conflict between Iraqi ethnic and religious groups. My question will be what has been the effect of federalism on ethnic conflict in Iraq? Has federalism in Iraq decreased ethnic violence or fueled more ethnic problems? I will evaluate the role of federalism in Iraq and the effect of federalism on ethnic conflict in Iraq. I will evaluate this new political system and then make some observations about tensions and disagreements between Kurds and Arabs since the implementation of Iraqi federal system. The idea of Federalism in Iraq as an approach to solving these ethnic conflicts and decreasing the bloodshed between all the different ethnic and religious groups has become a necessary and vital strategy for maintaining the fragile balance of power in the new nation . I will focus on federalism's effect on ethnic conflict in Iraq and how federalism can be used to improve the ethnic tensions in the country.
8
Haddad, Fanar. „Sectarian relations in Arab Iraq : competing mythologies of people, history and state“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/109005.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
When considering sectarian relations in Iraq, we are invariably presented with images of either ecumenical harmony that reduce sectarian identity in Iraqi history to an historical side-note, or of perennial hatreds perpetually seeking an opportunity to manifest themselves in violence or separation. Neither view is satisfactory and both are based on reductions and generalisations that are perhaps inevitable when so complex a subject is reduced to a handful of paragraphs in broader Iraq-focussed works. The first step to understanding sectarian identity in Iraq is to treat it is a group identity rather than a religious or political identity. Secondly, to avoid generalisations and reductions, it is necessary to identify the drivers of sectarian relations and sectarian identity and to understand the social factors that animate sectarian identity (here considerations of class and geography are essential). Thirdly, the relationship between sectarian identity and national identity has been sorely misunderstood and commentators have tended to treat the two as mutually antagonistic forms of identity. Finally and perhaps most importantly, is the question of salience: there is no such thing as a fixed and perpetually salient identity. The theoretical arguments outlined in chapters 2 and 3 will be used in the remainder of the study to focus on two major turning points in Iraqi sectarian relations: the uprising in southern Iraq of March 1991 (and more importantly the contentious memory of the uprisings) and the fall of the Ba’ath in 2003. Chapters 4-6 deal with the events of 1991, the subsequent sanctions-era and the competing mythologies of the uprisings while chapters 7 and 8 examine the post-2003 era, the politicisation of sectarian identities and, perhaps consequently, the sectarian civil war of 2006-2007. With regards to sectarian relations, I would argue that no other episode in modern Iraqi history have had as polarised a memory as these two events.
9
Al-Dulaimi, Sulaiman Ali Abbas. „Social welfare in the Arab world : the case of Iraq and Kuwait“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.277236.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
10
Sharif, Taybe Hassan Al Khalifa. „Resistance and remembrance history-telling of the Iraqi Shiʻite Arab refugee woman and their families in The Netherlands /“. [S.l. : Amsterdam : s.n.] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2003. http://dare.uva.nl/document/70326.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
11
Isiksal, Huseyin. „Subordination Of The Arab Regional System: The Cases Of Egypt &“. Phd thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614959/index.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study attempts to analyze the &lsquosubordination&rsquo
of the Arab regional system by giving special reference to Egypt and Iraq, as the two most prominent Arab countries that challenged the established Westphalian state system in the Middle East. Through introducing the concept of &lsquo
subordination&rsquo
, the research seeks to answer the questions of &lsquo
what makes the Middle East different than other regions?&rsquo
and &lsquo
how the Middle East subordinated to the international system?&rsquo
The conduct of the thesis is based upon three interrelated discussions
systemic origins of the subordination and its main characteristics, subordination of the Middle East as sub-international regional system, and finally the case studies which testify and approve the validity and implications of the theoretical arguments that presented in the former parts of the thesis. Through the exercise of independent, original, and critical thought, this thesis aims to build on existing knowledge by using already known materials but with a new conceptualizations, design and interpretation.
12
Hawa, Houda Georges. „Changes in inter-arab relations 1945 - 1989 : the Middle Eastern subsystem perspective“. Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265271.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
13
Kashou, Hanan Hussam. „War and Exile In Contemporary Iraqi Women’s Novels“. The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1386038139.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
14
al-Kayssi, Rakiah Dawud. „Iraq under Saddam Husayn and the Ba'th Party“. Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 1998. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1031/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 1998.Includes bibliographical references (p. 698-731). Print version also available. Mode of access : World Wide Web. System requirements : Adobe Acrobat reader required to view PDF document.
15
Bacik, Gokhan. „Hybrid Sovereignty In The Arab Middle East: The Cases Of Jordan, Iraq And Kuwait“. Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606508/index.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis analyses the issue of sovereignty in the Arab Middle Eastern context with a special reference to three cases: Jordan, Kuwait and Iraq. The basic argument of this thesis is the inapplicability of Western sovereignty in the related cases. The thesis will discuss that Western sovereignty which was brought to the region has been limited by certain facts. Instead, what we have is a hybrid sovereignty model in which both modern and primordial patterns co-exist. The thesis will also trace the history of Western sovereignty in the region since the early periods of colonization and modernization, and will seek to answer such questions as how the failure of colonially brought Western sovereignty affects Arab politics in different levels.
16
Albadran, A. A. „Factors influencing river bank stability in the Tigris and Shatt al Arab waterways, Iraq“. Thesis, University of Dundee, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514193.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
17
Mousavi, Fadlollah. „Examination of the applicability of the joint sovereignty method to the Arvand-Rood (Shatt-al-Arab)“. Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.280341.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
18
Obeid, Zeina. „Le recours en annulation des sentences arbitrales dans les pays arabes : Arabie Saoudite, Bahreïn, Egypte, Emirats arabes unis, Iraq, Jordanie, Koweït, Liban, Qatar, Syrie“. Thesis, Paris 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA020003.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
L’arbitrage dans les pays arabes connaît aujourd’hui une nouvelle dynamique se traduisant pas la promulgation de nouvelles lois d’arbitrage et l’implantation de nouveaux centres d’arbitrage. Cette dynamique est d’autant plus particulière qu’elle se caractérise par la mise en place de zones franches juridiques conduisant à la division du pouvoir judiciaire et à la coexistence de deux systèmes juridiques, on-shore et off-shore. Cette nouvelle dynamique est-elle pour autant le reflet d’une approche désormais favorable à l’arbitrage ? Quelle est la place faite à l’arbitrage dans les pays arabes? La réponse à ces problématiques majeures ne peut s’effectuer qu’à travers l’étude du recours en annulation des sentences arbitrales. En effet, l’approche de l’arbitrage dans les pays arabes ne peut être évaluée qu’à la lumière de la position des tribunaux étatiques lors du contrôle judiciaire de la sentence arbitrale. Il s’agira d’examiner la nature du recours en annulation, sa coexistence avec les voies de recours ordinaires, son exercice et les différents motifs d’annulation. Il s’agira également d’analyser les règlements d’arbitrage qui prennent position sur les voies de recours et in fine sur le sort de la sentence arbitrale à travers l’étude de la demande de reconnaissance et d’exécution des sentences arbitrales, aussi bien dans les zones on-shore que dans les zones off-shore. Cette étude permettra ainsi de déterminer la perception de l’arbitrage dans les pays arabes et les réformes qui doivent être entreprises en vue de sa promotion comme mode normal de résolution des litiges du commerce internationalToday, within Arab states, a new dynamic in arbitration is taking shape. This is reflected in the proliferation of new arbitration legislation and the establishment of emergent arbitration centres across the region. What makes this new dynamic even more remarkable is the contemporaneous establishment of legal free-zones where judicial power is divided and co-exists between two systems best described as on-shore and off-shore. This thesis seeks to explore the possible implications of this new dynamic with a view to determining whether or not it can be considered a reflection of a developing, more favourable approach to arbitration in Arab countries. In order to address this issue effectively, this thesis will examine the present and immediate approaches to arbitration of judiciaries in 10 Arab states. This will be achieved through the study and analysis of the action for setting aside arbitral awards in these Arab states. This thesis will look at the nature, exercise and application of the action for setting aside arbitral awards. In addition, it will explore the grounds for this action and how, as a recourse, the action for setting aside exists alongside and interacts with other avenues of recourse. In order to assess the current approaches of judiciaries, within Arab countries, this thesis will also analyze current arbitration legislation and institutional regulations. This is in addition to the emerging trends and common practice, that is, in the context of the recognition and execution of arbitral awards, in both on-shore and off-shore legal systems
19
Rousu, David A. „Beyond the Shatt al-Arab: How the Fall of Saddam Hussein Changed Iran-Iraq Relations“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193287.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 is the one of the most important events in the history of Iran-Iraq relations. Prior to the US-led invasion, Iran and Iraq were by no means friends and fought each other bitterly for eight years in the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s. The enmity continued throughout the following decade, as Iran and Iraq developed intimate relationships with each others' dissidents and exiles. When Coalition forces finally toppled Saddam Hussein's government on April 9, 2003, the slate was cleared for Shi'ites and Kurds to assume power for the first time in Iraq's 80 year history. For leadership in the new Iraq, Shi'ites and Kurds turned to the organizations that struggled against the Ba'athists. Thus, Iran's Iraqi allies were able to fill Baghdad's power vacuum through elections and, at times, by force. As a result of regime change, Iran-Iraq relations have improved considerably. Despite some clear progress though, several contentious issues still remain.
20
Ruffner, Todd W. „Identity and Border Relations between Iraq and Iran in the 20th Century: The Cases of Khuzestan and Shatt al-Arab“. The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274891695.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
21
Franklin, Janet A. „United States Foreign Policies on Iran and Iraq, and the Negative Impact on the Kurdish Nationalist Movement: From the Nixon Era through the Reagan Years“. Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1558616250930554.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
22
Khankeldiyev, Khasan A. „A content analysis of news coverage of Operation Iraqi Freedom by the New York times, the Times of London, and Arab news“. Virtual Press, 2004. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1293373.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Contemporary researches on news coverage of Persian Gulf Wars have shown many controversial results in examining how U.S. newspapers covered war events during the wartime. This study examined the coverage of Operation Iraqi Freedom by the newspapers of the United States, Britain, and Saudi Arabia.Three prominent newspapers, the New York Times, the Times of London and Arab News, were selected for content analysis of their coverage of Operation Iraqi Freedom between March 20 and May 1, 2003. The percentage breakdown of positive, negative and neutral paragraphs coded from composite two weeks of publications by all three newspapers was studied.The goal of the study was to determine if the coverage of the 2003 Iraq war by the New York Times and the Times of London were more favorable than that Arab News. The Arab News was used as a basis for comparison of American and British newspapers for this study.The results of the study showed that the three newspapers covered the Operation of Iraqi Freedom in a neutral manner.Ball State UniversityMuncie, IN 47306However, the Times of London treated the Iraq war coverage with more positive news rather than the New York Times and Arab News did, respectively. On the other hand, Arab News appeared to have devoted the lowest favorable news stories after the Times of London.Department of Journalism
23
Al, Musawi Jaafar. „Formation et pratique des enseignants de traduction français-arabe / arabe-français dans les universités irakiennes“. Thesis, Besançon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BESA1010/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Notre travail est une étude didactique, traductologique et linguistique. L’objectif de ce travail est de trouver une solution à l’enseignement de la traduction français-arabe/ arabe-français dans le cursus de FLE dans les universités irakiennes. Le manque d’avancée notable dans le domaine de l’enseignement de la traduction et de la mise en œuvre des procédés didactiques en classe est le fruit d’un déséquilibre entre le programme dans les départements de français et le bagage linguistique et les compétences didactiques de l’enseignant. L’intériorisation de la grammaire de la langue cible est l’un des objectifs principaux en didactique des langues. Le recours par l’enseignant de la classe de traduction à une grammaire explicite favorise-t-il ou entrave-t-il l’intériorisation de la grammaire des langues ? Il est nécessaire que la formation initiale des enseignants de langue et de traduction comporte une solide initiation à deux modèles métalinguistiques.Malgré les études universitaires croissantes pour l’enseignement de la traduction, il n’existe à notre connaissance aucune étude, surtout en Irak, portant sur la didactique de la traduction entre le français et l’arabe qui permettrait d’acquérir la compétence traductionnelle à des apprenants de langues étrangères. Ce travail est important pour le système universitaire en Irak car il n’a jamais fait l’objet d’une étude approfondie. Il est nécessaire pour créer des départements de traduction français –arabe dans les universités irakiennes. Notre initiative s’accompagne de l’introduction en Irak de méthodes nouvelles de traduction comme l’AMD (Analyse matricielle définitoire).Ce travail s’attaque notamment aux difficultés linguistiques de la traduction à partir des traductions des apprenants irakiens des universités de Bagdad et d’Al-Mustansiriyah. Dans cette optique, nous avons réalisé une enquête auprès des professeurs de français et des étudiants de ces universités.La finalité de ce travail est une réflexion qui vise à :Entrainer les enseignants à faire des analyses linguistiques qui leur fassent prendre conscience du fonctionnement de leur langue (en l’occurrence l’arabe) et des différences de fonctionnement entre leur langue et la langue vers laquelle ou à partir de laquelle ils traduisent (en l’occurrence le français). L’analyse doit se focaliser sur le fonctionnement de la langue et non sur l’apprentissage ou la comparaison du métalangage ou telle théorie linguistique ou grammaticale même si le formateur doit, lui, avoir une formation linguistique théorique cohérente.III Faire découvrir aux enseignants les débats contradictoires et souvent violents que connait la traductologie et leur fournir les outils qui leur permettent d’adopter une attitude critique au sein de ces débats.Apprendre aux enseignants à se construire une méthode de traduction avec un protocole relativement précis qui en définit les différentes étapes. Leur apprendre à justifier la méthode qu’ils auront choisieOur work is a didactic, traductologic, and linguistic study. This work aims to find a solution for the French-Arabic / Arabic-French translation teaching in French as Foreign Language courses in Iraqi universities.The lack of noteworthy advances in translation teaching and the implementation of didactic techniques is the result of an imbalance between the program of French departments and the linguistic and didactic skills of the teacher.The interiorization of the target language grammar is one of the principal aims in language didactics. When a translation teacher resorts to an explicit grammar point, does this promote or hinder the interiorization of the grammar? It is necessary that the language and translation teachers pre-service training contains a solid introduction to two metalinguistic models.Despite the increasing number of studies on translation teaching, there is, to our knowledge, no study, especially in Iraq, on didactics of French-Arabic translation to the foreign language learners which could let them acquire translation skills. This work is important for the Iraqi academic system because there was no in-depth study on this matter before. It is necessary for the creation of French- Arabic translation departments in Iraqi universities. Our initiative includes the introduction of the new translation methods in Iraq as the DMA (Defining Matrix Analysis).This work particularly tackles the linguistic difficulties in translation using translations of Iraqi learners at the universities of Baghdad and Al-Mustansiriyah. With this in mind, we conducted a survey among teachers of French and students of these universities. The purpose of this work is a reflection which aims to: Entrain the teacher to make linguistic analysis which will help them to become aware of the functioning of their language (in this case Arabic) and the differences of functioning between their language and the source language or the target language (in this case French). This analysis must focus on the functioning of the language and not on the learning or the comparison of the metalanguage or of a linguistic or grammatical theory, even if the tutor himself must have a consistent knowledge of linguistic theories.Make teachers capable of discovering the contradictory, often violent, debates that the traductologie can supply them with the tools that allow them to adopt a critical attitude within these debates. Instruct teachers to build a translation method with a relatively precise protocol that defines the different steps. Teach them to justify the method they have chosen
24
Kunselman, David E. „Arab-Byzantine War, 629-644 AD“. Ft. Leavenworth : Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA494014.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
25
Ben, Azzouna Nourane. „La production de manuscrits en Iraq et en Iran occidental à l'époque des dynasties mongoles (les Ilkhanides et les Djalayirides, 656-814 / 1258-1411) : recherches sur les enlumineurs à Paris sous le règne de François 1er“. Paris, EPHE, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EPHE4003.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
L’étude porte sur une période phare de l’histoire du livre islamique. Elle met au jour un grand nombre de manuscrits inédits et propose une relecture d’autres manuscrits célèbres en examinant l’ensemble de la production dans ses différentes phases et différents niveaux. L’étude propose en outre une réflexion sur plusieurs problèmes importants de l’histoire de la calligraphie et du livre islamique d’une manière générale, comme celui du calligraphe Yāqūt al-Musta‘ṣimī, sa vie, sa carrière, son œuvre et son apport à l’histoire de la calligraphie, ainsi que son école ; ou le problème de l’élaboration du concept des « six styles ». Elle considère l’évolution du rapport entre le Mécène et l’Artiste à partir des sources historiques et d’une analyse originale, tant du point de vue de la paléographie que de l’histoire de l’art, des manuscrits eux-mêmes, dans le but de sonder l’ancienneté de certaines pratiques et de mieux évaluer les changements qui s’opèrent à l’époque mongole qui apparaît comme la période de la maturation de l’esthétique classique du livre islamiqueThe study deals with an important period of the history of the book in Islam. It brings to light numerous unknown manuscripts and proposes a new reading of other famous manuscripts by examining the successive phases and different levels of the overall production. Moreover, it offers a reflection about several problematic issues of the history of Islamic calligraphy and the Islamic book in general, such as the issue of the life, career, works and contribution of Yāqūt al-Musta‘ṣimī and his school to the history of Arabic calligraphy or the question of the elaboration of the concept of the « six styles ». It considers the evolution of the relationship between the Patron and the Artist through the historical sources and an original analysis of the scriptures and decorations of the manuscripts themselves in order to sound the ancientness of some practices and better evaluate the changes that occur during the Mongol period which prooves to be the period of the maturation of the classical aesthetic of the Islamic book
26
Ameen, Nisreen. „Arab users' acceptance and use of mobile phones : a case of young users in Iraq, Jordan and UAE“. Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2017. http://arro.anglia.ac.uk/702271/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The use of mobile phones has great potential in the Arab region. Nevertheless, recent reports on the performance of mobile companies in this region revealed a decrease in revenues since 2013. The main aim of this research was to propose a conceptual model explaining the factors that can predict Behavioural Intention and Actual Use of mobile phones (smartphones) by young Arab customers in Arab countries, namely Iraq, Jordan and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In addition, an analysis of the issues surrounding mobile phone adoption and use in these countries is provided. The analysis of the literature showed that the extended Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT2) can provide a good overview of the factors that can affect mobile phone adoption and use. The analysis showed that there is a gap in the literature in terms of testing this theory in cross-national research in an Arabian context. Accordingly, the research proposed a new conceptual model based on an extension of this theory. The methodology was based on positivism and the ontological stance was objectivism based on the deductive approach to test the conceptual framework. A total of 1599 questionnaires were distributed in the three countries to users aged 18-29 years old using multistage cluster sampling. Data were analysed using Partial Least Squares. The findings indicated that the proposed extended model fits well in the three countries. The factors Perceived Relative Advantage, Effort Expectancy, National IT Development, Habit, Price Value, Culture-Specific Beliefs and Values and Behavioural Intention were significant in all three countries. Technological Culturation was significant in Iraq only. Enjoyment was significant in Jordan and UAE only. Several challenges facing the efficient use of mobile phones were also identified. This research contributes to the existing literature by proposing a conceptual model for mobile phone adoption and use by extending the UTAUT2 in an Arabian context. It also provides information to policymakers and mobile companies in Iraq, Jordan and UAE to help them understand the needs of their customers.
27
Ameen, Nisreen. „Arab users’ acceptance and use of mobile phones: a case of young users in Iraq, Jordan and UAE“. Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2017. https://arro.anglia.ac.uk/id/eprint/702271/1/Ameen_2017.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The use of mobile phones has great potential in the Arab region. Nevertheless, recent
reports on the performance of mobile companies in this region revealed a decrease in
revenues since 2013. The main aim of this research was to propose a conceptual model
explaining the factors that can predict Behavioural Intention and Actual Use of mobile
phones (smartphones) by young Arab customers in Arab countries, namely Iraq,
Jordan and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In addition, an analysis of the issues
surrounding mobile phone adoption and use in these countries is provided.
The analysis of the literature showed that the extended Unified Theory of Acceptance
and Use of Technology (UTAUT2) can provide a good overview of the factors that
can affect mobile phone adoption and use. The analysis showed that there is a gap in
the literature in terms of testing this theory in cross-national research in an Arabian
context. Accordingly, the research proposed a new conceptual model based on an
extension of this theory. The methodology was based on positivism and the
ontological stance was objectivism based on the deductive approach to test the
conceptual framework. A total of 1599 questionnaires were distributed in the three
countries to users aged 18-29 years old using multistage cluster sampling. Data were
analysed using Partial Least Squares.
The findings indicated that the proposed extended model fits well in the three
countries. The factors Perceived Relative Advantage, Effort Expectancy, National IT
Development, Habit, Price Value, Culture-Specific Beliefs and Values and
Behavioural Intention were significant in all three countries. Technological
Culturation was significant in Iraq only. Enjoyment was significant in Jordan and UAE
only. Several challenges facing the efficient use of mobile phones were also identified.
This research contributes to the existing literature by proposing a conceptual model
for mobile phone adoption and use by extending the UTAUT2 in an Arabian context.
It also provides information to policymakers and mobile companies in Iraq, Jordan
and UAE to help them understand the needs of their customers.
28
Yakoubi, Myriam. „La relation anglo-hachémite (1914-1958) : une romance anglo-arabe“. Thesis, Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080117.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Cette thèse a pour objet la relation entre les Britanniques et les Hachémites depuis la Première Guerre mondiale, lorsque par la Révolte arabe, la famille du Chérif de La Mecque scelle son alliance avec la Grande-Bretagne, jusqu'à la révolution irakienne de 1958 qui renverse la monarchie hachémite dans ce pays. La relation anglo-hachémite est la coopération d'une puissance impériale avec une dynastie locale dont les membres sont cooptés par les Britanniques pour créer des régimes arabes favorables aux intérêts britanniques. Nous en proposons cependant une lecture originale en analysant l'influence des représentations culturelles sur la manière dont les Britanniques choisissent les Hachémites comme alliés puis coopèrent avec eux pendant plusieurs décennies. Les Hachémites correspondent aux critères raciaux et culturels qui fondent la vision britannique de ce qu'est l'identité arabe, en plus de jouir d'une légitimité religieuse grâce à leur ascendance et leur statut. En nous appuyant aussi bien sur les archives privées des responsables britanniques en poste auprès des Hachémites que sur les archives du gouvernement britannique, nous rendons compte de l'évolution du discours culturel des Britanniques sur les Hachémites en fonction du contexte politique. Les Britanniques jugent en effet la capacité de leurs alliés à incarner l'identité des pays qu'ils gouvernent tout en préservant les intérêts britanniques, et ce jusqu'au milieu des années 1950. Cette thèse entend ainsi illustrer le poids des représentations culturelles sur la manière dont les Britanniques choisissent et coopèrent avec les élites locales au sein de l'empireThe object of this thesis is the relationship between the British and the Hashemites from the First World War, when the Arab revolt signaled the alliance between the sharif of Mecca's family and Great-Britain, to the 1958 Iraqi revolution which toppled the country's Hashemite monarchy. The relationship between Britain and the Hashemites was a cooperation between an imperial power and a local dynasty whose members were coopted by Britain to create Arab regimes friendly to British interests. However, the purpose of this thesis is to shed new light on this relationship by analysing the influence of cultural representations on the way the British chose the Hashemites as allies and cooperated with them for several decades afterwards. The Hashemites matched the racial and cultural criteria which formed the basis of the British vision of Arab identity, while this family also enjoyed a religious legitimacy derived from its ancestry and status. Through the use of both the private papers of the British officials who worked closely with the Hashemites and the archives of the British government, this thesis explores how the British cultural discourse on the Hashemites evolved according to the political context. The British judged their allies' capacity to embody the identity of the countries they ruled over while preserving British interests, all the way to the mid 1950's. This thesis thus intends to illustrate the influence of cultural representations on the way the British chose and cooperated with local elites in the empire
29
Ahmad, Mohammed. „From blueprint to genocide“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14928.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Through an analysis of the Iraq’s engineered genocides against Kurds during the years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this work aimed to reveal the weakness of the current political and social situation in Iraq. The purpose was to offer an overview of the dangers posed by the current difficult coexistence between the Federal Government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil. The birth of a new political system after the fall of Saddam's regime meant that every institutional power had to be built from scratch in a political and social reality new to most Iraqis. This process of renovation, already witnessed in Europe after World War II, in particular in Italy and Germany, implied the writing of a new constitution and of a new set of legal frames with the purpose to give the country a strong and reliable democratic base. In the case of Iraqi Kurds, who suffered discrimination, death and, ultimately genocide, it is important to revisit their recent past in order to feel they are an integral part of the new country born after the last Gulf War in 2003. Despite the international interest in the Kurdish case, Kurdish people did not have the opportunity to see the ones responsible of the crimes committed against them brought to international justice, as happened in the past in the case of Rwanda and Bosnia. The execution of Saddam Hussein in 2006 meant that the charges against him and his commanders related to the Kurdish case were not discussed in court preventing Kurdish people not only from obtaining the justice they were entitled to but, most importantly, from gaining access to the truth about the massacres and human rights abuses carried out by Saddam's regime between 1963 and 2003. Through an analysis of the Iraq’s engineered genocides against Kurds during the years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this work aimed to reveal the weakness of the current political and social situation in Iraq. The purpose was to offer an overview of the dangers posed by the current difficult coexistence between the Federal Government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil. The birth of a new political system after the fall of Saddam's regime meant that every institutional power had to be built from scratch in a political and social reality new to most Iraqis. This process of renovation, already witnessed in Europe after World War II, in particular in Italy and Germany, implied the writing of a new constitution and of a new set of legal frames with the purpose to give the country a strong and reliable democratic base. In the case of Iraqi Kurds, who suffered discrimination, death and, ultimately genocide, it is important to revisit their recent past in order to feel they are an integral part of the new country born after the last Gulf War in 2003. Despite the international interest in the Kurdish case, Kurdish people did not have the opportunity to see the ones responsible of the crimes committed against them brought to international justice, as happened in the past in the case of Rwanda and Bosnia. The execution of Saddam Hussein in 2006 meant that the charges against him and his commanders related to the Kurdish case were not discussed in court preventing Kurdish people not only from obtaining the justice they were entitled to but, most importantly, from gaining access to the truth about the massacres and human rights abuses carried out by Saddam's regime between 1963 and 2003.
30
Tristani, Philippe. „L’Iraq Petroleum Company de 1948 à 1975 : Stratégie et déclin d’un consortium pétrolier occidental pour le contrôle des ressources pétrolières en Irak et au Moyen-Orient“. Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040236/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
L’Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) est un consortium britannique formé le 30 mai 1929 et qui prend la suite de la Turkish Petroleum Company qui opérait sur l’ensemble de l’Empire ottoman. Sa mission est de trouver, exploiter et transporter du pétrole brut provenant de ses vastes concessions au profit de ses actionnaires. C’est l’Irak qui se trouve au cœur de l’entreprise pétrolière que les Majors comptent mener au Moyen-Orient, tout au moins à ses débuts. L’IPC exploite à partir de 1925 une concession qui s’étend à l’est du Tigre. En juillet 1938 et en mai 1939, deux de ses filiales, la Basra Petroleum Company (BPC) et la Mosul Petroleum company (MPC), gèrent respectivement les territoires situés au sud et au nord du 33e parallèle. À la veille de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, c’est donc la presque totalité de l’Irak qui est aux mains du consortium britannique pour une durée de 75 ans. Entre 1948, date à laquelle les Majors américaines prennent le contrôle effectif du consortium, et la nationalisation de tous les avoirs de la compagnie en Irak en 1975, l’IPC doit faire face à de profondes mutations, tant en ce qui concerne l’industrie pétrolière que la situation géopolitique du Moyen-Orient. Tandis que le Moyen-Orient devient la première région exportatrice de pétrole au monde grâce aux efforts des Majors, l’affrontement entre le monde arabe et l’État d’Israël exacerbe le nationalisme des pays producteurs de pétrole. De simples pays hôtes percepteurs de redevances, ceux-ci réclament au nom de la souveraineté nationale et de la lutte contre l’impérialisme de contrôler l’action des Majors et de prendre activement part dans l’exploitation de leurs richesses nationales. Ainsi, l’IPC, avec d’autres consortium pétroliers internationaux opérant au Moyen-Orient, se trouve affectée, voire impliquée, dans les choix diplomatiques que les gouvernements occidentaux développent pour prévenir l’instabilité du Moyen-Orient, zone stratégique essentielle pour leur approvisionnement énergétique dans un contexte de guerre froideThe Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) is a British company that, in July 1928, succeeded the Turkish Petroleum Company, which held a concession in Iraq. Since its creation, the IPC had been both an emanation of the major Western oil groups and the concrete expression of the oil policy pursued in the Middle East by the major Western powers, the United States, Great Britain and France. It was a petroleum production consortium whose activities were mainly in Iraq. From his creation in 1929 to his nationalization in 1975, IPC associated all of the Western Majors. In 1932 and in 1938, the Mosul Petroleum Company (MPC) and the Basrah Petroleum Company (BPC) rounded out this system in the southern part of Iraq. So, on the eve of World War II, the area of the concessions covered all Iraq.Until the 1970s, the concession system governed relationships between operating companies and producing countries. In those agreements, the producing countries did not control the amounts produced, the level of exports, or prices. But, as of the 1950s, the complex oil system implemented by the Majors was threatened by the de-colonization movement. The Soviet threat and the Israeli-Arab conflicts strengthened this increasing instability. So the battle for freeing the Arab nation incorporated the fight against IPC to return Arab oil to the Arabs. The revolution of 14 July 1958, which overthrew Nouri Saïd’s pro-Western government and brought General Abd el-Karim Kassem to power, intensified a constant political desire for re-appropriation of the Iraqi oil economy in the name of Iraq’s development and national sovereignty
31
Wesser, Sébastien. „L'évolution de la présence économique des États-Unis dans la région du golfe Persique (1989 - 2014). Les cas de l'Arabie Saoudite, des Émirats arabes unis, de l'Irak et de l'Iran“. Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030152.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Au cœur des intérêts stratégiques et économiques américains au Moyen-Orient, le golfe Persique occupe une « centralité paradoxale » dans la politique étrangère de Washington. Avec le pacte du Quincy en 1945, destiné à sécuriser l’approvisionnement pétrolier saoudien, les États-Unis se sont implantés durablement dans la zone. Une présence qui n’a cessé de se renforcer depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin et la disparition de l’Union soviétique. Enjeux stratégiques, sécuritaires et économiques font aujourd’hui de Washington le premier acteur étranger de la région. Alors que les attentats du 11 septembre et l’invasion américaine de l’Irak avaient remis plus que jamais la région au cœur des préoccupations de Washington, les conflits et les déstabilisations nés des conséquences du printemps arabe obligent désormais les États-Unis à renforcer encore leur présence dans la zone. Si Washington, qui rêvait de pivot vers l’Asie, se retrouve « prisonnier » de ce golfe Persique, obligé de traîner son boulet « de sable et de pétrole », les entreprises américaines ont, elles aussi, renforcé leur présence dans la région depuis les années 90. Entre obtention de contrats traditionnels et soutien à la transition des économies de la région, elles trouvent là d’importants relais de croissance. Quels sont les outils mis en place par les administrations successives pour soutenir et encourager les exportations américaines ? Comment la politique de Washington conforte-t-elle la place de ses entreprises auprès de ses partenaires régionaux ? Existe-t-il un modèle américain dont les économies européennes puissent s’inspirer ? C’est à ces questions que la présente thèse essaie de répondre en observant le fonctionnement de l’appareil d’État américain, l’environnement dans lequel il opère et l’évolution des politiques de ses administrations, de George H. Bush à Barack ObamaThe Persian Gulf occupies a “paradoxal centrality” in American foreign policy as it is at the heart of the United States’ strategic and economic interests in the Middle East. The 1945 Quincy Agreement which aimed at securing access to Saudi oil ensured enduring U.S. presence in the region -- a presence that has grown in importance since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union. Today, the strategic, security and economic interests at stake have made the United States the leading foreign power in the region. While the 9/11 attacks and the American invasion of Iraq had already made the Middle East Washington’s major concern, the United States has had to reinforce its presence to face the conflicts and destabilization that resulted from the Arab Spring. If Washington had dreamt of a “pivot to East Asia”, it finds itself “imprisoned” in the Persian Gulf region, forced as it is to drag its heavy “ball of sand and oil”. American firms have consolidated their presence in the region since the 1990s thanks to huge contracts and their role in the process of transition of regional economies. For them, these markets represent major growth opportunities. What tools has Washington created over the years to support and stimulate American exports? How did U.S. policies strengthen U.S. firms’ market shares in Washington’s regional allies? Can we define an American model that could inspire European economies? Here are the questions this dissertation tries to answer. To do so it analyzes the “machinery” of U.S. foreign economic policy, its environment and the evolution from 1989 to 2014
32
Yakoubi, Myriam. „La relation anglo-hachémite (1914-1958) : une romance anglo-arabe“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080117.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Cette thèse a pour objet la relation entre les Britanniques et les Hachémites depuis la Première Guerre mondiale, lorsque par la Révolte arabe, la famille du Chérif de La Mecque scelle son alliance avec la Grande-Bretagne, jusqu'à la révolution irakienne de 1958 qui renverse la monarchie hachémite dans ce pays. La relation anglo-hachémite est la coopération d'une puissance impériale avec une dynastie locale dont les membres sont cooptés par les Britanniques pour créer des régimes arabes favorables aux intérêts britanniques. Nous en proposons cependant une lecture originale en analysant l'influence des représentations culturelles sur la manière dont les Britanniques choisissent les Hachémites comme alliés puis coopèrent avec eux pendant plusieurs décennies. Les Hachémites correspondent aux critères raciaux et culturels qui fondent la vision britannique de ce qu'est l'identité arabe, en plus de jouir d'une légitimité religieuse grâce à leur ascendance et leur statut. En nous appuyant aussi bien sur les archives privées des responsables britanniques en poste auprès des Hachémites que sur les archives du gouvernement britannique, nous rendons compte de l'évolution du discours culturel des Britanniques sur les Hachémites en fonction du contexte politique. Les Britanniques jugent en effet la capacité de leurs alliés à incarner l'identité des pays qu'ils gouvernent tout en préservant les intérêts britanniques, et ce jusqu'au milieu des années 1950. Cette thèse entend ainsi illustrer le poids des représentations culturelles sur la manière dont les Britanniques choisissent et coopèrent avec les élites locales au sein de l'empireThe object of this thesis is the relationship between the British and the Hashemites from the First World War, when the Arab revolt signaled the alliance between the sharif of Mecca's family and Great-Britain, to the 1958 Iraqi revolution which toppled the country's Hashemite monarchy. The relationship between Britain and the Hashemites was a cooperation between an imperial power and a local dynasty whose members were coopted by Britain to create Arab regimes friendly to British interests. However, the purpose of this thesis is to shed new light on this relationship by analysing the influence of cultural representations on the way the British chose the Hashemites as allies and cooperated with them for several decades afterwards. The Hashemites matched the racial and cultural criteria which formed the basis of the British vision of Arab identity, while this family also enjoyed a religious legitimacy derived from its ancestry and status. Through the use of both the private papers of the British officials who worked closely with the Hashemites and the archives of the British government, this thesis explores how the British cultural discourse on the Hashemites evolved according to the political context. The British judged their allies' capacity to embody the identity of the countries they ruled over while preserving British interests, all the way to the mid 1950's. This thesis thus intends to illustrate the influence of cultural representations on the way the British chose and cooperated with local elites in the empire
33
Johnson, Ian M. „Foreign interventions and domestic initiatives in the development of education for librarianship and information management, with Iraq as a case study“. Thesis, Robert Gordon University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10059/2120.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study aimed to identify the influences on the development and sustainability of education for librarianship and information management. It analysed the factors that contribute to the development of education for librarianship and information management, drawing on theories of change management and the transfer of innovation, and the contextual factors suggested by theories of comparative librarianship. The investigation of these factors focused on a case study of developments in Iraq up to 2003. It examined education for librarianship and information management against the background of the creation of the country’s library and information services, and the broader context of its national, economic, and social development. It also considered trends in international perspectives on library development, and the advice and assistance offered to Iraq. To provide a benchmark for developments in Iraq, it contrasted developments there with brief summaries of parallel developments in other Arab countries and in the cognate field of education for archives and records management in Iraq. It drew evidence from the published literature, previously unexplored archival material, and discussions with some of the participants. From an evaluation of the evidence, the study developed models of the value chain in developing education in the field, illustrating the complex interactions that need to be considered. These represent the generic factors that appear critical to the sustainable development of education for librarianship and information management not only in developing countries but also in countries that are seeking to strengthen the foundations of education in this field. The conclusions also pointed to a number of specific issues that fostered or hindered development in Iraq, including trends in international assistance. The study calls for further work including investigating the impact of traditional and cultural attitudes on the development of education in the field, and understanding of how future generations of LIS professionals in Iraq could develop as change agents.
34
Wehrey, Frederic. „The politics of sectarianism in the Gulf : Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait, 2003-2011“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74bb0063-9454-43fe-8ae3-ab20f3c96b98.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis explores Shi’a-Sunni relations in Gulf politics during a period of regional upheaval, starting with the 2003 invasion of Iraq through the Arab revolts of early 2011. It seeks to understand the conditions under which sectarian distinctions become a prominent feature of the Gulf political landscape, focusing on the three Gulf countries that have been affected most by sectarian tensions: Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait. The study analyzes the contagion effect of the civil war in Iraq, the 2006 war in Lebanon, and the Arab Spring on local sectarian dynamics in the three states. Specifically, it explores the role of domestic institutions—parliaments and other quasi-democratic structures, the media, and clerical establishments—in tempering or exacerbating sectarianism. It finds that the maturity and strength of participatory institutions in each state played a determinant role in the level of sectarianism resulting from dramatic shifts in the regional environment since the 2003 invasion of Iraq. I conclude, therefore, that the real roots of the so-called “rise of the Shi’a” phenomena lie in the domestic political context of each state, rather than in the regional policies of Iran or the contagion effect of events in Iraq or Lebanon. Although the Gulf Shi’a took a degree of inspiration from the actions of their co-religionists in Iraq, Iran and Lebanon, they ultimately strove for greater rights in a non-sectarian, nationalist framework. The rise of sectarianism in the Gulf has been largely the product of excessive alarm by entrenched Sunni elites or the result of calculated attempts by regimes to discredit Shi’a political actors by portraying them as proxies for Iran, Iraq, or the Lebanese Hizballah. What is qualitatively different about the post-2003 period is not the level of mobilization by the Shi’a, but rather the intensity of threat perception by Gulf regimes and Sunni Islamists.
35
Hilal, Ghofran. „La protection internationale des réfugiés en Jordanie : réalité et perspectives“. Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSE2056.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
L’objet de ce travail est d’étudier la pertinence de la protection des réfugiés en Jordanie. Le problème de la protection des réfugiés en Jordanie est en constante évolution. Notre thèse se propose donc d’examiner la problématique de cetteprotection qui s’inscrira dans un cadre contextualisé aussi bien que normatif. Il importe, dans ce contexte, de se demander si la protection fournie par l’État, en coopération avec les institutions spécialisées de l’Organisation des Nations Unies, est à même de garantir les droits et les besoins des personnes concernées en Jordanie. Loin de confirmer l’idée d’un vide juridique, cette thèse entend, dans un cadre technique et théorique du corpus juridique existant, qu’il soit international,régional ou national, montrer qu’il existe bien un cadre juridique naissant en matière de protection des réfugiés, grâce notamment aux transformations géopolitiques de la Jordanie et au développement des réponses étatiques etinstitutionnelles au regard de ces derniersThe purpose of this thesis is to study the applicability of refugee protection in Jordan. The problem of refugee protection in Jordan is constantly evolving. Our thesis proposes to examine the problematic of this protection in a contextualized and a normative perspective. In this context, it is important to consider whether the protection provided by the State, in cooperation with the specialized agencies of the United Nations, can guarantee the rights and needs of these concerned persons inJordan. Far from confirming the idea of a legal vacuum, this thesis intends, in a technical and theoretical framework, whether international, regional or national, to demonstrate that there is indeed an emerging legal framework for refugee protection, particularly throughout the geopolitical transformations as well as the development of the governmental and institutional responses in Jordan
36
Tristani, Philippe. „L’Iraq Petroleum Company de 1948 à 1975 : Stratégie et déclin d’un consortium pétrolier occidental pour le contrôle des ressources pétrolières en Irak et au Moyen-Orient“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040236.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
L’Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) est un consortium britannique formé le 30 mai 1929 et qui prend la suite de la Turkish Petroleum Company qui opérait sur l’ensemble de l’Empire ottoman. Sa mission est de trouver, exploiter et transporter du pétrole brut provenant de ses vastes concessions au profit de ses actionnaires. C’est l’Irak qui se trouve au cœur de l’entreprise pétrolière que les Majors comptent mener au Moyen-Orient, tout au moins à ses débuts. L’IPC exploite à partir de 1925 une concession qui s’étend à l’est du Tigre. En juillet 1938 et en mai 1939, deux de ses filiales, la Basra Petroleum Company (BPC) et la Mosul Petroleum company (MPC), gèrent respectivement les territoires situés au sud et au nord du 33e parallèle. À la veille de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, c’est donc la presque totalité de l’Irak qui est aux mains du consortium britannique pour une durée de 75 ans. Entre 1948, date à laquelle les Majors américaines prennent le contrôle effectif du consortium, et la nationalisation de tous les avoirs de la compagnie en Irak en 1975, l’IPC doit faire face à de profondes mutations, tant en ce qui concerne l’industrie pétrolière que la situation géopolitique du Moyen-Orient. Tandis que le Moyen-Orient devient la première région exportatrice de pétrole au monde grâce aux efforts des Majors, l’affrontement entre le monde arabe et l’État d’Israël exacerbe le nationalisme des pays producteurs de pétrole. De simples pays hôtes percepteurs de redevances, ceux-ci réclament au nom de la souveraineté nationale et de la lutte contre l’impérialisme de contrôler l’action des Majors et de prendre activement part dans l’exploitation de leurs richesses nationales. Ainsi, l’IPC, avec d’autres consortium pétroliers internationaux opérant au Moyen-Orient, se trouve affectée, voire impliquée, dans les choix diplomatiques que les gouvernements occidentaux développent pour prévenir l’instabilité du Moyen-Orient, zone stratégique essentielle pour leur approvisionnement énergétique dans un contexte de guerre froideThe Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) is a British company that, in July 1928, succeeded the Turkish Petroleum Company, which held a concession in Iraq. Since its creation, the IPC had been both an emanation of the major Western oil groups and the concrete expression of the oil policy pursued in the Middle East by the major Western powers, the United States, Great Britain and France. It was a petroleum production consortium whose activities were mainly in Iraq. From his creation in 1929 to his nationalization in 1975, IPC associated all of the Western Majors. In 1932 and in 1938, the Mosul Petroleum Company (MPC) and the Basrah Petroleum Company (BPC) rounded out this system in the southern part of Iraq. So, on the eve of World War II, the area of the concessions covered all Iraq.Until the 1970s, the concession system governed relationships between operating companies and producing countries. In those agreements, the producing countries did not control the amounts produced, the level of exports, or prices. But, as of the 1950s, the complex oil system implemented by the Majors was threatened by the de-colonization movement. The Soviet threat and the Israeli-Arab conflicts strengthened this increasing instability. So the battle for freeing the Arab nation incorporated the fight against IPC to return Arab oil to the Arabs. The revolution of 14 July 1958, which overthrew Nouri Saïd’s pro-Western government and brought General Abd el-Karim Kassem to power, intensified a constant political desire for re-appropriation of the Iraqi oil economy in the name of Iraq’s development and national sovereignty
37
Abbas, Hossam Said Abouelseoud. „La poésie des prisons chez quelques poètes français et arabes contemporains : Etude comparée“. Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSES028.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
La poésie des prisons est composée dans des circonstances exceptionnelles et pendant des moments pénibles de la vie des poètes : derrière les murs de la prison où la plume est enfermée. Écrire au fond de la cellule permet au poète d’exercer une forme de liberté, liberté d’assembler les mots, de maîtriser le rythme de sa propre vie, cadencée par des horaires et des contraintes qui n’ont pas été choisies. Notre étude est consacrée à cette création poétique carcérale particulière chez quelques poètes français et arabes contemporains. Nous présentons le contexte historique et littéraire dans lequel se situe cette création. Notre travail montre que cette poésie reflète le désir du poète prisonnier d’affirmer son humanité tout en refusant le lent processus de déshumanisation qui accompagne l’incarcération. La création poétique pendant l’incarcération forme la mémoire de l’homme en prison. Les poèmes composés en prison prennent une dimension éthique plus qu’analytique et s’attachent à des expériences vécues plus qu’à des systèmes de pensée où l’engagement des poètes vient au-devant de la scène. Dans une perspective comparatiste, notre travail examine la relation entre la poésie et la politique, représentée dans la poésie des prisons. Les interrogations sociales et humaines qui occupent les poètes prisonniers sont aussi au centre de notre étude tout comme la poétique et les structures du poème-emprisonné. La thèse étudie également les procédés intertextuels qui nourrissent la poésie des prisons : religieuse, mythique et historique. L’intertextualité constitue une caractéristique fondamentale de cette poésie et occupe une place importante dans notre recherche. En bref, la poésie des prisons prouve que les poètes sont vraiment « les maîtres des mots », ceux qui ignorent le « taisez-vous », adressé aux prisonniers, grâce à la hauteur de leur langage poétique qui exprime leurs différents messages. La création poétique pendant l’emprisonnement montre que les poètes prisonniers sont capables de « dire la prison », chacun dans sa singularité, tout en s’engageant dans la Cité où ils viventPrison poetry is composed in the midst of exceptional circumstances and during painful moments of the life of poets; behind the prison walls where the pen is imprisoned. Writing at the bottom of the cell allows the poet to exercise a form of freedom, a freedom to put together words, to master the rhythm of his own life, timed by schedules and constraints that are not chosen. The present study is devoted to this particular creation written in prison by a number of contemporary French and Arab poets. It previews the historical and literary context in which this creation is located. It shows that this type of poetry reflects the prisoner poet's desire to assert his humanity while rejecting the slow process of dehumanization that accompanies incarceration. Poetic creation during incarceration shapes the memory of the man in prison. Poems composed in prison adopt an ethical dimension more than analytical and focus on lived experiences more than systems of thought where the commitment of poets comes to the fore. From a comparative perspective, the study addresses the relationship between poetry and politics, represented in prison poetry. The social and human questions that occupy the imprisoned poets are also at the center of the study as the poetics and the structure of the imprisoned-poem. The thesis copes with the intertextual processes that nourish the poetry of prisons in many forms: religious, mythical and historical. Hence, Intertextuality is a fundamental feature of this poetry and will be considered in our research. In short, prison poetry proves that poets are really "the masters of words", those who ignore the "shut up", addressed to prisoners, thanks to the height of their poetic language that expresses their different messages. The poetic creation during imprisonment shows that jailed poets are able to "say prison", each in its own uniqueness, and to get involved in the City to which they belong
38
Joie, Thomas. „Titres et statuts territoriaux au Moyen-Orient“. Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30032.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Les titres et les statuts territoriaux occupent une place centrale en droit international en raison de la territorialité de cet ordre juridique. L’émergence des Etats du Moyen-Orient présente des spécificités historico-juridiques, qui sont en grande partie à l’origine des problèmes territoriaux actuels. En effet, dans la région étudiée, l’application des régimes de protectorat et de Mandat a eu une incidence considérable sur les titres territoriaux des Etats. Contrairement à la colonisation pure et simple, ces régimes territoriaux laissaient, en principe, subsister pour l’entité sous domination, une personnalité internationale distincte. Une telle situation intermédiaire a très souvent conduit à des interrogations sur les règles de droit international applicables. La présente étude envisage justement cette problématique : quels effets ont eu les régimes de protectorat et de Mandat sur l’établissement ou la modification des titres territoriaux ? L’objectif de l’étude est de contribuer à mettre en exerguel’origine des titres territoriaux au Moyen-Orient, pour mieux comprendre et analyser les problèmes territoriaux actuels dans la régionTerritorial titles and statuses occupy a central place in international law because of the territoriality of this legal order. The emergence of the Middle East States presents historical and legal specificities which are largely the sources of current territorial problems. Indeed, in the region under study, the application of Protectorate and Mandate regimes had a significant impact on the States territorial titles. Under these territorial regimes, unlike outright colonization, a separate international personality remained, in principle, for the entity under domination. Such an intermediate situation has often led to questions about the applicable rules of international law. The study considers precisely this issue: what effects have had the regimes of Protectorate and Mandate on the establishment or modification of territorial titles? The objective of thestudy is to contribute to highlight the origin of territorial titles in the Middle East, in order to better understand and analyze the current territorial problems in the region
39
Lefèvre-Thibault, Clara. „Le Miroir du temps (Mir'ât al-zamân) de Sibt Ibn al-Gawzî : édition critique et traduction annotée des années 412-434 / 1021-1043“. Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100048.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Ce travail est une édition critique et une traduction annotée en français d’un extrait du Mir’ât al-zamân fî tawârîh al-a‘yân (Miroir du temps dans les histoires des notabilités) de Sibt Ibn al-Gawzî (m. 654 / 1257). L’auteur était un célèbre sermonnaire originaire d’Iraq qui vécut la majeure partie de sa vie en Syrie à l'époque des Croisades. Son œuvre est une vaste histoire universelle qui allait de la Création à l’année de son décès. L’extrait édité porte sur les années 412 à 434/ 1021-1043, qui correspondent dans l’histoire de l’Iraq aux règnes de Musharrif al-Dawla et Galàl al-Dawla, deux émirs de la dynastie iranienne bouyide qui gouverna le pays entre 945 et 1055. Il comporte également de nombreuses informations sur d’autres régions du monde arabo-islamique de l‘époque : Ghazna, l’Egypte, la Syrie, l’Iran, et la Haute-Mésopotamie. Les textes de l‘édition et de la traduction sont en outre précédés d’une biographie actualisée de l’auteur et d’une étude sur les manuscrits du Mir’ât al-zamân en général : en effet, ceux-ci ne reproduisent pas la version originale de l’auteur, qui ne nous est pas parvenue, mais plusieurs abrégés distincts dont les auteurs sont encore, pour la plupart, non identifiés. L’édition s’appuie sur les deux principales versions abrégées existantes de cette œuvre, une courte, déjà éditée mais de manière incomplète et donc révisée ici, et une longue, à ce jour inéditeThis work is a critical edition and a French translation of a part extracted from the Mir’at al-zamân fi tawârikh al-a‘yan (Mirror of the time in the histories of notabilities) of Sibt Ibn al-Gawzi (d. 654/1257). The author was a famous preacher of Iraqi origin and lived the major part of his life in Syria during the Crusades' times. His work is a universal history going back to the Creation down to the author’s death. The edited part deals with the years 412 to 434 / 1021-1043, corresponding in the history of Iraq to the reigns of Musharrif al-Dawla and Galal al-Dawla, two emirs of the Buyid dynasty who rule the country between 945 and 1055. It also contains information about other parts of the Arabic and Islamic world of that time: Ghazna, Egypt, Syria, Iran, and Upper-Mesopotamia. The edition and the French translation are preceded by an up to date biography of the author and a wide study about the Mir’at al-zamân’s manuscripts. The original version of Sibt Ibn al-Gawzi’s work indeed didn’t come down to us and the manuscripts only usually reproduce different abridged versions whose authors are still mostly unknown to us. Our edition provides for this part of the work the two extent abridged versions, one short which has already been edited but in an incomplete way and had to be revised, and one long which is here edited for the first time
40
Cimpová, Jitka. „Soudobý vývoj států Perského zálivu“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197274.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis analyses Persian Gulf states foreign policies development and a position of the region in international relations using a collective case study. At the theoretical level the thesis works on the elements of (neo) realism, (neo) liberalism and social constructivism. The analysis is focused on security context and examines both challenges to internal security (regime and government, Shia expansion, the so called Arab spring, media) and external security (the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Syrian conflict, terrorism, globalization and oil market developments). In the regional security complex of the Gulf are involved interests of the three main world powers, U.S.A., Russia and China. Regional cooperation in the GCC organization and mutual relations of the Gulf States are important, too. Based on the findings it is possible to assert that the development of the region is dynamic and depends on the oil rents.
41
Nguyen, Kimthoa Thi. „How resource rich countries attract foreign direct investments: a study of Western Asian countries and strategies of industrialization and diversification“. reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/15058.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Submitted by Daniele Santos (danielesantos.htl@gmail.com) on 2015-12-22T14:18:21Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Kim.pdf: 16567554 bytes, checksum: 66c9041725ea8ef983365706311596d5 (MD5)Approved for entry into archive by Janete de Oliveira Feitosa (janete.feitosa@fgv.br) on 2015-12-28T18:33:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Kim.pdf: 16567554 bytes, checksum: 66c9041725ea8ef983365706311596d5 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2016-01-07T11:30:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Kim.pdf: 16567554 bytes, checksum: 66c9041725ea8ef983365706311596d5 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-07T11:31:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Kim.pdf: 16567554 bytes, checksum: 66c9041725ea8ef983365706311596d5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-27
Fuel is a self-depleting resource and long term dependency on this commodity alone will not suffice. An export trade oriented approach can lead to faster industrialization while diversification leads to economic sustainable growth. This research seeks to understand how countries compete for foreign direct investments, and how certain activities have the most impact in the competitive global marketplace. Research suggests that when companies decide to invest abroad, they seek only to find countries that facilitate their strategic objectives. The results conclude with appropriate levels of government accountability, credibility and visibility with the private sector, foreign direct investment is attracted by policy advocacy and policy reform. By reviewing countries such as United Arab Emirates in direct comparison to Western Asian countries, including Kuwait and Iraq with high levels of fuel exports, along with Qatar with optimistic marketplace indicators and plentitude of skills and capabilities – research seems to suggest that despite high capabilities and attractive GDP, promotional investment activities yield the highest returns using policy advocacy and reform.
42
Mohamed, Ali Mortada. „Les ḥiğāziyyāt de Šarīf al-Raḍī : étude d’un genre poétique novateur au Xe siècle“. Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA115.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Šarīf al-Raḍī, auteur incontournable pour qui souhaite étudier la poésie arabe à travers son histoire, peut difficilement être catalogué. En effet, bien qu’il ait profité des courant littéraire qui l’ont précédé, ce poète précoce, critique littéraire, juriste, linguiste et émir du hadj a petit à petit développé son propre genre poétique à travers les ḥiğāziyyāt, composant ainsi des poésies d’amour autour des lieux saints du pèlerinage. Cette étude visera donc dans un premier temps à comprendre ce qui fait l’originalité de ce genre en son temps pour enfin tenter de saisir la portée de l’influence des ḥiğāziyyāt sur la poésie arabe des siècles qui ont succédé à notre poèteŠarīf al-Raḍī, major writer whose work has to be studied by anyone interested in Arabic poetry throughout time, can hardly be classified. While he took advantage from past literary movements, this poet, who started writing at an early age and became a literary critic as well as a linguist, a jurist and the emir of hajj, gradually developed a new poetical genre through his ḥiğāziyyāt. He thus composed love poems that revolve around the sacred places of pilgrimage. This study aims at understanding what made this genre unique in its time before trying to grasp the scope of the ḥiğāziyyāt’s influence on Arabic poetry in the following centuries
43
Schlothmann, Daniel. „Kurz- und langfristige Angebotskurven für Rohöl und die Konsequenzen für den Markt“. Doctoral thesis, Technische Universitaet Bergakademie Freiberg Universitaetsbibliothek "Georgius Agricola", 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:105-qucosa-201396.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In dieser Arbeit wurden Angebotskurven für 22 bedeutende Ölförderländer ermittelt und anschließend zu globalen Angebotskurven aggregiert. Gemäß den ermittelten Angebotskurven sind nahezu alle gegenwärtig in der Förderphase befindlichen Ölprojekte in den Untersuchungsländern auch beim aktuellen Ölpreis von 35 bis 40 US-$ je Barrel unter Berücksichtigung der kurzfristigen Grenzkosten rentabel. Sollte der Ölpreis jedoch in den kommenden Jahren auf diesem Niveau verharren, wird es bis zum Jahr 2024 zu einem Angebotsengpass auf dem globalen Ölmarkt kommen, da zur Deckung der zukünftigen Nachfrage die Erschließung kostenintensiver, unkonventioneller Lagerstätten und von Lagerstätten in tiefen und sehr tiefen Gewässern notwendig ist. Damit es bis zum Jahr 2024 nicht zu einem solchen Angebotsengpass kommt, ist gemäß des ermittelten langfristigen Marktgleichgewichts ein Ölpreis von mindestens 80 (2014er) US-$ je Barrel notwendig.
44
Al, Ethari Lamees. „Defragmenting Identity in the Life Narratives of Iraqi North American Women“. Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/8413.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This dissertation examines contemporary Iraqi North American women’s life narratives within the frame of postcolonial autobiography theory. Through narrating their experiences of oppression, war, and displacement these women reveal the fragmentation of identity that occurs under such unsettling situations. However, I argue that in the course of narrating their stories and in spite of the fragmentation they suffer, these women are able to establish selves that distinguish and recover from fragmentation and loss through a process I term defragmentation. They are able to defragment their identities by reconstructing unique selves through the act of life narration, through relational remembering, and finally by resisting patriarchal and Western influences on how they perceive themselves and their experiences. Thus they are able to defragment their sense of disjointedness and reaffirm their sense of Iraqiness, even in the diaspora.
This study explores the major causes of fragmentation in the work, which are divided into trauma and displacement. Unlike the studies and statistics that political approaches and media coverage have provided, these works shed light on the disruptions caused by war, oppression, separation from loved ones, and exile in the daily lives of these narrators or the lives of their friends and relatives. Therefore, in addition to the new identity that these women create in order to cope with their new lives in the West, they also construct a hybrid identity that is capable of recollecting and narrating these traumatic experiences. Within the space of hybridity, Iraqi North American women have to deal with vast differences between Western and Middle Eastern cultures; the transformation entails not just a change of place but an acceptance or understanding of a new culture, a new religion, and a new identity. The struggle of settlement, or re-settlement, becomes that of establishing an identity that does reflect the stereotypical images of Middle Eastern women in Western perceptions and a struggle to maintain selves that can contain both the past life and the present in what can be considered a third space.
Although the main topic of this dissertation is defragmentation in the life narrations of Iraqi North American women, this study also covers the cultural and political history of Arabs in general, and of Iraqis specifically. There are also references to the migrations of Arabs to North America and a brief background of the roots of Arab North American literature. These topics will be discussed in order to provide an understanding of the histories from which these women, or their families, have migrated and their positions within Western culture and scholarship. In addition, this approach provides an insight into the complexities of these women’s identities that reflect multi-layered affiliations, interests, and cultures.
The works chosen for this study include written and oral life narratives by Iraqi North American women who write from Canada and the United States. These works are Zaineb Salbi’s Between Two Worlds: Escape From Tyranny: Growing Up in the Shadow of Saddam (2005), Dunya Mikhail’s A Diary of a Wave Outside the Sea (2009) and a National Film Board documentary titled Baghdad Twist (2007), by Jewish Iraqi Canadian Joe Balass. In the documentary, Joe Balass interviews his mother, Valentine Balass, as she recounts growing up in Iraq and later experiencing exile from her homeland. The final work I address is The Orange Trees of Baghdad: In Search of My Lost Family (2007) by Leilah Nadir, a Canadian born Iraqi writer. Through her memoir Nadir tries to reconnect with her father’s family in Iraq while uncovering their traumatic experiences of the Gulf War.
The narrators in my research belong to different social classes, age groups, and practice different religions, but they all identify themselves as Iraqi women. These women, through their interpretations of living life between two (or more) cultures, offer important perspectives not only on their own ethnic society, but also on the role of ethnic women in North American society in general. There has been a massive increase in the migration of Iraqi women to North America in the last thirty years; their perspectives on political, social, and religious changes are an important part of understanding the experiences of this ethnic group. Through their life narratives, these women are able to display their unique selves by portraying their ability to contest the boundaries and limitations of borders and societies that try to eliminate one identity or the other.
45
Lee, Chang-ho Tankard James W. „News coverage of the U.S. war with Iraq a comparison of the New York times, the Arab news, and the Middle East times /“. 2004. http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/2064/leec042.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
46
Kaharevic, Ahmed. „Imagining the Iraqi National Identity Before and After the US Invasion of 2003 : Perception of the Sunni-Arab ethnicity“. Thesis, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-159039.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This masters thesis analyses how Iraqi national identity is constructed before and after 2003. It explores what relation the national identity has to Sunni-Arab ethnicity. The study is qualitative and uses social constructivism as a methodological outline. Qualitative interviews are done with six Iraqi-Arab-Sunnis living in Sweden. Diaspora is not an analytical scope. The theoretical framework consists of Benedict Anderson’s theory about nations and nationalism where imagined communities is a key concept. Furthermore, Thomas Hylland Eriksen’s theory about ethnicity and nationalism where social identification is a central concept. Drawn conclusions are that Iraqi nationalism, partly constructed by Sunni hegemony, is the main identification and what the community is imagined from. Sunni ethnicity is mostly rejected, and a Sunni community barely exists. Unlike previous research which argues that Sunnis have redefined themselves through Sunni ethnicity. Iraqi nationalism is constructed against the anomaly which is other nations Iran and the US. It is also constructed by idealizing and remembering the past from a nationalistic perspective. It is constructed as kinship, as equal and with pride. However, the Sunni hegemony implies that Iraqi nationalism is not equal but privileges Sunni ethnicity. Sunni ethnicity is barely visible, but mostly post 2003 through victimhood. Sunni ethnicity was under communicated before 2003 but is over communicated after 2003, especially amongst national institutions. An exclusion of Sunni ethnicity occurs amongst national institutions post 2003.
47
„Hybrid Sovereignty In The Arab Middle East: The Cases Of Jordan, Iraq And Kuwait“. Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606508/index.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
48
Kabbanji, Jad. „Les négociations entre l'Iraq Petroleum Company et le Liban et la Syrie durant les années 1950“. Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7657.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
49
Al-Mohammedi. „LA DIFFUSIONE DELLA LETTERATURA ARABA CONTEMPORANEA IN ITALIA L’AREA ORIENTALE: PALESTINA, GIORDANIA, IRAQ, SIRIA E LIBANO (1988-2015)“. Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2158/1223560.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Il presente lavoro verte intorno al tema generale della letteratura araba degli ultimi anni e della sua diffusione nel mondo occidentale, con particolare riguardo all’Italia. La letteratura araba è collegata al mondo europeo soprattutto grazie alla cultura francese, paese colonizzatore del nord Africa, nella cui lingua si esprimono ancora oggi molti degli autori maghrebini. Proporre un lavoro di analisi del mercato editoriale italiano rappresenta una scelta audace, per quanto difficile, che ha l’obiettivo ambizioso di colmare un vuoto, una lacuna importante dell’immaginario comune degli italiani nei confronti di una cultura che non smette di affascinare e incuriosire. La cultura araba contemporanea solo recentemente ha cominciato a diffondersi sul mercato italiano, grazie a iniziative importantissime di arabisti, traduttori e ricercatori e le relazioni che hanno instaurato con il mondo orientale.
I paesi sui quali verrà effettuato lo studio sono l’Iraq, la Siria, la Giordania, il Libano e la Palestina, che hanno dato alcuni degli autori più proficui del mondo arabo contemporaneo. È stato scelto il periodo dell’ultimo trentennio perché rappresenta un periodo di grande attualità, sotto diversi aspetti. Da un lato, per quanto riguarda gli eventi politici di grandissima importanza storica, i rapporti tra Occidente e Oriente sono stati più intensi e prolifici rispetto al passato, ma anche più critici che mai, a causa di rivoluzioni, guerre di destabilizzazione e la corsa verso le risorse e l’impossessamento di queste ultime con la forza. Paesi come la Palestina o la Giordania, che da decenni sono oggetto di tensioni e contese in relazione a Israele, oppure l’Iraq, come conseguenza delle devastanti guerre da parte degli Stati Uniti, oppure ancora la Libia e il Maghreb in generale con le sue ondate di emigranti, sono stati nell’occhio della stampa e della critica mondiale negli ultimi decenni. D’altro canto, uno dei più importanti testimoni dei suddetti eventi di importanza mondiale è proprio la letteratura, punto focale di questa ricerca. La tesi è idealmente suddivisa in due parti: la prima discute e studia i lavori degli scrittori arabi pubblicati sia in modo convenzionale delle case editrici su supporto cartaceo (quotidiani, riviste, articoli) sia editi nello spazio elettronico del Web. La seconda parte consiste nella raccolta ‘sul campo’ di materiali e testimonianze, attraverso interviste con i traduttori più famosi e con i direttori di case editrici specializzate.
50
(7467245), Marcus Edward Smith. „Those Who Remained: The Jews of Iraq Since 1951“. Thesis, 2019.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenAnnotation:
This dissertation examines the history of Jews in Iraq from 1951 to 1973 and their associations in diaspora thereafter. Iraqi Jews trace their community back 2500 years to the Babylonian exile and Jews played prominent roles in modern Iraqi politics, society, and culture until 1950-1951, when most Iraqi Jews left following a period of anti-Jewish hostility. The history of the remaining Jewish community after 1951 is an important case study of Jews in the Middle East (sometimes referred to as Sephardi or Mizrahi Jews) during a period when many such communities faced violence and displacement amidst the Arab-Israeli conflict. Their history also provides unique insights into changes in Iraq’s political culture under the various revolutionary regimes that followed the 1958 revolution. This dissertation shows that Jews in Iraq after 1951 successfully re-established a communal and social presence until the Israeli victory in the Six Day War of June 1967 prompted renewed anti-Jewish hostility. However, this dissertation argues that it was the Ba’th Party coup in July 1968 that led to the depopulation of the remaining Jewish community as the party manipulated anti-Israeli sentiment in its effort to consolidate power in Iraq, unleashing a deadly campaign of terror on innocent Jews.