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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Iraq War, 2003“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Iraq War, 2003"
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Kaczmarek, Piotr. „WOJNA W IRAKU W ŚWIETLE DOKTRYNY BUSHA“. Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, Nr. 13 (31.10.2018): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2016.1.4.
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The article presents changes in American foreign policy after 11th 2001 and is concerned the George W. Bush’s Middle East policy. The goal of the text is presenting how the Bush doctrine leaded to war in Iraq. After the short introduction about US Middle East policy the text explains fundamental parts of doctrine and describes the most important G. W. Bush speeches and National Security Strategies from 2002 and 2006. This part is dedicated on war on terror, axis of evil and preventive war. The next part try to identify actual and the official and publically stated causes the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The article ends with the analysis the cost of Iraq war.
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Ghani, ’Hana Khalief. „Mapping the Digital performance of Violence as a tool of Resistance in Iraqi Poetry ‘Militia of Culture’“. لارك 1, Nr. 32 (28.11.2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol1.iss32.1253.
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I.Poetry, Politics, and Technology: The poetic scene in Iraq underwent significant changes following the collapse of the ruling regime and the invasion of the country by the International Coalition headed by the United States of America in 2003. These changes mainly took place on two levels: political and technological.
In post-2003, normal existence became impossible for the Iraqi people as their country plunged into an unprecedented and wholesale waves of destruction and violence. In “As Iraqis See It,” Messing concisely described the situation of Iraqis ‘expressing anger and gloom, exasperation and despair.’ He says:
The overwhelming sense is that of a society undergoing a catastrophic breakdown from the never-ending waves of violence, criminality, and brutality inflicted on it by insurgents, militias, jihadis, terrorists, soldiers, policemen, bodyguards, mercenaries, armed gangs, warlords, kidnappers and everyday thugs. ‘Inside Iraq’ … suggests how the relentless and cumulative effects of these various vicious crimes have degraded virtually every aspect of the nation’s social, economic, professional, and personal life. (qtd in Adelman, 2008, p.184)
What happened in 2003 onward, however, is not strange or unexpected. It is a culmination of a long history of blood shedding, politically-motivated murders, several coups d’états, a wearing war with Iran(1980-1988), thirteen years of tiring and exhausting economic sanctions imposed by the United Nation after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait(1991-2003), and a ruthless totalitarian system that makes Iraq “suitable for nothing,” in the words of the Iraqi poet Adnan Al-Sayegh(2004, p.209). (For more information about the modern history of Iraq, see Al-Athari,2008 and Anderson and Stanfield, 2004)
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Halverscheid, Susanne, und Erich H. Witte. „Justification of War and Terrorism“. Social Psychology 39, Nr. 1 (Januar 2008): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335.39.1.26.
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Abstract. In this study, examples of war and terrorism from both Western and Arab countries were examined with respect to the underlying ethical positions of justifications that have been publicized. In a rating process, we analyzed speeches and explanations of (1) the American government justifying the military strikes in Afghanistan (2001-) and the war in Iraq (2003-), (2) the Red Army Faction justifying terrorist attacks they perpetrated in Germany (1972-1984), (3) the former President of Iraq justifying the war against Iran (1980-1988), and (4) members of Al Qaeda justifying terrorist acts (2001-2004). The ethical justification patterns are presented, compared, and discussed with respect to the influences of culture and type of political violence. The results reveal significant differences between the kinds of aggression as well as between Western and Arab countries, with the cultural factor proving to be more essential.
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Palmer-Fernandez, Gabriel. „The Iraq War of 2003“. Teaching Ethics 5, Nr. 1 (2004): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tej20045117.
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Lichtenberg, Judith. „The Iraq War of 2003“. Teaching Ethics 5, Nr. 1 (2004): 73–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tej20045118.
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Pojman, Louis P. „The Iraq War of 2003“. Teaching Ethics 5, Nr. 1 (2004): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tej20045120.
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Blankemeyer, Maureen, Kathleen Walker und Erika Svitak. „The 2003 War in Iraq“. Childhood 16, Nr. 2 (Mai 2009): 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568209104403.
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Safdar, Aasima, Samia Manzoor und Aqsa Iram Shahzadi. „Pakistani English Press during War on Terror: A Media Conformity Approach“. Global Political Review V, Nr. I (30.03.2020): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).03.
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The present research focused on how much Pakistani English press tracked the foreign policy stance of the Pakistani government in the presentation of incidents related to the war on terror. Pakistani authorities reinforced war on terror and Afghanistan war but did not support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. For the present analysis, the editorials of Dawn and the Nation were selected from 12 September 2001 to 11 September 2003. Thematic analysis of the editorial coverage through NVIVO 10 was conducted. It was found that, during the war against Afghanistan that took place in 2001, Pakistani English press did not support the Pakistani governments stance. Many critical themes were noted from the data. However, during Iraq war that happened in 2003, Pakistani English press toed the Pakistani governments policy during and stressed the government to take more proactive stance against Iraq war. Overall, it could be stated that the Pakistani English press partially conformed the foreign policy stance of Pakistani government.
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Betz, Joseph. „Proportionality, Just War Theory, and America’s 2003–2004 War Against Iraq“. Social Philosophy Today 21 (2005): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday20052118.
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Al-Marashi, Ibrahim. „The “Dodgy Dossier:” The Academic Implications of the British Government's Plagiarism Incident“. Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 40, Nr. 1 (Juni 2006): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400049385.
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In September 2002, an article I had authored, “Iraq's Security and Intelligence Network: A Guide and Analysis,” was published in the September 2002 issue of the journal, Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA). On February 6, 2003 a UK news report revealed that entire sections of a British government dossier entitled “Iraq-Its Infrastructure of Concealment, Deception and Intimidation” were copied from three published sources, with the bulk of the plagiarized material coming from the article I had written. I was a twenty-nine year old doctoral student when the media frenzy that surrounded this incident erupted, six weeks prior to the 2003 Iraq War. I, as an Iraqi-American, had to watch as both sides opposite my hyphen waged a war against each other that I had an indirect role in justifying.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Iraq War, 2003"
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Mizell, Daron M. „Understanding Iraq's Shi'is : evolving misconceptions within the U.S. government from the 1970s to the present /“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA435594.
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Fenton, Anne Marie. „France, Italy and the 2002/2003 Iraq crisis“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FFenton.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning)--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost. Includes bibliographical references (p. 88-96). Also available online.
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Kadhum, Oula. „Diasporic interventions : state-building in Iraq following the 2003 Iraq war“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/93250/.
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This study addresses how the UK and the Swedish Iraqi diaspora mobilised towards state-building in Iraq following the 2003 US led intervention. It explores why some diaspora mobilised towards state-building processes through institution-building and governance while others through civil society. While the literature has explored diasporic development and peace-building, it has not systematically addressed diaspora mobilisation for state-building. Neither has it paid sufficient attention to the factors that shape diasporic political choices in intervention and conflict settings. My thesis contributes to this body of literature and argues that an overlooked dimension of state-building, is that of civil society. State-building involves top-down approaches of institution-building but also bottom-up approaches of participatory politics that encourage democratic practices. I thus develop a new two-category operationalization of state-building to capture the interventions and transnational fields of different diaspora groups and individuals. My findings show that during different time periods, three factors have shaped the mobilisation of the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora towards state-building; diaspora profiles, hostland foreign policies towards the homeland and links to homeland political parties in Iraq. Theoretically these findings demonstrate that diaspora's socio-economic profiles and networks are key to understanding the type of politics that diaspora can engage in. Meanwhile, hostland foreign policies can shape diasporic interventions by creating different relationships with homelands and thus different opportunities for engagement. Furthermore, in divided societies, diaspora connected to homeland political parties, or represented by them, are more likely to be involved in the apparatus of the state, where as those excluded are more likely to engage outside the structures of power through civil society. Finally, my study demonstrates that temporal vii dimensions are crucial for understanding, which factors mattered, when and why. Empirically, this thesis also contributes original knowledge about the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora. It sheds new light into the myriad ways that diaspora in these two countries have been attempting to rebuild the country after the 2003 intervention by illustrating their efforts and experiences, and how it has informed their current relationship to Iraq.
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Mooney, Michael J. „Live from the battlefield : an examination of embedded war correspondents' reporting during Operation Iraqi Freedom (21 March-14 April 2003) /“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMooney.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Leadership and Human Resource Development)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Alice Crawford, Gail Fann Thomas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 159-170). Also available online.
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Page, Phillip Jermaine. „The monster I have become : an analysis of media representations of torture allegations against U.S. soldiers in Iraq from April 2004 to October 2005 /“. Connect to resource online, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1256139570.
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Astuti, Ade. „Islam vs. the West : a war in and outside the battlefield /“. free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p1422909.
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Svarenieks, Edgars. „Eastern Europe and the 2002-2003 Iraq crisis“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FSvarenieks.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.Thesis advisor(s): David Yost, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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Creed, Pamela M. „Myth, memory and militarism the evolution of an American war narrative /“. Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/5634.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2009.Vita: p. 370. Thesis director: Dan Rothbart. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 11, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 360-369). Also issued in print.
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Mooney, Michael J. „Live from the battlefield an examination of embedded war correspondents' reporting during Operation Iraqi Freedom (21 March-14April 2003) /“. access online version, LEAD access online version, NPS access online version, DTIC, 2004. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA424638.
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Steliga, Mark A. „Why they hate us : disaggregating the Iraqi insurgency“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FSteliga.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Anne Marie Baylouny, James Russell. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-86). Also available online.
Bücher zum Thema "Iraq War, 2003"
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Poffenberger, Nancy. Iraq, 2003. [S.l.]: N.M. Poffenberger, 2003.
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Carlisle, Rodney P. Iraq War. Herausgegeben von Bowman John Stewart 1931-. New York: Chelsea House, 2010.
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Keegan, John. The Iraq War. Toronto: Key Porter Books, 2004.
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Souter, Janet. War in Afghanistan and Iraq. London: Carlton Books, 2011.
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Simon, Adams. The Iraq War. Mankato, Minn: Arcturus Pub., 2010.
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ek, Slavoj Z. iz. Iraq: The borrowed kettle. London: Verso, 2004.
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Gulf Studies Programme (School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University), Hrsg. War on Iraq, 2003. New Delhi: Centre for West Asian & African Studies, School of International Relations, Jawaharlal Nehru University, 2008.
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El-Shibiny, Mohamed. Iraq: A lost war. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
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Keegan, John. The Iraq War. London: Random House Publishing Group, 2010.
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Engel, Richard. War journal. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2008.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "Iraq War, 2003"
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Kubiak, Jeffrey J. „Iraq War 2003–2008“. In War Narratives and the American National Will in War, 107–40. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137410146_5.
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Bert, Wayne. „Iraq—2003–2010“. In American Military Intervention in Unconventional War, 157–94. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230337817_8.
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Garey, Julie. „The 2003 Iraq War“. In The US Role in NATO’s Survival After the Cold War, 123–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13675-8_5.
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Siracusa, Joseph M., und Laurens J. Visser. „An Axis of Evil, 2001–2003“. In Going to War with Iraq, 91–133. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30163-7_4.
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Siracusa, Joseph M., und Laurens J. Visser. „The Land of Harun al-Rashid, 2001–2003“. In Going to War with Iraq, 135–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30163-7_5.
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Hammond, Philip. „Postmodern War on Iraq“. In Leading to the 2003 Iraq War, 85–96. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403977311_6.
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Atkins, Judi. „Foreign Policy: The Iraq War of 2003“. In Justifying New Labour Policy, 157–75. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230307285_10.
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Wilson, Isaiah. „Patronage Politics in Northern Iraq: The Case of Tribal Engagement in Northern Iraq, June 2003–March 2004“. In Thinking beyond War, 115–47. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230609204_6.
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Obajtek-Kirkwood, Anne-Marie. „Le Monde on a “Likely” Iraq War“. In Leading to the 2003 Iraq War, 129–47. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403977311_9.
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Dieck, Helene. „The Intervention in Iraq in 2003“. In The Influence of Public Opinion on Post-Cold War US Military Interventions, 127–39. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137519238_9.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "Iraq War, 2003"
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فهد حسين, محمد. „Forced displacement in Iraq 1990-2003“. In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/63.
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"Summary of research / forced displacement in Iraq 1990- 2003 Prof. Dr. Muhammad Fahad Al-Qaisi College of Education for Human Sciences / University of Wasit mfahad@uowasit.edu.iq 07706925308 The process of forced displacement is one of the most severe cases that a person or group can be exposed to, and its cruelty may be equivalent to the death penalty, because it represents a moral death for all the values, ties and belonging of the human soul, and it strips man of his relationship with his homeland and all kinds of decent living, and makes him A homeless being without affiliation and communication, and the consequent economic, political and even moral problems affecting the individual or the group. In view of the peculiarity of the nineties of the last century for Iraq, as it witnessed the most violent war that Iraq witnessed after its invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent political and social disintegration and economic hardship. Many cases of forced displacement in which Iraq was a party in one way or another have been noted. Forced displacement of his people, in addition to the presence of population groups that were forcibly displaced to him, with the addition of an important matter, which is the return of those who were forcibly displaced in his lands or to his lands. The research aimed to discuss all these matters and on a number of themes, namely: The first axis: cases of forced displacement of the Iraqi people The second axis: cases of forced displacement of other peoples who passed through Iraq The third axis: cases of return of the forcibly displaced We sincerely hope that we have contributed regarding the danger of the phenomenon of forced displacement, and the fairness of its victims with regard to their inherent rights that prevent their deportation from their areas of origin in any way. "
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Alzaidy, Rashid. „The Iraqi political system between reform and change“. In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp49-72.
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It is no secret to anyone that the political system in Iraq has gone through and is still going through several crises and suffers from many problems that are difficult to limit and define within a specific research scope. Despite that, there are two main trends prevailing about the general view of the political system and its future in Iraq, which are centered on two visions: First: Seeing the possibility of reforming the political system Second: seeing the impossibility of reforming the political system and the political system must be changed) This was accompanied by developments; And repercussions that affected the entire structural system of Iraqi society, but all attempts at reform failed. Hence, the problematic of our study emerges in the main question: Does the Iraqi political system need change or reform, and what are the justifications for this change or reform, and what are the consequences of that locally? Regionally and internationally? The attempt to answer these and other questions requires that we start from the hypothesis of the Iraqi political system after 2003, which suffers from several structural problems that prevent the success of any attempt at political reform for it. The study is based on the following axes: The first topic: What is political reform and political change The second topic: Building the political system in Iraq after 2003 and the justifications for changing its reform The third topic: Obstacles to changing (reform) the Iraqi political system The fourth topic: Attempts to political reform and its future The study concluded a set of conclusions, perhaps the most prominent of which are: 1 - The future of the Iraqi political system in light of local, regional and international data indicates the impossibility of reforming this system due to the depth of its imbalances Its exacerbation and the depth of the rift that this system suffers from - and the absence of the means to reform, which center on the following options: A- Reform through coup methods B- Reform through popular revolution and that these options are not available at the present time, so it is expected that the current situation will continue with attempts A patchwork that gives the regime revival doses without radical solutions until reaching the framework of the Iraqi social contract, which will have two main options: the peaceful option and revolves around: The continuation of the October protests and the joining of the rest of the Iraqi components to them and their obtaining international and regional support to reformulate a new Iraqi social contract for the unity and stability of Iraq, the peaceful division between the Iraqi components to establish three Sunni Shiite states. Kurdish non-peaceful option external change such as the 2003 military coup, the international upheaval, the civil war
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Ali, Omran. „International interventions in non-democratic states between democratic change and achieving interests (Iraq as a case study after 2003)“. In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp232-245.
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This research seeks to critically analyze the international efforts, particularly the United States of America, in transforming authoritarian and non-democratic states into democratic ones, and clarify to what extent the US seeks to achieve real democratic change in non-democratic countries, especially Iraq, and whether their main goal is to achieve stability and their vital interests or democratic change and reform. It argues that although spreading democracy and human rights in the Middle East has become, especially after the end of the Cold War, one of the main goals of the US, but, in reality, the US is not ready to sacrifice its vital interests in the region at the expense of spreading democratic values, as well as reducing its strong security and economic relations with its non-democratic allies, or even applying the required pressure on them. Consequently, this increases doubts about the credibility and seriousness of the US in achieving its goal of spreading democracy in the Middle East in general, and Iraq in particular.
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Ali, Omran. „International interventions in non-democratic states between democratic change and achieving interests (Iraq as a case study after 2003)“. In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc/1.
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This research seeks to critically analyze the international efforts, particularly the United States of America, in transforming authoritarian and non-democratic states into democratic ones, and clarify to what extent the US seeks to achieve real democratic change in non-democratic countries, especially Iraq, and whether their main goal is to achieve stability and their vital interests or democratic change and reform. It argues that although spreading democracy and human rights in the Middle East has become, especially after the end of the Cold War, one of the main goals of the US, but, in reality, the US is not ready to sacrifice its vital interests in the region at the expense of spreading democratic values, as well as reducing its strong security and economic relations with its non-democratic allies, or even applying the required pressure on them. Consequently, this increases doubts about the credibility and seriousness of the US in achieving its goal of spreading democracy in the Middle East in general, and Iraq in particular.
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Montgomery, Louise. „Bush, the Media & the New American Way“. In 2003 Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2726.
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The run-up to a full-scale U.S. military attack on Iraq - “shock and awe” -- provided an unusual and ideal test the effectiveness of a parsimonious content analysis methodology designed to determine when a national leader made or would make a decision to go to war. As W. Ben Hunt’s work that is the model for this study anticipated, editorials in The Wall Street Journal clearly ramped up war fever with not only the number of “get to it, George” editorials but also with the language. Critical editorials ad-vised/urged/demanded Bush to get on with the second phase of the long-planned remaking of the Middle East -- taking out Saddam Hussein. The paper links several aspects of post-Cold War, postmodern American life -- low levels of knowledge, use of poll data throughout society, declining news consumption and others -- to paint a picture of a newly vulnerable society, one willing - polls would indicate - to listen to and follow clear, perhaps simplistic, policies even to the point of a pre-emptive strike on a small nation that many could not locate on a map.
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Saeed Ghafoor Ahmad, Kosar, und Amanj nasih qadir omer. „Prosecuting the perpetrators of the Camp Speicher crime according to Iraqi laws or the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court“. In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/45.
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"This work includes talking about the crime of Camp Speicher, in which 1,700 students of the Iraqi army of the Sheea creed were killed by the gangs of the terrorist organization ISIS, with the aim of eliminating the members of this sect because of the misleading ideology carried by those gangs. On 6-12-2014, Iraqi soldiers at Camp Speicher (Speicher Air Base) in Tikrit were subjected to murder and enforced disappearance by terrorist organizations because of their affiliation to the Sheea creed. This crime was among a series of brutal crimes for the genocide of Sheeas in Iraq. This is similar to what happened in the Badoush prison crime in the province of Mosul, which the Iraqi Parliament considered it as a crime of genocide, in which these gangs executed about (400) members of the prison inmates of the Sheea component. After ISIS took control of the city of Tikrit in Iraq, and one day after they took control of the city of Mosul, they captured (2000-2200) soldiers and led them to the presidential palaces in Tikrit, and they shot them there and in other areas and buried some of them alive. This disaster had a negative impact on the families of the victims of the Speicher where they went out in demonstrations demanded that the leaders who handed over the victims of Speicher to ISIS must be prosecuted, and in one of the demonstrations they managed to enter Parliament and demanded that the leaders who handed over Speicher to ISIS be held accountable. After that, many demonstrations took place by the families of the victims, some of which led to the closure of a bridge in Baghdad a few times Protesting the government's delay in clarifying the fate of their children or taking quick measures. The Iraqi parliament and government recently considered the Speicher incident “genocide” in reference to the premeditated murder of Badoush Prison inmates in Nineveh Governorate and the unarmed Speicher military base, the premeditated murder of members of the Albu Nimr, Jabour, al-Lahib, and al-Ubaid tribes, and the killing and displacement of civilians from Kurds, Christians, Yazidis and Shabaks in Sahel Nineveh, Sinjar, deliberate killing and displacement of Turkmens in Tal Afar and Bashir. This decision paves the way for obtaining international recognition from it as a ""genocide"" as stipulated in the Contract of the United Nations in 1948, and Iraq signed it in the fifties of the last century. This study attempts to explain the Al-Ikhnasas Court in looking into the crimes of genocide committed by ISIS against the bereaved students of the Air Force Base (Speicher) due to what this issue raised from the national and international public opinion, especially after the involvement of the Iraqi army leaders in this massacre, according to what witnesses reported in that area and what was reported by soldiers who survived the incident, in addition to the involvement of some members of the Sunni tribes in these crimes with the terrorist organization ISIS. The importance of this study lies in the following aspects: - That ISIS elements were tried according to Anti-Terrorism Law No. 13 of 2005, and from our point of view that the aforementioned law is vague and broader than it should be, and it applies to serious and simple crimes from murder to crimes of sabotage, and the list of crimes punishable by the death penalty according to the aforementioned law is a long list and spacious. - The Iraqi government has embarked on an attempt to develop a legal framework to prosecute ISIS elements, and its mission focused on understanding the procedures and results drawn from those judicial efforts, and its mission also focused on showing the efforts taken by the Iraqi government to address violations in the field of the right to life, including those committed by affiliated forces government as well as other international and domestic actors. The International Criminal Court is specialized in considering specific crimes under Article (5) of its Statute, which are war crimes, aggression and crimes against humanity, which necessitates the adaptation of Speicher's crime within any of the mentioned types of crimes. The assumption of the International Criminal Court in relation to the Speicher crime, includes several positive matters and results at the same time a set of negatives, which must be presented to those positives and negatives in order to give preference between them and the choice of authorizing the court to consider the crime or not. The terrorist organization ISIS has committed serious systematic violations, including war crimes and others, and perhaps those that are not under its control, and that none of these crimes can be addressed within the anti-terrorism law, which cannot address human rights violations. The international community has recognized the heinous violations committed by ISIS against the citizens of Iraq by adopting Resolution (2370) in September of 2017, issued by the Security Council, which authorizes the Security Council to appoint an investigation team to support local efforts to hold ISIS elements accountable by collecting and preserving evidence in Iraq, which can rise to a high level, and it was committed by the elements of the organization. It considers that the decision constitutes a burden and an obligation on Iraq to investigate all allegations of violations committed by government forces for the purpose of holding them accountable, as well as requiring the establishment of special courts and trained judges in relation to ISIS crimes to deal with them. Terrorism is a global curse that has recently spread horizontally to all countries of the world and its effects have been concentrated vertically in some countries, and no one denies that the parties to this phenomenon are increasing (perpetrators and victims) and the United Nations in particular and the international community in general has not succeeded in reducing it despite the fact that the resolutions of the UN Security Council It is increasing, but the proportionality is absent between these decisions and the practical reality. The phenomenon of terrorism is spreading rapidly, and the perpetrators of terrorist acts are on the rise, corresponding to an increase in the victims of terrorism. Also, the circumstances and events that Iraq is going through, especially after 2003, put it at the forefront of countries which suffers from terrorism that has killed the people, using methods and forms that were not previously known and brutal and bloody cruel. ) for the year 2005, and since terrorism was not limited to Iraq, but included many countries, and was not specific to a place or time, nor was it recent in terms of composition. In addition, the aforementioned law cannot be aware of all violations of international and humanitarian law, as we mentioned previously, which requires the necessity of referring the criminals to a competent court. The Court conducts its rule under Article (13) of its Statute when referred to it by a state party to the same system or by the Security Council or when the Public Prosecutor conducts the investigation on his own, and then how does the Court take its measures regarding the aforementioned crime if we take a look Considering that the State of Iraq is not a member of the Statute of the Court. The rule of the court is free from the death penalty, which makes the idea of authorizing the court to consider the crime rejected by most Iraqis, especially the families of the victims. What are the negative aspects of the Iraqi national judiciary’s view of the Speicher crime, and how can it be avoided if the International Criminal Court plays this role? What are the guarantees provided by the court in the event that it proceeds with its procedures regarding this crime? The research on this subject is according to the appropriate method, which is the analytical and comparative method, which works on studying and comparing topics by analyzing ideas and jurisprudential rulings, and the positions of the governments of countries and the United Nations, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and comparing arbitration between Iraqi courts. And the international courts regarding the trial of the perpetrators of the Speicher base crime, and then come up with a set of conclusions and recommendations."
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Raheem, Luqman, und Nasir Durid. „The impact of the regional factor in the democratic transition A comparative study between the experiences of Spain 1975 and Iraq 2003“. In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp126-148.
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The regional factor has always played an important role in the political developments of various countries and political experiences, as this factor constituted the role of the direct incubator for all the successful and failed experiences of political development throughout our time. The process of democratization is considered one of the most important political experiments of our time, which gained wide momentum after the Second World War. Especially after the peoples of the world realized the importance and preference of this system compared to the rest of the political systems. After the end of the Cold War, the world witnessed a remarkable trend towards liberal democracy, exhilarated by the euphoria of the victory of the Western camp led by the United States of America over its eastern historical opponent (led by the Soviet Union). Liberal democracy and its sovereignty over the world, rather they unleashed an unbridled optimism that says: ""The peoples and societies of the world are moving towards adopting the model of liberal democracy, because it is the model most responsive to the aspirations of human freedom and the release of his energies.
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Saeed, Kurdistan, und Chawan Salah. „Electoral systems applied to the Iraqi parliament elections after 2003 (comparative analytical study)“. In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp277-289.
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This study deals with the electoral systems applied in Iraq after 2003 for the Iraqi Parliament elections. The issue's importance lies in the fact that elections are the legitimate means adopted by modern political systems based on the separation of powers. Therefore, after changing the political system in Iraq in 2003 from a one-party system to a democratic parliamentary system, the permanent constitution of 2005 granted the right to political participation for citizens. Including the right to participate in elections through nomination or candidacy for the Iraqi Council of Representatives, this study examines the electoral systems applied after 2003 and the reasons for the instability of the Iraqi parliament elections on a specific law. The study dealt with the types of electoral systems by focusing on the concept and emergence of elections and the most critical electoral systems adopted by political systems. Furthermore, the electoral systems applied after 2003 in the Iraqi parliament elections by focusing on the electoral laws or their amendments that preceded each electoral cycle since 2003 until now. The study concluded that the electoral system in Iraq was not legally stable; several amendments have been made to the laws regulating the elections for the House of Representatives. So the two elections did not repeat under one law because of political parties' criticism leveled at it. Moreover, the attempt by the large parliamentary blocs, through their control of the Iraqi Council of Representatives, to legislate laws that limit the victory of the blocs and small parties.
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Eparu, Dorin, und Mirela Atanasiu. „NEW TRAINING REQUIREMENTS FOR A SUCCESSFUL MILITARY ACTION“. In eLSE 2014. Editura Universitatii Nationale de Aparare "Carol I", 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-14-166.
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Most recent wars, we consider the conflicts in Afghanistan (2001-2002), Iraq (2003), Libya (2011) and again Afghanistan, have proved fully valences binomial determinants of intelligence - technology in military confrontation. So, modern warfare increasingly, through training methods, gives the actual size for the contribution of intelligence and military technology success strategic, operational and tactical. As was demonstrated, especially in the last great conflict, attitude, dynamic action and information technology, endorsed with efficient preparations of human intelligence, assured victory in military confrontation. There is no doubt that e-learning methods are now indispensable for military education and training and in any field of military branches had become an important asset for achieving information superiority. We may mention two major advantages as, the 24/7 disponibility of educational content and increased interactivity with the learner. Consistency value judgements, elaborations decision, which in future are expected to be less sequential, simultaneous and ever more forward-looking. We consider that technological based training will have a decisive impact on the conduct of military operations and the succes of them. All future wars will require diversions, reassessments and reorganizations of the organization system and fighting military conflicts and technology will help military to gain the adaptability needed for success. Actual warfare theoreticians have in mind when confronted with the enemy, the ability of military and civilian authorities, private sector, civil society to collaborate in the field to move the war to the opponent, to use means of counteracting specific systems to multiplay command and control and security measures to trigger decisive preventive action. For this will successfully complete in future confrontations, the war theorists and politico-military analysts consider technological achievements included in sophisticated system, human involvement being found only at the strategic or political decision. Simulation plays an important role in developing e-learning tools for technical contents. Yes, the learning is changing. Integrating training into e-learning educational environments changes to some extend the current requirements for successful military action. Transformation of the global geopolitical system requires a revolution in military thinking, a revolution to reflect new economic and technological forces. E-defense represents a new way of leading shares by electronic interconnection, in an effective way, with speed, innovation and creating new value in an organization. Future war will change the whole nature of belligerance, will increase the value of employment, based on competence and responsibility.
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إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, und محمد إسماعيل جمعه. „"Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model"“. In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.
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"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Iraq War, 2003"
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Morrow, Patrick D. Just War Theory and the 2003 Decision to Invade Iraq. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, März 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada589709.
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Khan, Mahreen. The Environmental Impacts of War and Conflict. Institute of Development Studies, März 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.060.
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In modern warfare, the first widely acknowledged scientific study and documented case of environmental damage during conflict was the (direct and deliberate) use of Agent Orange and other toxic chemicals by US forces, from 1961-1971, during the Vietnam War in a policy known as herbicide. The Vietnam War has been relatively well documented for the sheer horror and magnitude of the devastation to natural habitats and because it was the first war where television and global media brought vivid images and accounts into people’s homes, making the war a matter of political and public conscience This helped stir academic and scientific interest and facilitated evidence collection and documentation of environmental damages. This helpdesk report is a rapid literature review on the main environmental impacts of war and conflict, drawing primarily on academic, and peer reviewed literature and only some policy and practitioner sources, as per the request. Where current situations are discussed, such as the ongoing Ukraine war, a few blogs are referred to. Within the literature focused on the environmental impacts of conflict, common case studies include: the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) bombing of Kosovo (1999), and the conflict in the Donbas region of Ukraine (2014). Interestingly there is comparatively less literature on the conflicts in Afghanistan (2001-2021), the Iraq-Iran War (1980-1988), the Gulf Wars (1991 and 2003), the Yemeni civil war (2014 – present) and the ongoing war in Syria (since 2011) despite their relatively greater severity, intensity and duration.
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Palani, Kamaran. The Low Likelihood of ISIS Resurgence in Iraq. ICCT, Mai 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19165/2024.4079.
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ISIS was militarily defeated and lost territorial control in Iraq over six years ago. Since then, the group has struggled to mobilise support and restore its influence. This Policy Brief examines the contextual shifts in Iraq since 2017 that have hindered ISIS’s ability to radicalise and recruit, addressing the critical question: why is a resurgence of ISIS in Iraq unlikely? Drawing on field observations and previous research, this Policy Brief carefully argues that the decreasing prevalence of sectarian grievances, particularly among Iraqi youth, diminishes the potential for community support for ISIS and other forms of violent extremism compared to the post-2003 period. To substantiate this argument, the Brief analyses the decline of sectarian demands that once contributed to the emergence of violent extremist groups in Iraq. It also revisits the primary drivers of radicalisation in the pre-2014 period that facilitated ISIS’s rise and explores how post- Caliphate developments, including demographic changes, have altered people’s needs and concerns, diverging from the narratives ISIS previously used to attract recruits.
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Sarhan, Faiza Diab. Sabean-Mandaean Women’s Experiences: The Intersectional Impact of Religious and Ideological Conflict in Iraqi Society. Institute of Development Studies, Dezember 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2022.007.
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This CREID Policy Briefing provides recommendations to address the marginalisation, discrimination and exclusion faced by Sabean-Mandaean women in Iraq. Within the Sabean-Mandaean community, women are traditionally seen to have great value. Inheritance is split equally between women and men, and children have a religious name as well as a lay name that traces the lineage of their mother. However, Sabean-Mandaean women in Iraq today face a range of inequalities and discrimination based on the intersection of their religious identity and gender. The US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the following sectarian wars, and the 2014 ISIS invasion had a profound impact on the lives of all Sabean-Mandaean people in Iraq. As a religious minority, Sabean-Mandaeans continue to find themselves subject to oppression, discrimination and exile.
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Horejs, Barbara, und Ulrike Schuh, Hrsg. PREHISTORY & WEST ASIAN/NORTHEAST AFRICAN ARCHAEOLOGY 2021–2023. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Dezember 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/oeai.pwana2021-2023.
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The long-established research of Prehistory and West Asian/Northeast African archaeology (the former Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology, OREA) at the Austrian Academy of Sciences was transformed into a department of the »new« Austrian Archaeological Institute (OeAI) at the Austrian Academy of Sciences in 2021. This merging of several institutes into the new OeAI offers a wide range of new opportunities for basic and interdisciplinary research, which support the traditional research focus as well as the development of new projects in world archaeology. The research areas of the Department of Prehistory and West Asian/Northeast African Archaeology include Quaternary archaeology, Prehistory, Near Eastern archaeology and Egyptology. The groups cover an essential cultural area of prehistoric and early historical developments in Europe, Northeast Africa and West Asia. Prehistory is embedded in the world archaeology concept without geographical borders, including projects beyond this core zone, as well as a scientific and interdisciplinary approach. The focus lies in the time horizon from the Pleistocene about 2.6 million years ago to the transformation of societies into historical epochs in the 1st millennium BC. The chronological expertise of the groups covers the periods Palaeolithic, Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. The archaeology of West Asia and Northeast Africa is linked to the Mediterranean and Europe, which enables large-scale and chronologically broad basic research on human history. The department consists of the following seven groups: »Quaternary Archaeology«, »Prehistoric Phenomena«, »Prehistoric Identities«, »Archaeology in Egypt and Sudan«, »Archaeology of the Levant«, »Mediterranean Economies« and »Urnfield Culture Networks«. The groups conduct fieldwork and material analyses in Austria, Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Italy, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, North Macedonia, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, Greece, Cyprus, Türkiye, Iran, the United Arab Emirates, Lebanon, Israel, Egypt, Sudan and South Africa.
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Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.
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This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.
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Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh und Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, Dezember 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.
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Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.