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1
Chapman, Paul. „The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia /“. Title page, synopsis and contents only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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2
Moeti, Kabelo Boikutso. „Rationalization of government structures concerned with foreign direct investment policy in South Africa“. Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-05092005-134019.
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3
Sadleir, Christopher. „On the Frontier : Australia's policy approach to foreign direct investment 1968 - 2004 as a case study in globalisation, national public policy and public administration /“. full text via ADT database, 2007. http://erl.canberra.edu.au/public/adt-AUC20080304.145454/index.html.
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4
Chesami, Mbah Emmanuel. „The role of government in the attraction of foreign direct investment: a case study of South Africa and Cameroon“. University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This study examined economic and government policies of South Africa on the one hand and that of Cameroon on the other hand. The focus was on specific periods after democratisation of both countries. For South Africa from 1994-2004 and for Cameroon from 1992-2004. Their comparatives economic strength in the face of foreign direct investment flow and the impact of government in attracting foreign direct investment was measured.
5
李良柱 und Jeremy Edward Lee. „An examination of government investment incentives and disincentives: the case of Vietnam“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31266617.
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6
Luna, Bernardo D. „Investment opportunities in the Mexican financial markets“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64291.pdf.
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7
Chen, Chunlai. „Foreign direct investment in China : determinants, origins and impacts /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc5178.pdf.
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8
Lin, Ling, und 林灵. „The effectiveness and legitimacy of investment incentive regime in China: dilemmas of state intervention“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50533757.
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While investment incentives are increasingly employed by the developing economies, the vast amount of literature has failed to reach a consensus on the role of incentive regimes. A fundamental problem with the previous econometric studies is that they assume a mature market condition, under which the government should remain outside FDI competition. However, in reality, most developing countries lack a mature market and market-oriented regulatory institutions. This thesis adds to the conventional wisdom by examining whether and how Chinese investment incentive regimes have been successful in harnessing FDI during the last three decades. Like many developing economies, China is still in the process of building a market economy. The striking ability of China to attract FDI with numerous incentives presents a meaningful laboratory for examining the role of investment incentives.
In contrast to most previous economic studies, this thesis does not attempt to examine the economic mechanisms of investment incentives. The basic presumption of this thesis is that incentive measures are instrument of state intervention with designed policy goals. A policy-oriented approach has thus been adopted, under which the role of investment incentives is examined against precisely defined policy objectives in a particular policy context. In China’s case, the efficacy of investment incentives is shown by a strategic and dynamic correlation between the investment incentive regime and its achieved development goals. In the given policy context, their functions cannot be replaced by more desirable instruments due to the political and economic constraints.
Besides the economic evaluation, the study adds the legal dimension of evaluation on investment incentives. From a legal perspective, the regulatory space for developing countries is increasingly defined by the international legal regime. Investment incentives should be framed in a way to balance national interests and the level of protection required for foreign investment. The evolution of China’s incentive regime presents a good example to integrate global consensus with domestic imperatives. By unifying its income tax system, China adopted an incentive regime generally consistent with its WTO commitments and could be utilized to its advantages.
However, serious problems inherent in the incentive system have already emerged in China, which may hamper its economic development in the long run. The thesis shows that the state’s capacity to channel FDI towards development goals is declining, as its intrusiveness has given way to arbitrariness. A top-down approach deprives foreign investors of their channels to communicate their opinions to the policymakers. The local arbitrariness and corruption in incentive implementation will compound the problem and hinder the inflows of high quality foreign investment.
The thesis then proposes that the investment incentive regime in China needs to be upgraded into a more legalized system with non-discrimination, transparency, coherence and an effective monitoring mechanism as its central features. The legalization process would help to alleviate the negative effects of investment incentives. In the absence of a political infrastructure compatible with a rules-based system, the Chinese government needs to start with redefining the government-business relationship with a legal framework and reinforcing an independent judicial system.published_or_final_version
Law
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
9
Cortés, Martha. „Analysis of the pursuit of Mexico's foreign direct investment objectives, through the signature of bilateral and multilater agreements“. Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31154.
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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is a key element in achieving progress. In a world with increasing competition for capital, it is mandatory for countries to develop different mechanisms to attract FDI. Mexico is an example of a developing country that in recent years has greatly benefited from FDI. This trend results from this country's development of a number of mechanisms on both the domestic and the international scene promoting this type of investment. Along with the investment openings being fostered on the domestic scene, Mexico has been conducting international efforts to reach FDI objectives. It has entered into a number of Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) as well as Bilateral and Regional Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). The most important goals achieved by this country encouraging the reception of FDI are the preferential trade agreements signed with the two biggest markets in the world, North America and the European Union. Mexico's participation in the WTO represents one of its efforts to establish lateral ties to achieve its FDI objectives. The fact that there is a relationship between trade and investment has been established.
10
Roehrig, Michael Franz. „Government policy and Sino-foreign joint venture operations the role of local bargaining in policy implementation in contemporary China /“. The Ohio State University, 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/29741561.html.
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11
Mikenberg, Eero. „Pskov region of the Russian Federation as foreign policy actor“. Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/211/.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2006.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Central and East European Studies, University of Glasgow, 2006. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
12
Mukosera, Precious Sipho. „Foreign direct investment and socio-economic development : the South African example“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018760.
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It is widely accepted by governments of many developing countries that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is crucial to the socio-economic development of their nations and have developed various policies in an effort to attract FDI, as a result. FDI is a crucial source of technology, capital and skills for developing countries for economic growth that may ultimately lead to poverty reduction, employment creation and modernisation. However, results from many studies have been inconclusive and have failed to find a direct link between the increase of FDI and the associated socio-economic development of recipient nations. South Africa is no exception to this debate as it seeks to turn its back on decades long apartheid, which has entrenched poverty in the majority of its population and exacerbated social tensions. The main socio-economic challenges that South Africa faces include high unemployment, skills shortages, poverty and high inequality, and the 2008/2009 global financial and economic crisis has exacerbated the crisis. Despite these challenges South Africa‘s macro-economic strategies have had a good reputation since 2000. The monetary policy has turned out to be more transparent and predictable, and a sound fiscal policy has sustained its framework. The study analyses the role that FDI plays in the socio-economic development of South Africa since 1995 by focusing on selected case studies: ABSA Bank, General Motors South Africa (GMSA) and the Mining Sector of South Africa. The research concludes that although ABSA Bank has implemented several corporate social responsibility (CSR), and various employee development programmes, there is hardly any evidence to suggest that Barclays Bank‘s takeover of ABSA Bank has positively impacted on these programmes. General Motors South Africa (GMSA), which came into South Africa many decades ago through a Greenfield Investment, has played a positive role in the economy of the Eastern Cape Province as well as that of South Africa, having created jobs directly and indirectly. The company has also designed and implemented various educational, housing as well as health and awareness programmes for its employees and for the communities. Mining companies that operate in South Africa formed partnerships in the communities in which they operate in an effort to improve the lives of people. While these various projects have been a source of employment, they have had a limited impact on the core causes of social problems surrounding the mines. Many of these root causes relate to core business practices of the mining companies, especially employee recruitment, wages and housing. These root causes where witnessed in the Lonmin tragedy and in other strikes that spread throughout the sector in 2012. The study concludes that although FDI does play a role in the socio-economic development of South Africa, especially Greenfield investment, the same argument could not be made on Mergers and acquisitions (M&As). Finally, the South African government needs to play a proactive role in ensuring that foreign companies that invest in the country need to be well aware of the socio-economic needs of South Africa, and be willing to play a positive role in that regard.
13
何建忠 und Kin-chung Ivan Ho. „Tracing the different forms of joint ventures adopted by a U.S. corporation in China for the past decade, along with the change ofChina's political and economic policies and environment“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31266034.
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Masindi, Ntungufhadzeni Austin. „Foreign direct investment through privatisation of state-owned enterprises : a comparative analysis of South Africa and Zambia“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51767.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment seeks to explore the role of privatisation in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) to South Africa and Zambia. In doing this, literature review method based on primary and secondary documentary sources have been utilised. In order to attract FDI, the study revealed that it is necessary to get the policy environment right. Creating an investor-friendly environment which promises good return on investment in line with the international "regulatory" framework - the World Bank's International Finance Corporation (IFC) and Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) and the World Association of Investment Promotion Agencies (WAIPA) requirements - is therefore significantly important. The World Bank regards Zambia's privatisation programme as the model for Africa. South Africa finds itself in a contradictory position. On the one hand it is the leading economic power in Africa, while on the other hand it still lags behind in terms of restructuring its parastatals. Privatisation programme in South Africa has been very slow. However, the government and other stakeholders, particularly in 1997, have been trying to get privatisation off the ground. The conclusion is that both South Africa and Zambia succeeded in attracting FDI through their processes of privatisation. In both countries major FDI inflows have been an outcome of privatisation. FDI is important for creating employment, debt reduction, empowerment, transfer of technology and managerial skills. However, these countries follow different approaches to privatisation. Due to the slow privatisation pace in South Africa, it is recommended that South Africa learn from Zambia's approach and experience. This would enable South Africa to fully explore some of the benefits of privatisation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie opdrag ondersoek die rol van privatisering in die trek van direkte buitelandse beleggings (DBB) in Suid-Afrika en Zambie. Ten einde hierdie doelstelling te kon bereik is 'n literere oorsig van primere en sekondere bronne gedoen. Hierdie studie het bevind dat 'n gunstige beleidsomgewing DBB sal trek. Die skep van 'n beleggings-vriendelike omgewing wat goeie dividende beloof en in Iyn is met die internasionale "regulerende" raamwerk - die Wereldbank se International Finance Corporation (IFC), Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) en World Association of Investment Promotion Agencies (WAIPA) - se vereistes is van kardinale belang. Die Wereld Bank beskou Zambie se privatiseringsprogram as die model program vir Afrika. Suid-Afrika bevind haarself in 'n teenstrydige posisie. Aan die een kant is sy Afrika se voorste ekonomiese moondheid, en aan die anderkant is die programme om haar staatsondernemings te herstruktureer nog in hul kinderskoene. Privatiseringsprogramme in Suid Afrika het tot dusver baie stadig verloop. In 1997 het die regering en ander belanghebbende partye egter privatisering van die grond af probeer kry. Die konklusie is dat beide Suid-Afrika en Zambie daarin geslaag het om DBB te lok met hul privatiseringsprogramme. In beide lande was groot DBB die uitkoms van privatisering. DBB is belangrik om werk te skep, skuld vereffening, bemagtiging, en die oordrag van tegnologie en bestuursvaardighede. Hierdie lande volg egter verskillende benaderings tot die privatiseringsproses. Vanwee die stadige privatiseringsproses in Suid Afrika word die voorstel gemaak dat Suid-Afrika by Zambie leer in hul benadering en ervaring. Dit sal Suid-Afrika toelaat om al die voordele van privatisering te ontdek.
15
Jin, Zhe. „The legal environment of corporate income taxation for FDI in China : policy, changes, risks“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/32138.
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Foreign direct investment (FDI) was unknown to Chinese people before the opening policy in 1979, but since then China's economy has been surging ahead in the past twenty eight years. As one aspect of the FDI policy, I focused on the corporate taxation field to be my research interest, and the topic of my thesis.
In the thesis, the reader will learn how FDI developed in China and degree of FDI development. Also, I provide the reader with China's tax system and policy-oriented in as much detail as possible, most of which is the tax incentive policy towards the FDI in China. However, the policies and incentives raise some issues. As the result of offering FDI tax preference, Chinese government tax revenue as a percentage of GDP has been declining steadily. Problems such as tax avoidance and evasion, and local "fake" FDI entities are getting serious.
The new Corporate Income Tax Law of the People's Republic of China (CIT Law) was passed by the PRC National People's Congress on March 16 2007 and will take effect on January 2008. When China entered into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, compliance with the general rules required China improve its tax system as soon as possible. The CIT law section in the thesis includes the policy-changing behind the legislation and expected influence on the FDI in China in the future. As a result of the changes to be brought about by the CIT Law, foreign and domestic business in China must adapt to the new tax regime, and I offer some recommendations in that regard.Law, Peter A. Allard School of
Graduate
16
Dah, Frederick Kwasi, und Mwinibuobu Sulemana. „The contribution of oil to the economic development of Ghana : the role of foreign direct investments (FDI) and government policies“. Thesis, University West, Division of Business Administration, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-2605.
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Crude oil can attract a lot of investments and development into a country but when not managed well can as well cause a lot of destruction and conflict. Like fire, crude oil is a good servant but can be a bad master too depending on how it is handled. Using Dunning‟s eclectic paradigm, a positive relationship between foreign direct investment and locational attraction was established. Of the two components within the locational attraction, natural resource attracts more foreign direct investment than market size in the case of Africa. It was established through our case study of Angola that oil attracts foreign direct investment because oil is a location attraction which attracts foreign firms. These investments on the other hand contribute to the productive capacity of the receiving country thus stimulating economic development. However, the availability of natural resources (oil) and its ability to attract foreign investment does not guarantee economic development. The establishment of appropriate institutions, mechanisms and policies would ensure efficient use of oil revenue for sustained economic growth. We identified vital policy options (the Fund mechanism and spending rule) available to Ghana , with inference from Norway, which could help evade the „Dutch Disease‟. Oil production could thus attract more foreign direct investment and contribute to the economic development of Ghana only on condition that appropriate oil revenue management policies are implemented.
17
Shayanewako, V. B. „The impact of foreign debt on economic growth in South Africa“. Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1015140.
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This study analyses the economic impact between foreign debt and economic growth in South Africa. By fitting a production function model to annual data for the period 1980-2011, the study examines the dynamic effect of debt service, capital stock and labour force on the economic growth of the country. By following Cunningham (1993), it has identified the long-run and short-run causal relationships among the included variables. The results indicate that the debt servicing burden has a negative effect on the productivity of labour and capital, and thereby affect economic growth adversely. The results also illustrate that the debt service ratio tends to negatively affect GDP and the rate of economic growth in the long-run, which, in turn, reduces the ability of the country to service its debt. Similarly, the estimated error correction term shows the existence of a significant long-run causal relationship among the specified variables. Overall, the results suggest the existence of short-run and long-run causal relationships running from debt service to GDP.
18
Hubbard, Christopher. „From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty“. Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
19
Ilari, Simonetta. „Transnational investment in China: a long march towards integrated global production : a case study of amanufacturing firm in Guangdong Province“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31235852.
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Steinecke, Tim. „National oil companies and state actors : an assessment of the role of Petronas and ONGC in the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India using the example of overseas investments in Sudan and South Sudan“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7765.
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The thesis addresses the role of national oil companies and their overseas engagement in the foreign policy decision-making process of states. Over the past 40 years, national oil companies have gained importance in the international oil industry and currently control around 90 per cent of the global oil reserves. A number of political and economic factors – depleting domestic reserves, economic growth – have resulted in an increasing expansion of Asian national oil companies to Africa. Through the use of two Asian national oil companies – Malaysia's Petronas and India's Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) – and their overseas engagement in Sudan and South Sudan as case studies, the thesis assesses three aspects: factors and motives that influence the relationship between government institutions and Petronas and ONGC, the connection between this domestic relationship and the overseas engagement of both companies, and the implications of the overseas engagement of Petronas and ONGC in both Sudans for the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India. This set of questions is analysed through a comparative case study design that is supported by in-depth interviews and based on Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), proposing a four-level theoretical framework. This thesis thus seeks to demonstrate how FPA can help assess the connection between the domestic decision-making process and the international engagement of the companies. In doing so, it not only argues that process and engagement are in fact connected, but also critically addresses conventional assumptions about the overseas engagement of national oil companies. Furthermore, this thesis questions the idea that government institutions and national oil companies act in a coherent and coordinated manner when operating abroad.
21
Kinuthia, Wanyee. „“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada“. Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
22
Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). „The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia“. 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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23
Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). „The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia / Paul Chapman“. Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21758.
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Pokarier, Christopher James. „Politics of foreign direct investment in Australia, 1960-96“. Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110001.
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Foreign direct investment has played an important role in the Australian economy
yet despite frequent public controversy there is still no general study of the politics
of inward FDI in Australia. This thesis seeks to explain why Australia turned away
from a long-established 'open door' policy towards FDI in the late 1960s only to
liberalise policy again from the mid-1980s and why policy openness varied across
sectors. In doing so the thesis tests the explanatory power of both private and public
interest theories of FDI policy. Both accounts are grounded in a theory of political
markets characterised by information shortages and political entrepreneurialism.
This thesis concludes that Australia's FDI policy during 1960-96 principally
reflected government attempts to make politically optimal compromises between
competing conceptions of the public interest in relation to FDI. Yet rent seeking
was rife and, to some degree, influenced popular and elite perceptions of the public
interest. Liberal business constituencies and the imperative of growth-oriented
policy strategies usually outweighed private interest suppliers of restrictive FDI
policy although periodically the latter did find some influence. Private interests
seeking restrictive policy were helped by shortages of information about the real
costs and benefits of FDI, in the case of the mining industry in particular, and by
popular concern about the cultural consequences of FDI in the case of the mass
media. The public interest politics of FDI policy also proved to be inseparable from
the use of restrictions on FDI as a second best solution to poor regulatory design,
tariff policy and mismanagement of national resources. These findings about the
politics of FDI in Australia suggest that when confronted by a weak economy most
governments will deliver quite liberal policy in practice for all but the most
politically sensitive sectors. The economic costs of economic nationalism may
engender their own political momentum for the liberalisation of FDI policy. Yet the
Australian experience also suggests that governments will be very hesitant to give
up discretionary controls on FDI, such as the Foreign Investment Review Board.
This is because they provide a mechanism for managing politically resilient
economic nationalist sentiment in the electorate and for providing the odd favour to
an influential private interest.
25
Henry, Adam. „Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966“. Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
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The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
26
Seid, Sherif H. „Global regulation of foreign direct investment“. Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147688.
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„State plan vs business realities: a compromise or a good deal : a critical review on development of semiconductor industry in China and technology transfer by foreign direct investment“. 1998. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5889379.
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by Choi Cheong-Wo.Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 103-106).
ABSTRACT --- p.4
TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.5
LIST OF TABLES & CHARTS --- p.7
Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.9
Research Objectives --- p.9
Importance of Research --- p.9
Organization --- p.10
Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- SEMICONDUCTOR INDUSTRY IN CHINA --- p.12
History and Milestone --- p.12
Current State of Affairs --- p.16
Projection towards Year 2000 --- p.21
The goals for the 9th FIVE Year Plan --- p.21
The Changing Tactics --- p.23
Other General Policies --- p.24
Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- GENERAL ANALYSIS --- p.27
Advance of Technology in Semiconductor in China --- p.27
Capability vs Capacity --- p.35
How does the development of the IC industry fair with the state of development of its economy? --- p.36
SWOT analysis on the current Semiconductor Industry in China --- p.38
Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- FOREIGN DIRECT- INVESTMENT IN CHINA AND TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER --- p.42
Economy Evolution in China and Foreign Direct Investment --- p.42
Form of Foreign Direct Investment in China --- p.47
Some practical concerns on licensing arrangement and technology transfer --- p.48
Foreign Direct Investment in the semiconductor industry in China --- p.49
Business realities of Technology Transfer --- p.52
Problem with FDI in China --- p.56
The arts of mating State Plan with Company Objectives --- p.57
Behavior of Transnational Company: A Literature Review --- p.59
Technology Transfer by FDI in China: A Literature Review --- p.65
Technology Transfer by FDI: Lessons to China --- p.67
Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- EXPERIENCES IN SOUTH EAST ASIA --- p.70
Overview --- p.71
Korea --- p.73
The Strategies --- p.73
Success Factors (3) --- p.76
Problems --- p.79
Taiwan --- p.81
The Strategies --- p.81
A Distinguished Success --- p.83
Success Factors (5) --- p.87
Perfect Sailing Ahead …? --- p.90
Lessons for China --- p.91
Chapter CHAPTER 6 --- CONCLUSION --- p.101
BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.103
28
Tarmahomed, Tahira. „The role of investment incentives on foreign direct investment inflows : a Malawian perspective“. Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/2454.
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This study carries forward the exploration of the link between the enactment of the Malawi Investment Promotion Act (1991) and the investment incentives laid out therein, and the level of foreign direct investment to Malawi. In doing so, the study aims to establish the progress that Malawi has made in nurturing an investment climate that is attractive to foreign investors. The respondents were 26 foreign companies that have invested in Malawi following the enactment Investment Promotion Act. All participants completed a self-administered questionnaire covering several attributes pertaining to Malawi's investment environment. Interviews were also conducted with government officials and employees from the Malawi Investment Promotion Agency (MIPA). The data strongly suggest that FDI has contributed to Malawi's economic growth to a certain extent, and that foreign direct investment inflows have risen during the 1990s. However, the results must be viewed within the context of the broader macroeconomic environment. If Malawi is to see any increase in its FDI inflows, an overall strategy is essential to restore macroeconomic conditions that are conducive to growth, to strengthen the legal and regulatory framework for doing business in the country, and improve the infrastructure that supports the economy. Only when the fundamental determinants are attractive enough for investment to be profitable, will investment incentives have any significant effect.Thesis (MBA)-University of Natal, 2003.
29
Broadbent, Stephen J. „Australia's defence export policy“. Master's thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145187.
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30
„1979年迄今廣東外商直接投資的全面思考: 對現有理論的補充“. 1999. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073784.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
李嘉.論文(博士)--香港中文大學, 1999.
參考文獻 (p. 200-224)
中英文摘要.
Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Li Jia.
Lun wen (Bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999.
Can kao wen xian (p. 200-224)
Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
31
Cohen, Jordan Kyle. „Essays on the Effects of Political Institutions on Development Policies“. Thesis, 2015. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8FF3RXW.
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This dissertation examines the relationship between political institutions and development policies across a wide array of policy arenas. It consists of three essays. In the first essay, I examine how corruption in political institutions affects citizens’ attitudes towards proposed policy reforms that should yield long-run benefits. I argue that where corruption in political institutions reduces citizens’ benefits from existing programs, governmental promises to deliver benefits via reforms are less credible. Thus, citizens will cling to inefficient policies not because they are unable to recognize the benefits of reform but because they do not trust political institutions to implement reforms in ways that will benefit them in practice. I use this logic to explain why citizens frequently resist attempts to reform the economically and environmentally costly practice of setting domestic gasoline prices below market prices. To reveal these patterns, I rely on original survey and administrative data from Indonesia. The second essay maintains the focuses on the quality of political institutions and natural resource governance but from a more macro perspective. In this essay, I argue that political regimes and political time horizons shape financial arrangements between governments and multinational oil companies. This essentially asks the reverse of a central question in comparative politics. Rather than asking how oil income affects political institutions, I ask how political institutions motivate politicians to make policy choices that increase or decrease the government’s access to oil income over time. To do so, I utilize an original dataset on financial arrangements between host countries and multinational oil companies, as reflected in historically confidential oil contracts. The final essay travels to a different substantive area of development policy, yet allows for a critical role for political institutions. This essay argues that the relationship between developing country governments and foreign aid donors should be conditional on the quality of political institutions, with aid donors giving countries with institutions better able to commit to selecting policies that promote development wider latitude to direct foreign aid resources towards local priorities. Instead, I find that political and security alliances shape whether donors give developing country governments more “ownership” over aid flows. Overall, the dissertation deepens understanding of the relationship between the quality of political institutions and policies within developing countries, while offering insights into contemporary policy debates about natural resource governance, environmental politics, and development aid.
32
Hackforth-Jones, Simary. „The ALP's foreign policy towards Indonesia 1983-1996 : cooperating for peace?“ Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151221.
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33
MacCallion, Gregory John. „Defining human and national security in military interventions : Australia and Canada in Somalia and Afghanistan“. Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155775.
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Since the introduction of the concept of human security in 1994, debates have raged regarding the definition and applicability of the concept. Proponents of human security have sought to define the concept so that it may be utilised, whereas critics of human security have argued that the concept is too broad and amorphous to be adopted or utilised by states in international relations. This thesis examines two states; Australia, which has never utilised the term, 'human security,' in its declaratory policies; and Canada, a state that, for a time, was one of the most vocal proponents of the concept in its foreign policy statements. The research examines the two countries' military interventions in Somalia (1992-1995 - prior to the introduction of human security as a concept) and Afghanistan (2001-2013 - after the concept's introduction) to establish if, and to what extent, human security featured in and/or shaped their missions. Drawing upon an analysis of Australia's and Canada's declaratory policies and implementation approaches for each mission, this thesis presents a unique analytical framework that assesses the degree of norm internalisation of human security by the two states. It argues that human security is both co-opted and adapted by states in military interventions when the limitation of traditional national security approaches is recognised and when such actions are in alignment with national values. This thesis finds that the core concept of human security can be, and has been, operationalised at the implementation level, regardless of whether the state has a clearly defined declaratory policy of human security or not. Further, states now perceive the core concept of human security as a necessary condition for mission success in military interventions; military security, alone, is no longer enough. The thesis concludes with the argument that, for states, the concept of human security works better in practice (implementation) than it does in theory (declaratory policies). Indeed, when it comes to incorporating the fundamental elements of human security in military interventions, this thesis argues, it is the practices of human security that drives, and helps create, policies based on human security.
34
Chugh, Shrutika. „Regulation, accounting policy and governance : examination of the choice of international stock exchanges for foreign firms“. Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151801.
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This thesis examines the flow of foreign listings across international stock exchanges between 1995 and 2008. Although United States (US) stock exchanges have traditionally been the leading market for foreign listings, European and Toronto stock exchanges have emerged as strong competitors to US stock exchanges. This thesis investigates the role of regulatory, reporting and economic factors in the decision to list in a particular country, and to list on a particular exchange within that country. In addition, this study compares American Depository Receipts (ADRs) and Global Depository Receipts (GDRs) separately for the purpose of raising capital. The results demonstrate that the Sarbanes-Oxley (SOX) Act (2002) has had a negative effect on the probability of foreign firms listing in the United States. However, firms using US generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP) in their accounts are more likely to list on US stock exchanges than on non-US stock exchanges. The thesis presents evidence on clustering by industry and country. The results suggest that regulatory, accounting and governance factors play an important role in a company's decision to list on a competing stock exchange. The results also suggest that foreign firms increasingly opt to list as GDRs on London and Luxembourg stock exchanges rather than as ADRs on US stock exchanges in the post-SOX period. Further, firms from emerging markets prefer to list as GDRs than as ADRs. This thesis provides an understanding of different regulatory regimes for foreign firms choosing to list between alternate exchanges. This thesis also assists regulators in understanding if excessive regulation is contributing to the declining competitiveness of US stock exchanges.
35
Liang, Fuyuan. „From Favourable Treatments to Conflicts: Some Selected Case Studies of Chinese Investments in Australia“. Thesis, 2021. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/43679/.
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A comprehensive and rigid analysis of Chinese investment in Australia for the past four decades is an under-researched topic, though there had been sporadic treatments of this subject matter from the perspective of single institutions in economics, politics, and culture. The neoliberalism era marked a honeymoon between China and Australia, which boosted the Chinese investments in Australia, marked by the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement and the ‘One Belt One Road Initiative’ Agreement, signed by the Victorian Government and the Chinese Development and Reform Commission. Recent years witnessed a deterioration of the Australia and China relationships and the “tit-for-tat” strategies and racism movements which discourage the Chinese investments in Australia.
This study has developed a conceptual framework consisting of economic, political, cultural and institutional factors that may explain the Australian government’s decision of rejecting certain Chinese investments in recent years. Case studies were employed to illustrate the application of the conceptual framework. The findings suggest that the conceptual framework can be utilized to explain why the Australian government rejected certain Chinese investments.
This research aims to analyze the determinants of Australia Government’s rejection of Chinese investment in Australia. Case studies in the field of the Australian mining sector, agriculture and agribusiness, and infrastructure unveil that political distrust towards Chinese investment in Australia is a major source of refusing Chinese investment. This led to continuous reduction of Chinese investment in Australia since 2016. Such political distrust which works against the national interest of the respective countries, may also drive the decline of Chinese investment in Australia.
This research contributes to the literature by examining the factors which lead to the Australian Government’s decision to reject certain Chinese investments based on in depth analysis of case studies. This will be useful for understanding how to enlarge shared interest for policymakers, businessmen and academic researchers.
36
Jaursch, Julian. „U.S. Federal States in Transatlantic Trade and Investment Policy Making: Actors, Access, Aspirations“. Thesis, 2018. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8HD9CB8.
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In their negotiations for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between 2011 and 2016, the European Union and the United States of America (U.S.) aimed to not only reduce tariffs but to also establish regulatory coherence. For the U.S. federal states, the proposed comprehensive deal could offer both possibilities to expand transatlantic trade as well as threats to their legislative authority. This study investigates why and how some states represent their transatlantic trade promotion and trade policy interests despite constitutional limitations, why there is variation regarding these two topics of states’ interest representation and what intergovernmental conflicts arise. Based on original qualitative expert interviews, the analysis shows that U.S. states as noncentral governments are viable actors in transatlantic trade and investment relations. It is evident that a small number of mostly progressive state legislators actively engage U.S. federal and European officials to prevent the loss of state regulatory authority. Regarding the proposed trade deal, interest representation is centered around issues of federalism and sovereignty rather than economic growth opportunities. While trade promotion remains the key driver of states’ overall transatlantic activities, these findings expand our view on states’ international affairs beyond economic development.
37
Herd, Andrew Philip. „Guest workers in the age of globalisation : Australia's 457 visa program“. Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151766.
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Introduced in 1996 by the newly elected Howard Government, the Temporary Business Visas (long stay) Subclass 457 visa has become an important yet controversial element of Australia's migration program. Allowing the temporary migration of workers for a period of between three months and four years, the 457 visa program is based on the need for such workers to be sponsored by an eligible employer while they are in Australia. Criticism of the program has focused on the exploitation and mistreatment of workers that has been uncovered, much of it linked to the uneven power dynamics that exist due to this need for sponsorship. In addition to these controversies, there has been discussion of the program's role in the purported shift away from permanent towards temporary migration and the related influence of globalisation on its development and operation. Acknowledging that there has been debate over the concept of globalisation, this thesis takes a sceptical view of the concept and investigates the claims made by scholars and politicians that the 457 visa program is a response to globalisation. To do this, it measures the program against five criteria for a globalised worker migration program: it is unprecedented; it allows participants to engage in a global labour market; it provides evidence of the decline in the importance of the nation; it shows the diminishing power of the state; and it demonstrates the increasing power of the business community. This thesis finds that while there is superficial evidence suggesting that the 457 visa program is a response to globalisation, as measured by these criteria, a more detailed examination raises considerable doubts over such claims. It is shown that in contrast, an anti-capitalist analysis of the program provides useful insights into its operation. Further, it demonstrates how the concept of globalisation can be used to disguise the growing influence of both the state and the business community while also making it difficult for opponents of the 457 visa program to criticise it.
38
Obazee, Queeneth Ivie. „The role of government policies on the attraction of Foreign Direct Investment to SADC Countries“. Diss., 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26983.
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This dissertation examines the role of government policies in attracting the foreign direct investment (FDI) to SADC countries. To achieve this, the study uses econometric, statistical, and thematic methods within a panel data context and explores means through which SADC countries can attract the FDI. The study covered a panel of 15 SADC countries over the period 1980–2018. FDI is associated with several benefits, particularly in the less developed countries for their investment purposes. However, these less developed countries – including SADC member countries – encounter challenges of attracting FDI despite having abundant natural resources and proposing various regulatory reforms to liberalise their economies.
The empirical approach suggested several ways through which a country can attract FDI. The study found that FDI in SADC is not entirely driven by the presence of natural resources but by other determining factors such as the infrastructure development and economic growth, which proved to be paramount in attracting FDI. Therefore, the study recommends that SADC should not only adopt structural policy reforms that potentially improve trade openness, but also adopt strategic infrastructure development.Business Management
M. Com. (Business Management)
39
Aregbeshola, Rafiu Adewale. „Policy determinants for FDIs in South Africa“. Diss., 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/645.
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The effectiveness of South Africa's policy framework towards attracting FDI has been questionable. Determined to redress the instabilities created by the apartheid regime, the Government of National Unity (GNU) commissioned the Macroeconomic and Research Group (MERG), and charged it to devise appropriate policy reforms and intervention mechanism to address the shortcomings.
This research critically interrogates the effectiveness of government's policy reforms towards attracting FDI, especially the impacts of the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) initiative and the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative of South Africa (ASGISA).
This research concludes that the policy determinants for inflow FDI have been self-defeating. Also, it was found that necessary reforms would have to be conducted to correct some of the shortcomings of the macroeconomic policies, as a way of creating an environment that is capable of attracting greenfield investments (FDI) to South Africa.Business Management
M. Com. (Business Management)
40
Harrington, Christy E. „The Empire Has No Clothes! The Experience of Fiji's Garment Workers in Global Context“. 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/21102.
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41
Kebonang, Zein. „Reinventing African leadership : the case of the New Partnership for Africa's Development and foreign direct investment“. Phd thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151051.
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42
Wagle, Swarnim. „Essays on policy reforms in trade, investment and taxation“. Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151315.
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This thesis consists of three essays on trade, investment, and taxation that are unified by their policy relevance to developing countries. Following an introductory chapter on policy reform, the first essay revisits the institutional determinants of foreign direct investment (FDI) using a comprehensive new data set covering more than 80 countries. It exploits the presence of confirmed zero investment flows between countries to estimate productivity cut-offs of firms that invest abroad profitably. This approach corrects likely biases arising from firm heterogeneity and country selection in a theoretically derived gravity-type model. The analysis finds inward FDI to be highly responsive to cross-country variation in specific institutional provisions, such as arbitration of disputes and legal procedures to establish foreign subsidiaries. The importance of FDI-specific regulations stands out even after controlling for the general quality of institutions. Statutory openness to FDI, however, has no association with actual inflow of investment.
The second essay examines cross-national differences in the survival of exports through the lenses of product, industry, and country characteristics. The estimates are derived from a new application of discrete-time models instead of the continuous-time (Cox) models that are standard in trade duration analysis. The examination of exports originating in more than 100 developing countries covering 4000 products over 12 years shows that export flows are much more fragile than suggested by trade theory. Using new measures of product sophistication and export diversification, the paper finds evidence of information and network externalities that aid export survival. Exports concentrated in a few industries or in a narrow range of destination markets exhibit higher rates of death, whereas export concentration within some industries is positively associated with survival, suggesting a synergistic network effect. The probability of export death decreases with proximity from the capital content of products to the national factor endowment, competitive real exchange rate, and bilateral trade preferences. Further, death rates for dynamic subsets of exports like manufactured components and processed food differ from other products, belying the notion that short durations are necessarily a result of poor exporter capabilities.
The third essay assesses the revenue implications of coordinated tariff and tax reforms. It is shown for a sample of low-income countries over 25 years that they have had a mixed record of offsetting reductions in trade tax revenue, and that Value-Added Tax (VAT) has, at best, played a limited role. The paper then analyzes the specific case of Nepal, using a unique data set compiled from unpublished customs records of imports, tariffs, and all other taxes levied at the border. It estimates changes to revenue and domestic production associated with two sets of reforms: i) proportional tariff cuts coordinated with a strictly enforced VAT; and ii) proposed tariff cuts under a regional free trade agreement. It is shown that a revenue-neutral tax reform is conditional on the effectiveness with which domestic taxes are enforced. Furthermore, loss of revenue as a result of intra-regional free trade can be minimized through judicious use of Sensitive Lists that still cover "substantially all the trade" as required by Article XXIV of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).
43
Anwyl, Ben. „John Howard’s Australia and September 11“. Thesis, 2016. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/33187/.
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The literature on the performance of Australia’s centre-right government led by John Howard (1996-2007) has tended to underplay the role of September 11 in his electoral success. To win four terms of continuous government in the contemporary political scene is, however, no mean feat, ensuring Howard a place in the pantheon of celebrated conservative leaders in the English-speaking world.
Our framework is the celebrated gestalt developed by Fred I. Greenstein to analyse the strengths and weaknesses of each American President. Based on a series of interviews with Howard, the inner sanctum around him, other players in the political scene, and expert commentators, this thesis interrogates the leadership of John Howard in Greenstein’s terms.
Each of the six skills and attributes in the Greenstein typology is viewed in specific ways from the standpoint of the two dozen interviewees. In areas where Howard was in some sense or other deficient or lacking, his experience in government, notably September 11, had a positive effect on his capacity for leadership.
This analysis serves to help us approach the central question of this thesis, namely, what is the role of leader in the formation of a nation’s foreign policy? This question has been debated in the International Relations (IR) field for several generations of scholarship, and is most closely associated with the name of James N. Rosenau.
The case of John Howard in the reformulation of Australian foreign policy in the aftermath of September 11 is an example on the ‘yes’ side of the ledger in that important debate.
Where the Greenstein framework is important is to help us to see that these epochal events in IR can shape leaders as well as be shaped by them.
44
Mkhabela, Mpumelelo Kansas. „South African foreign policy in Africa : the case of South Africa retail multinational corporations“. Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13860.
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The significant role of multinational corporations (MNCs) in the international political
economy necessitates innovative ways to study their activities and relationships with
states. This study, therefore, analyses the foreign policy of the South African
government in Africa during President Thabo Mbeki’s administration – 1999 to 2008
– juxtaposed with the corporate diplomatic strategies of selected retail MNCs. The
MNCs – Shoprite Holdings Limited, Massmart Holdings Limited, Woolworths
Holdings Limited and Pick n Pay Holdings Limited – are treated as actors.
The study uncovers the nature and extent of coalescences and divergences of
strategies between the government and the MNCs. It also finds divergences
between government’s policy pronouncements and interests. For example, the
government’s plan to craft a code of good business practice is found to be in
conflicts with its support for multilateralism. The study lays the basis for a new
model to study diplomatic strategies of firms and governments.Political Sciences
M.A. (International Politics)
45
Thompson, Laura. „The Australian Government, the US alliance, and the Cuban Missile Crisis: A history and policy analysis“. Thesis, 2017. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/35980/.
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In October 1962, the world was brought to the brink of nuclear catastrophe. The Cuban
Missile Crisis marked the closest the United States (US) and the Soviet Union came to
military conflict that might have led to nuclear annihilation during the Cold War. This
thesis investigates the Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis. In doing
so, it makes an original contribution to Australian Cold War history and to the extensive
literature on the crisis.
The Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis is examined in the context of
the Australia-US alliance. A diplomatic history, this thesis relies heavily on declassified
government records from Australian and American archives. Additionally, oral history
interview transcripts, audio-visual materials, Hansard, newspapers, and private
collections, were consulted in order to reconstruct comprehensively Australia’s policy
on this matter and the factors that shaped it.
This thesis examines: Australia’s awareness of the Cuban situation; the Menzies
Government’s policy on the crisis, specifically, factors it considered—and did not
consider—in formulating its policy; and the Government’s immediate implementation
of that policy, including the reactions of some sections of the Australian community to
that policy. It demonstrates that despite limited advance notice and awareness of the
Cuban situation, the Government swiftly declared support for the US in the crisis,
specifically, its resolution to be presented to the United Nations Security Council. It reveals that certain politicians, diplomats, and public servants were concerned about:
Australia’s obligations under the Australia New Zealand United States Security Treaty;
the legality of the US response; the precedent set by the quarantine; the implications of
US policy on the crisis regarding Australian nuclear ambitions; Australia maintaining its
trade relationship with Cuba; and the repercussions the crisis could have on collective
defence arrangements, which Australia relied on for its security. Despite these concerns
and challenges, the Government considered the successful management of the US
alliance paramount in formulating and implementing its policy on the crisis.
46
Stanley, Laura. „Mates and missiles: the Menzies Government and the Cuban Missile Crisis“. Thesis, 2010. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30231/.
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This thesis examines the Menzies Government's response to the Cuban Missile Crisis of
October 1962. This is the first historical investigation of the Crisis in the context of
Australian-American relations. Its primary objective, therefore, is to fill a historiographical
gap in Australia's Cold War history.
47
Munongo, Simon. „The effectiveness of tax incentives in attracting foreign direct investment : the case of the Southern African Development Community“. Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21037.
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The problem of low domestic savings is inherent in most Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries. This has motivated most of the SADC countries to institute policies that seek to attract foreign capital to cover the investment deficit that arises from low domestic savings rates. This study gives robust conclusions on the effectiveness of individual tax incentives commonly used by SADC countries in attracting foreign mobile capital. This study has broadened the dimensions research can take in analysing the contribution of tax incentives to Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows into developing countries. In separating individual tax incentives mainly used in the SADC region the study gives a robust analysis on the impact of each tax incentive on FDI inflows into SADC countries. The tax incentives used in this study are: tax holidays, corporate income tax (CIT), reduced CIT in specific sectors and losses carried forward.
The study also derives data indices for governance, infrastructure and economic policy variables which gives the study clean and reliable data for efficient regression results. These macroeconomic data derivations assist in giving the FDI attraction analysis more variables and well behaved data in drawing conclusions.
Through an analysis and comparison of trends in FDI inflows and stock data in different African regions the study draws important conclusions on the impact of the socio-economic environment in FDI attraction. The study, in consultation with data from the period 2004 to 2013 separates the SADC countries into four panels based on resource richness. Panel 1 includes the resources-rich countries, Panel 2 the resources-poor countries, Panel 3 all SADC countries, except South Africa and Panel 4 all the SADC countries. Each of the estimate models in this study, use individual tax incentives variables to avoid the effects of collinearity between different tax incentives variables and to improve the predictive power of the panel data models. This study derived tax incentives data for individual SADC countries, from Ernst and Young’s worldwide tax data. Regular tax incentives in the SADC are derived from tax holidays, corporate income tax (CIT); losses carried forward and reduced CIT in specific sectors.
This study seeks to achieve two major objectives: firstly, to establish the effectiveness of tax incentives in attracting FDI inflows into SADC countries, and, secondly, to establish other variables that influence FDI inflows into SADC countries. The study estimated four panels for SADC countries, separated according to resource richness. This was done because different types of FDI are dependent on the available resources in developing countries and thus factors that influence the FDI inflows differ according to resource richness. Resource-seeking FDI moves to resources-rich economies, market-seeking FDI goes to economies that have access to larger markets and efficiency-seeking and strategic-asset-seeking FDI move to economies that ensure efficient use of their capital resources. Thus, as expected, factors that attract FDI to countries in the separate panels differ in direction of causality and magnitude of impact.
The study adopts a system Generalised Method of Moments (SYS GMM) methodology to address the problem of endogeneity associated with dynamic panel data models. The estimated results established that tax holidays positively explain FDI inflows in Panel 2. CIT was found to negatively affect FDI inflows into all SADC countries despite their particular category of resource-richness. Losses carried forward are insignificant in all panels and reduced CIT in specific sectors negatively influences FDI inflows in Panel 1 and surprisingly positively influences FDI inflows in Panel 2. The lagged FDI variable shows a positive relationship with current year FDI inflows. The governance index is significant and positively affects FDI inflows in panels 1, 3 and 4. Panel 2 shows a negative relationship between governance and FDI inflows.
Market potential measured by GDP growth rate is insignificantly different from zero in all the four panels in the study and negatively signed, except in models A and C of Panel 2. The stock of infrastructure is significant and negatively signed in all the panels. The log natural resources variable though insignificant in some models, mainly, exhibit a significant and negative effect in most models of the study’s panel estimations. The trade openness variable is positively related to FDI inflows in Panel 1. Panel 2 show negative effects of trade openness to FDI inflows. Financial globalisation significantly impacts positive FDI inflows in all the four panels. The economic policy variable is insignificant in all the four panels of the study, except, in model B of Panel 1 where it is weakly significant at 10% level and negatively signed.
The study concludes that tax incentives are important in FDI attraction in the SADC countries; therefore, an effective tax mix that ensures efficient use of tax incentives is important to ensure sustainable FDI inflows into the region. Good governance is important in the region for FDI inflows to increase. Increasing government rents from natural resources reduces FDI inflows in the SADC.
Previous year flows of FDI are positively related to current year inflows, thus consistent FDI attraction policies in the SADC are important. Infrastructure in the SADC should be consistently improved to ensure suitability with the dynamic nature of foreign investment. Financial markets should be developed to ensure effective flow of capital and growth in economies through more investment.Economics
D. Com.. (Economics)