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1
Cochran, Molly. „Normative theory in international relations : a pragmatic approach /“. Cambridge, UK ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 1999. http://site.ebrary.com/lib/librarytitles/Doc?id=10014908.
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2
Almekrad, Fahed Hamad. „Islam and International Relations“. Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504404.
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This thesis deals mainly with the role of Islam in international relations, which is based on the Qur'an (the revealed book) and the Sunnah (prophetic tradition). The study has used the analytical approach and the interdisciplinary approach to examine and investigate Islamic international relations theories in an attempt to demonstrate that they offer a practical alternative to resolve crises in international relations. This thesis highlights the Islamic alternative in dealing with the major issues in the world today, namely peace, security, balance of power, and co-operation among nations. The thesis, therefore, outlines certain concepts and themes which examine and explore the actual and potential relevance of Islamic law (Shariah) in relation to these issues. The main findings of the thesis include that Islam can indeed play a positive role in the field of international relations and that peace is the role and war the exception in most of the theories of Islamic international relations based on the Qur'an and the Sunnah. Also, the Islamic theory of international relations provides a valuable framework of general application for international order. The concept of community (Ummah( is the most important factor which defines the function of the Islamic state.
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Edelman, Ross David. „Cyberattacks in international relations“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1d71a7a-7680-4f97-b98d-a41a4b484fda.
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New methods of conflict and coercion can prompt tectonic shifts in the international system, reconfiguring power, institutions, and norms of state behavior. Cyberattacks, coercive acts that disrupt or destroy the digital infrastructure on which states increasingly rely, have the potential to be such a tool — but only if put into practice. This study examines which forces in the international system might restrain state use of cyberattacks, even when they are militarily advantageous. To do so I place this novel technology in the context of existing international regimes, employing an analogical approach that identifies the salient aspects of cyberattacks, and compares them to prior weapons and tactics that share those attributes. Specifically, this study considers three possible restraints on state behavior: rationalist deterrence, the jus ad bellum regime governing the resort to force, and incompatibility with the jus in bello canon of law defining just conduct in war. First, I demonstrate that cyberattacks frustrate conventional deterrence models, and invite, instead, a novel form of proto-competition I call ‘structural deterrence.’ Recognizing that states have not yet grounded their sweeping claims about the acceptability of cyberattacks in any formal analysis, I consider evidence from other prohibited uses of force or types of weaponry to defining whether cyberattacks are ‘legal’ in peacetime or ‘usable’ in wartime. Whereas previous studies of cyberattacks have focused primarily on policy guidance for a single state or limited analysis of the letter of international law, this study explicitly relates international law to state decision-making and precedent. It draws together previously disparate literature across strategic studies, international law, and diplomatic history to offer conclusions applicable beyond any single technology, and of increasing importance as states’ dependence on technology grows.
4
Smith, Thomas W. „History and international relations /“. London : Routledge, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37737463v.
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5
Randretsa, Thierry. „Bombardement aérien et norme d’immunité des non-combattants“. Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30071/document.
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Norme séculaire et universelle, l’immunité des non-combattants a été gravement affectée par l’avènement de l’arme aérienne. L’introduction de la troisième dimension dans la guerre a permis d’attaquer des objectifs à l’arrière des lignes de front. Dans le contexte de la guerre totale, le bombardement stratégique a érigé la population et les biens civils en objectifs militaires afin de porter atteinte au moral de la première et de hâter la fin du conflit. Le résultat a été le massacre de millions de civils pour un bilan militaire plutôt mitigé. Ces bombardements tranchent avec la pratique actuelle par laquelle les États-majors s’efforcent de prévenir au maximum les dommages collatéraux. Comment expliquer un tel gouffre dans la manière d’envisager le bombardement aérien ?La population est devenue le centre de gravité des conflits contemporains. Que ce soit dans les interventions humanitaires ou dans la stratégie de la contre-insurrection, il convient de la préserver et de la conquérir sous peine de voir la mission échouer. Cette approche est exacerbée par la géographie moderne de la guerre se déroulant au sein de la population. Elle est compliquée par l’asymétrie morale opposée par les belligérants non-étatiques, se distinguant peu des civils et opérant à proximité ou à l’intérieur de zones peuplées. Dès lors, un paradigme de la modération s’applique aux bombardements aériens poussant parfois le commandement à aller au-delà du droit international humanitaire, là où, pendant une bonne partie du XXème siècle, ils étaient encore soumis au paradigme de la force de la guerre traditionnelleImmunity of non-combatants is a secular and universal norm which has been severely affected by the advent of air power. The introduction of the third dimension in the war led to attack targets behind the front lines. In the context of total war, strategic bombing has elevated population and civilian objects as military targets in order to undermine the morale of the first and hasten the end of the conflict. The result was the massacre of millions of civilians for a military rather mixed record. These bombings contrast with the current practice whereby staffs strive to maximize the prevention of collateral damage. How to explain such a gap in the approach of aerial bombardment?The population has become the center of gravity of contemporary conflicts. Whether in humanitarian interventions or in counter-insurgency, it should be preserved and conquered in order to avoid mission failure. This approach is exacerbated by modern geography of the war taking place within the population. It is complicated by the moral asymetry of the non-state belligerents, who are not very distinguished from civilians. Furthermore, they operates near or within populated areas. Therefore, a paradigm of moderation applies to aerial bombing, sometimes pushing the command to go beyond the international humanitarian law. For much of the twentieth century, they were still subject to the paradigm of the strength of the traditional war
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Dhillon, Nancy. „Morgenthauian realism and international relations“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ59715.pdf.
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Bacon, Paul. „Liberalism, community and international relations“. Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298098.
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Savage, Michael. „Sovereignty and international relations theory“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14460.
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Čepilová, Barbora. „Failed States in International Relations“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18244.
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The aim of the work Failed States in International Relations is the examination of this phenomenon regarding the terminological discrepancy, causes of the state fragility, security and social aspects and the various attitudes from the side of the international communities. A special part is dealing with so called "successfully failed states" where despite the obvious non-functioning the state is able to survive due to the revenues from the natural resources. The ?ndings are represented on the case study of the Democratic Republic of the Congo - a country with huge potential but miserable performance by now.
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Dedrick, John Robert. „Gramsci and International Relations Theory“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1988. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625465.
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Juchs, Geoffrey. „Les relations de voisinage en droit international“. Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010286.
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Partant du constat qu'il n'est plus possible de se limiter à un cadre strictement interétatique et à des espaces limités, les relations de voisinage seront présentées comme fragmentées. Celles-ci se caractérisent par leur diversité tant au niveau des acteurs que des espaces considérés procédant à une distorsion de la contiguïté. Le cadre géographique sera également dépassé par le concept de bon voisinage. D'autre part, les relations de voisinage se dilueront dans un droit évolutif allant au-delà du simple stade de l'opposition entre le principe de souveraineté territoriale absolue et d'intégrité territoriale absolue. Elles se construisent sur un équilibre impliquant notamment d'analyser l'interdiction de causer des dommages significatifs et l'utilisation équitable et raisonnable des ressources mais également en adoptant une approche plus large qu'est celle de la coopération internationale dans son acception procédurale. Par ailleurs les relations de voisinage se trouveront banalisées dans le cadre de la responsabilité internationale et spécialement de la responsabilité internationale pour les conséquences préjudiciables découlant d'activités qui ne sont pas interdites par le droit international. De son côté la jurisprudence internationale laissera apparaître une indistinction du contentieux vicinal tandis que l'on assiste à un phénomène d'internalisation des différends vicinaux dont la mise en perspective temporelle illustrera une certaine circularité.
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Amar, Bintou Marthe. „L'organisation internationale non gouvernementale entre relations internationales et droit international : étude d'impact d'un point de vue normatif“. Toulouse 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2011TOU10037.
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L'évolution significative des relations internationales contemporaines a favorisé l'émergence des organisations internationales non gouvernementales (OING) sur la scène internationale aux côtés des Etats et des organisations internationales gouvernementales. Force est cependant de constater que leur existence n'a pas été prise en compte par les relations internationales et le droit international à travers une définition et un régime juridiques uniformes. Nonobstant leur nature juridique privée et leur défaut de personnalité juridique internationale, les OING se sont peu à peu imposées sur la scène internationale comme des acteurs atypiques des relations internationales à défaut d'être des sujets reconnus par le droit international. L'analyse de leur apport au droit international humanitaire et au droit international des droits de l'homme vise à étudier, sur le plan juridique, si leur participation au processus d'élaboration et de mise en œuvre de la norme internationale a quelque peu bouleversé l'ordonnancement juridique international. Au regard de leur force de proposition et leur expertise juridique dans les fora de négociation internationale à l'occasion de la formation du droit international, leur contribution active au contrôle politique et juridictionnel du respect du droit international sans oublier leur capacité à mobiliser l'opinion publique pour faire pression sur les Etats, il est désormais avéré que les OING sont devenues des interlocuteurs majeurs des acteurs classiques des relations internationales. Pour incontournable qu'il soit, leur rôle dans le processus normatif international n'a cependant pas affecté le pouvoir normatif international qui demeure à ce jour la "chasse gardée" des Etats et accessoirement des organisations internationales gouvernementalesThe impressive evolution of international relations during the recent years has reinforced the NGOs' role on the international scene, along with states and intergovernmental organizations. However, neither International Relations nor International Law are able to offer a definition and a clear description of their legal status. Despite the lack of legal personality, NGOs have asserted themselves as original actors in the international field. This study outlines the process of their contribution to international humanitarian law and to international law of human rights ; it discusses the impact of their participation on the international legal order. Due to their great power of proposal and their recognized legal expertise on the occasion of the training of the international law, NGOs are now major contributors to international fora, through contributions to international control and judicial procedures, and ability to mobilize public opinions. This increasing influence on international relations and law do not, yet, affect the normative power of states and intergovernmental organizations
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Bencheikh, Noureddine. „L'arbitrage dans les relations commerciales internationales de l'algerie“. Le Mans, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992LEMA0004.
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L'idee que l'algerie serait fondamentalement hostile a l'arbitrage international est apparue et s'est repandue au point de paraitre definitivement acquise. La malheureuse experience arbitrale petroliere que l'algerie a connu y a grandement contribue. Cependant, cette hostilite apparente etait dementie par une pratique contractuelle constante des conventions d'arbitrageThe opinion that algeria is basically opposed to international arbitration has apprered and spread so that it seems definitly accepted. Arbitration has the unsuccessful pertroleum trade arbitration that algeria experienced has greatly contributed to the opinion. However, this apparent opposition was refuted by a constant contractualy of arbitration convention pratice
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Tukan, Lina. „Equité et nouvel ordre économique international“. Nice, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986NICE0024.
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La revalorisation de la notion d'équité, nettement apparente dans le contexte de l'instauration d'un nouvel ordre économique international, s'insère dans un effort de moralisation du droit international. L'équité n'apparait plus comme un simple facteur utilisé par le juge dans le processus d'application du droit ; elle est invoquée au niveau de la definition des règles juridiques et inspire l'élaboration de nouvelles normes ou la transformation d'anciennes normes en vue d'introduire plus de justice dans les relations internationales. Dans l'optique du nouvel ordre international, la signification de l'équité s'apparente aussi a l'idée de justice distributive. L'intégration de l'équité au droit positif, comme dans le cadre du nouveau droit de la mer ou de la succession d'Etats, produit des "standards" flexibles pouvant s'adapter a une variété de situations faisant corps avec la règle de droit, l'équité permet de consacrer une solution individualisée à chaque cas concret et constitue un véhicule permettant aux idées evolutives de justice de s'inflitrer dans le droit positif. L'invocation constante de l'équité dans des résolutions d'organisation internationales constate une rupture entre la légalite en vigueur et la légitimité et déconsidère les règles jugées injustes. La délégitimisation de ces règles peut eventuellement conduire a leur abrogation. S'opposant par définition à l'idée d'abstraction et se présentant comme une protestation contre la généralité de certaines règles, l'équité prend la forme d'une égalité proportionnelle et justifie un traitement différencié des pays en developpement. En tant qu'application des idees de la justice distributive, l'équité compensatrice fonde le principe du traitement préférentiel en faveur de ces pays. L'équité inspire le régime du patrimoine commun de l'humanité : partage équitable des avantages de la zone et de la lune, accès équitable à l'utilisation du spectre des fréquences et de l'orbite privilégiée. Sur le plan institutionnel, l'équité s'est traduite par une dissociation partielle entre la contribution financière et le pouvoir de décision dans les institutions du nouvel ordre (fida, fonds commun) et par l'institution de mécanismes tendant à promouvoir des termes de l'échange plus justes et équitables.
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Tabournel, Jean-Simon. „Nouvel ordre économique international et pouvoir“. Paris 2, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA020113.
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Le projet de nouvel ordre economique international (noei) tente de rebatir, a partir de la reconnaissance d'interets mutuels, des relations fondees jusqu'ici sur les rapports de force et la logique des interets divergents. L'hypothese est que cette pretention a proposer une nouvelle cybernetique internationale a ete combattue par les forces dominantes parce qu'elle a heurte de front le systeme mondial actuel dont la crise cache en realite un redeploiement geographique, politique et technologique fondamental. La demonstration est menee en trois parties, dans une approche machiavelienne. La premiere partie montre comment l'ideologie des classes dirigeantes mondiales dont le paradigme de reference est la transnationalite, impose un modele de developpement extraverti, qui fragilise l'ensemble des partenaires. C'est cette logique globale que conteste le projet de noei. La deuxieme partie presente le contenu du noei, qui, au travers des diverses perceptions que les protagonistes en ont (bouleversement pour les uns, offre de cooperation pour les autres) constitue une doctrine de nationalisme socio-economique voulant concilier la croissance economique et la couverture des besoins essentiels des populations; la dimension mythique du noei apparait, en termes d'ethno-psychiatrie, comme un phenomene de compensation et de sublimation, mais egalement comme un projet contre-utopique. La troisieme partie demonte les mecanismes de destruction du projet de noei: d'abord, des utopies de recuperation et des critiques doctrinales font voir la nocivite du projet, et son caractere "semi-socialiste"; ensuite, les etats des tiersmondes sont intrinsequement incapables de porter la dynamique globale du projet de noei; enfin, les tiers-mondes sont reduits a un terrain de parcours par la geopolitique et la geostrategie des deux super-grands et sont considerablement affaiblis par les strategies multinationales. Le projet de noei est lamine par la logique du capitalisme transnationalBased on the acknowlegement of mutual interests, the project for a new international economic order is an attempt at establishing a new type of relationships hitherto lying on the balance of power and the logic of conflicting interests. The hypothesis is that this claim to put forward new international cybernetics has been resisted by the ruling powers because it went against the current world system whose state of crisis helps indeed to hide geographical, political and technological basic redeployment. The demonstration, which falls into three parts, follows a machiavelian approach. The first part shows how the ideology of the world governing classes, whose paradigm of reference is transnationality, imposes a type of outward development weakening all the partners; such is the global logic which is challenged by the nieo project. The second part expounds the contents of the nieo which, through the various perceptions of the protagonists - upheaval for some, offer of cooperation for others - make up a doctine of socio-economic nationalism whose ambition is to reconcile economic growth and provision of the essential needs of the populations. The mythical dimension of the nieo project can be viewed, in terms of ethno-psychiatry, as a phenomenon of compensation and sublimation, and also as a counter-utopian project. The third part highlights the process of destruction of the nieo; first the noxiousness of the project and its "semi-socialist" character are exposed through doctrinal criticism and utopias that take over part of its contents, then the third-world states are intrinsically unable to sustain the overall dynamic of the nieo project. Eventually, the third world countries are brought into line by the geographical and geostrategical requirements of the two superpowers and are considerably weakened by the policies of multinational firms. The nieo project is wrecked by the logic of transnational capitalism
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Bhagat, Rahul N. „Indo-U.S Relations“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1988. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625468.
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17
Kleiner, Caroline. „La monnaie dans les relations privées internationales“. Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010289.
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La monnaie est le medium des échanges internationaux par excellence. Au confluent du droit public et du droit privé, la monnaie, utilisée dans les relations privées internationales, perturbe les mécanismes traditionnels de droit international privé. La notion de monnaie est double en droit : elle renvoie au principe abstrait, élément organisationnel d'une société et signifie également un bien, un avoir concret. Cette dualité du concept de monnaie peut être affinée, dans la perspective du droit international privé, en trois éléments. La monnaie se définit comme un phénomène, composé d'une unité monétaire, référent de valeur qui sert à évaluer les obligations libellées en argent et d'un pouvoir monétaire, qui donne à la monnaie sa force légale, incorporé dans un support monétaire, qui peut être matériel (monnaie fiduciaire) ou immatériel (écriture sur un compte). Cette redéfinition de la monnaie donne de nouvelles clés d'analyse justifiant l'intervention de différents ordres juridiques dès lors qu'une monnaie est présente dans une relation juridique internationale. Chacun de ces éléments peut en effet théoriquement relever d'un ordre juridique différent, désigné en vertu d'une méthode particulière, en fonction de la nature juridique de l'objet qu'il régit. Elle ouvre la voie à de nouvelles solutions en droit international privé, tant en ce qui concerne les problèmes liés aux fluctuations monétaires (problématique de la «monnaie de compte») que Jes difficultés suscitées par les paiements monétaires internationaux (<< monnaie de paiement»).
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Dumitrascu, Radu. „Corporate-adaptation in international public relations“. Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3156.
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Thesis (M.A.)--George Mason University, 2008.Vita: p. 72. Thesis director: Tim Gibson. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Communication. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed July 18, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-71). Also issued in print.
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Stumpf, Christoph Martin Adam. „Hugo Grotius' theology of international relations“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423338.
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Heath, Amelia. „Reconsidering E.H.Carr and International Relations Theory“. Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.519464.
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Wheatley, Ricardo. „African international relations: A metafunctional approach“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2011. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/254.
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This study examines the descriptive utility of a meta-theoretical approach over the traditionally applied general theory approach to African International Relations. It argues in favor of the meta-theoretical approach commonly employed in US foreign policy studies as yielding greater explanatory capacity to describing the behavior and relations of the African state than traditional approaches based on a single primary determinant. It suggests that a multiple primary determinant approach to assessing African state behavior and relations grants greater theoretical and empirical parallels to state and system structure and behavior than analysis based on a single determinant.
This study builds a meta-theory of International Relations (metafunctionalism) by which to assess African state behavior and relations utilizing the most commonly applied and descriptive conventional and non-conventional theories within the discipline. Metafunctionalism combines multiple theoretical approaches while negating the contradictions between them that would limit their relative explanatory capacity. It employs the theories of functionalism, evolution, realism, liberalism, neomarxism(international class theory). The presentation of a metafunctional model of African International Relations will provide an alternative lens by which to view African state behavior and relations and address the fundamental problems of “description” and “consensus” within African political discourse.
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Jaggard, Lyn Denise. „Germany's international relations of climate change“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420403.
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Maslo, Ron. „The Armenian Diaspora Influencing International Relations“. Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43342.
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This thesis explores the Armenian diaspora’s behavior concerning the issue of recognition of the Armenian genocide through lobbying within the US and EU. The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to grasp a deepened understanding of diasporic lobbying, while focusing on the Armenian case, as a case enabling further scholarly deepening for the field of IR. In order to achieve an understanding of the Armenian diaspora, the appropriated behavior through lobbying and the trajectorial changes concerning the recognition of the Armenian genocide, the paper puts forward historical process tracing, comparative research and qualitative content analysis. These methods are utilized as a means for tracing the events contributing to the construction of the diaspora. They also establish the lobby’s influence on ‘host-states’ and the understanding of internalized norms granting policy changes for the cause of recognizing the Armenian genocide, this is done through the concepts of identity, norms and recognition.
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Kvašňák, Daniel. „Reflection of "otherness" in international relations“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264255.
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The current migration crisis has put significant strain on the European Union and its member states. Immigration has always been a contentious issue in societies, most often facing significant opposition. By drawing on postmodern theories of international relations and Discourse Theory, this paper analyses how immigration is being increasingly securitized by the European Union and its member states along with what makes securitization the hegemonic discourse. This is done primarily with reference to identity construction through the framing of the Other, in this case the migrant, as an unwanted and externalized element. Furthermore, the paper details how the framing of the migrant as a threat to the internal security of a country strenghtend identity politics across Europe. Finally, using the Brexit campaign in the UK, the paper analyzes how the rise in identity politics in turn raises the possibility of a successful fusion of the anti-immigration discourse with the anti-EU discourse through the exploiting of societal unease.
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Fekete, Florian. „Civil-military relations : enhancing international security“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FFekete.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Karen Guttieri. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-70). Also available online.
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Ancieta, Soria José Luis. „Les relations internationales chileno-boliviennes au regard du droit international public contemporain“. Paris 2, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA020057.
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Cette these porte une etude exhaustive sur les relations internationales chileno-boliviennes depuis l'independance nationale de chacun de ces pays jusqu'a nos jours. La premiere partie comporte une etude chronologique des evenements politiques et juridiques entre les deux etats. Les traites, dans leur generalite ambigus et imposes par le chili, profiterent inevitablement a la relance expansionniste de ce dernier sur les territoires boliviens, jusqu'a l'occupation totale de la facade maritime de la bolivie en 1879 confirmee par le traite de 1904. La deuxieme partie porte sur les differents tentatives de solution au handicap geographique de la bolivie, dans le cadre a la fois politique et juridique. Des propositions et contrepropositions, des compensations territoriales et non territoriales; et finalement les prises de positions par les dirigeants politiques de la bolivie. Ces deux parties sont largement illustrees par des cartes specialement consacrees a cette etude. Quant a la troisieme partie, c'est une analyse strictement juridique sur les relations bilaterales des deux pays, en particulier sur la base des arts. 46 a 53, 64 et 71 de la convention de vienne de 1969 sur le droit des traites.
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Chavagneux, Christian. „Analyser les organisations économiques internationales (Fonds Monétaire International-Banque mondiale-Banque des règlements internationaux) : une approche en termes déconomie politique internationale“. Paris 10, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA100106.
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Les organisations économiques internationales (OEI) sont présentées comme des institutions techniques, évoluant dans un monde où les rapports de force sont absents. L'objet de ce travail a été de montrer que cette dichotomie entre l'économique et le politique n'est pas représentatif du fonctionnement des OEI. Il a été mis en évidence que : les OEI sont placées au coeur de l'expression des asymétries de pouvoir entre acteurs étatiques. Elles reflètent également, résultat plus original, les rapports de forces entre acteurs privés et leurs asymétries qu'elles contribuent, comme pour les Etats, à entretenir. Elles s'inscrivent dans les processus de la répartition du pouvoir tel qu'il s'exerce dans l'économie mondiale, en participant aux basculements d'autorité entre acteurs étatiques et acteurs privés - au bénéfice de ces derniers. Elles contribuent aussi de manière paradoxale au dévéloppement de zones sans règle, en particulier dans la finance mondiale ; on a pu confirmer aussi leur capacité d'action politique autonome, en la caractérisant de plusieurs manières : sur les pays en développement, en tant qu'acteurs des dynamiques inetrnes de légitimisation politique des Etats, même si cela ne procède pas d'une stratégie délibérée, et dans le choix des moyens financiers qu'elles décident de mettre à leur disposition ; dans la concurrence qu'elles se livrent pour l'élargissement de leur champ d'intervention. Ces résultats nécéssitent de repenser les outils méthodologues qui permettent d'appréhender l'action des OEI. On montre que les approches d'Economie Politique Internationale, telles qu'elles ont été initiées et développées par Susan Strange, fournissent un cadre approprié car elles proposent des méthodes qui permettent d'associer les moyens d'analyse de la science économique et de la science politique. Ce travail s'inscrit dans le cadre de ces approches et propose une économie politique internationale des OEI.
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Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim. „International Relations Theory And The International Relations Of The Middle East: A State Of The Field Study“. Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610244/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY AND THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE MIDDLE EAST: A STATE OF THE FIELD STUDY
Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim
M.Sc., Department of International Relations
Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Meliha AltuniSik
January 2009, 82 pages
This thesis analyzes the level of interaction between International Relations theories and the literature on the international relations of the Middle East. The disciplines- area studies controversy is analyzed in a way to account for the low level of cooperation between International Relations as an academic discipline and Middle East studies. The thesis looks into the literature in order to demonstrate to what extent developments in International Relations theories informed the study of the international relations of the Middle East. The thesis emphasizes the need for a normative/ critical aprroach in order to overcome the bridge beween these fields caused by epistemological and methodological as well as by the political economy of scholarship informed by ideological rivalries.
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Ehata, Rebecca. „Migrant belonging in international relations : tracing the reflection of international relations' autochthonous foundations in British housing discourse“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/migrant-belonging-in-international-relations-tracing-the-reflection-of-international-relations-autochthonous-foundations-in-british-housing-discourse(5b2a1e18-2aca-4135-a4aa-9c17455489c5).html.
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Why is International Relations (IR) silent on the issue of belonging? Conventional IR appears to be prevented from engaging with the concept of belonging by the inside-outside ontology on which it draws and its assumption of a foundational difference between inside and outside, which are understood to be neatly separated and mutually exclusive. Since belonging describes the relationship between individuals and the community and community is restricted to the inside sphere, it is beyond conventional IR’s remit. In its silence and relegation of belonging to the inside, however, we see the traces of what amounts to an implicit discourse of belonging. The concept of autochthony appears to offer a mirror-image reflection of conventional IR’s assumptions about belonging. Autochthony discourse also sees belonging as strictly limited to the community located on the inside of the binary, and here too the demarcation of inside from outside is considered to be foundational. As such, autochthony seems to provide a credible approximation of what IR’s implicit discourse of belonging might look like, if made explicit. The migrant represents a dislocatory figure for both of these accounts of belonging and the inside-outside ontology on which they are grounded. Where does she belong in an inside-outside configuration of the social? Moreover, as a marker of the outside but located on the inside, she contradicts the idea that the two spheres are separate and exclusive. Using British housing discourse as an example of an active discourse of autochthony, this thesis explores the puzzle of how migrants and the questions which they raise about the location of belonging are dealt with in an inside-outside discourse. The thesis generates three key findings which have relevance for conventional IR theorising. Firstly, the account of belonging which autochthony discourse produces is partial, impoverished and highly exclusionary. In this account, migrants represent the ultimate outsider. Secondly, the analysis demonstrates the impossibility of finalising the separation of inside from outside. Attempts to differentiate between the two require ongoing political interventions, which refutes the notion of foundational difference. Finally, in the absence of a foundational difference between inside and outside, IR needs to engage with the concept of belonging, since its continued silence seems to endorse an autochthonous discourse and the exclusionary politics of belonging which that entails.
30
Büge, Max. „Three essays on institutions and international economic relations“. Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0024.
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L'objectif de cette thèse est d'évaluer empiriquement l'impact de différents cadres institutionnels sur le commerce transfrontalier et l'investissement direct. La thèse se compose de trois essais. Dans le premier essai, j’analyse les répercussions de l'incertitude institutionnelle sur le commerce international. Les résultats impliquent que l'incertitude institutionnelle a un impact négatif, qui est significatif et robuste, sur les volumes d'échanges commeciales. Le deuxième et le troisième chapitre de la thèse portent sur des types particuliers de contrats entre des nations souveraines qui régissent leurs relations économiques: les accords commerciaux préférentiels et des traités bilatéraux d'investissement. L'objectif du deuxième essai est de tester l'hypothèse selon laquelle un accord commercial préférentiel accroît l'investissement bilatéral de ses membres. Econométriqument, je trouve un effet fort et robuste qui confirme cette hypothèse (pour les pays développés et les pays en voie de développement). Basé sur les résultats du deuxième chapitre, je teste dans un troisième essai si un traité bilatéral d'investissement entre un pays en voie de développement et un pays développé influence les flux commerciaux des partenaires, mais un effet empirique des traités bilatéraux d'investissement sur le commerce s’éffond quand l’exogénéité stricte est prise en compteThe objective of this PhD thesis is to to empirically assess the impact of different institutional frameworks on cross-border trade and direct investment. The thesis consists of three substantive essays. In the first essay, I analyze the repercussions of institutional uncertainty on international trade. The results imply that institutional uncertainty has a significant and robust negative impact on trade volumes. The second and the third chapters of the thesis focus on particular types of contracts among sovereign nations that govern their economic relations: preferential trade agreements and bilateral investment treaties. The objective of the second essay is to test the hypothesis that a preferential trade agreements increases the bilateral investment of its members and I find a strong and robust effect (for developed and developing countries alike). Based on the results of the second chapter, I test in a third essay whether a bilateral investment treaty between a developing and a developed country influences the partners’ trade flows, but the empirical effect of bilateral investment treaties on trade collapses once strict exogeneity is accounted for
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Ancieta, Soria J. Luis. „Les Relations internationales chileno-boliviennes au regard du droit international public contemporain“. Lille 3 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37595455n.
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Lee, Jyung-yi. „Self and other relations in international relations : the case of Taiwan“. Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.502168.
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This thesis aims to bring poststructuralist discourse theory to both International Relations (lR) and the study of national identity in Taiwan. The unification/independence problematique in Taiwan is conceptualised as two responses to the ordering of the modern political world. As such, while identity formation and contestation take place mostly at the domestic level, they nevertheless involve an international dimension, as the sense of Self that any political community assumes only has its meaning in the presence of the Other. To study the dynamics of identity construction, this thesis takes Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory (1985) as the framework, as it provides strong explanatory powers and valuable implications to the worldwide problem of identity and difference, of which the Taiwan case is one example. This thesis takes 'democracy', 'history- culture', and 'economic development' as three case studies. The exercise of democracy has generated a sense of Self amongst Taiwan people, but it also makes possible social relations to be reorganised in a dichotomised way, rendering the relationship between unification and independence one of enmity. In the cultural domain, the belief of China as an ancient, continuous and homogeneous cultural entity, a view first generated in China's encounter with the West in the modem era and then promoted by the nationalist government (the KMT), constitutes 'Chinese/ness' as a major source of cultural representation, and hinders alternative discourse(s). In the economic domain, Taiwan's economic achievements have made 'development' a way of self-labelling and an incontestable quest. This provides the unification discourse an external reason for integrating with China, and constraints the independence one to argue otherwise but to resort to ideas of security and autonomy. Finally, it is argued that the binary logic of unification and independence is an instance of undecidability, which calls for making ethico-political judgements that are always provisional.
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Klykova, Ekaterina. „Security in International Relations: International cooperation to prevent non-states threats“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197216.
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Thesis is focusing on the analysis of the situation in Syria in the period since 2011 till present times. First part will present main theoretical thoughts on the international security such as Realist school, Liberalist school, Human and Collective security concepts and the most modern theoretical school of security- Copenhagen school. That was done in case to have a clear notion of the international security development and to chose the one theory which will reflect the best the situation in Syria. In the practical part I analyzing the actions and inter actions of the main international security actors, such as United Nations plus important actors in the region of the Middle East -- Arab League, and of course Syrian government and opposition. Also I will try to apply Copenhagen school of Security on the Syrian situation and to find out if that theory is good or not for that kind of analysis. After browsing actions taken by actors and opposition in the conclusion I found out that nowadays international security system cannot be called very successful and that Copenhagen school of Security its good explanatory theory but it pretty useless in case of conflict resolution.
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Mekki, Rabiâa. „Comportement stratégique des firmes et commerce international“. Le Mans, 2005. http://cyberdoc.univ-lemans.fr/theses/2005/2005LEMA2001.pdf.
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Dans un environnement international marqué par l’incertitude, l’intensification de la concurrence, la dynamique de la technologie et l’ouverture croissante des économies, les firmes (nationales ou multinationales) connaissent un accroissement significatif de leurs rôles et de leurs activités. Dans ce contexte, cette thèse vise à analyser, en terme théorique et empirique, les interactions complexes qui existent entre les stratégies des firmes et le commerce international. La première partie de la thèse s'attache à étudier deux volets des stratégies des firmes, à savoir la différenciation et la localisation. Le modèle théorique proposé dans le deuxième chapitre est relatif à une concurrence par les prix en présence d'une différenciation verticale des produits dans des économies fermées qui s'ouvrent à l'échange. Par ailleurs, le quatrième chapitre analyse au moyen d'un modèle économétrique, la relation entre les investissements directs étrangers et le commerce dans le cas des industries manufacturières tunisiennes. Les résultats de nos estimations montrent une relation de la complémentarité entre les IDE et les échanges commerciaux de ces industries ainsi qu'une forte spécificité sectorielle de cette relation. La deuxième partie de la thèse examine quant à elle le lien entre la libéralisation des échanges et des flux d'IDE et les conditions concurrentielles des firmes. Ce lien est relatif à l'impact de cette libéralisation sur les structures productives des firmes et particulièrement sur la productivité du marché du travail et sur la dynamique technologique. Le modèle économétrique développé dans le sixième chapitre mesure l’impact de la libéralisation des échanges et de l’entrée des IDE sur les salaires, l’emploi et la productivité apparente du travail des industries manufacturières tunisiennes. Enfin, nous proposons dans le huitième et dernier chapitre, un modèle économétrique qui explore l'interaction entre l’ouverture internationale, la présence étrangère et la productivité du travail dans le cas des industries manufacturières marocainesThe thesis proposes to examine a relatively wide set of issues concerning the interrelation between firms' strategic behaviour and different dimensions oftheir econornic performance in alternative international economic settings. The initial theoretical modeling and subsequent empirical analysis constitute two relatively distinct avenues of research inquiry. The latter is applied to test econometrically a series of questions relating to the interrelation between trade, foreign direct investment, employment and productivity, using panel data for Tunisia and Morocco. The initial, but somewhat distinct, theoretical work considers a specifie set of issues relating to the role of vertical and horizontal differentiation, (respectively, in terrn of quality and varieties), for explaining the strategies and performance of firms under autarchy and international trade
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Mekki, Rabiâa Abdel Rahman Kamal. „Comportement stratégique des firmes et commerce international“. [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2005. http://cyberdoc.univ-lemans.fr/theses/2005/2005LEMA2001.pdf.
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Alonso, Marquis Martine. „Sociologie de la reconnaissance internationale d'Etat : deux siècles d’évolutions et de transformations“. Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0035.
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Chaque acteur d’une société élabore des stratégies pour obtenir l’approbation et la reconnaissance de ses pairs. En fonction de son niveau d’approbation, un acteur déduit son rôle et sa place au sein de la société. Cette thèse entreprend de répondre à une série de questions suscitées par la transposition de l’important constat ci-dessus à une problématique aux implications globales : la reconnaissance est un processus indispensable pour la stabilisation des relations internationales, notamment au regard de ses conséquences. Mais contrairement aux analyses qui en ont été faites jusqu’à présent, elle ne peut être uniquement envisagée dans sa dimension politico-juridique, c’est-à-dire en opposant règle de droit et pratiques des états. La reconnaissance est un « fait social total » de l’arène des relations internationales. S’inspirant des traditions sociologiques durkheimiennes et éliasiennes, cette thèse tente de démontrer dans quelle mesure les évolutions et transformations au sein de ce que nous considérons comme une « institution de la reconnaissance », reflètent les mutations globales de l’espace des relations internationales. Ainsi, notre thèse entreprend de déconstruire le processus de reconnaissance pour en proposer une lecture alternative et une compréhension nouvelle, plus proche de la réalité sociale internationale. Partout dans le monde, dans un système international de plus en plus basé sur la compénétration des sociétés, on observe une exposition importante des attentes et des demandes de reconnaissance, celles-ci étant sources de tensions et de conflits. Les changements systémiques du siècle dernier sont la cause d’insatisfaction des sociétés et acteurs qui sont exclus du jeu international. Le déni de reconnaissance peut entrainer des conséquences profondément négatives et nous oblige donc à prendre également en compte dans notre analyse les dimensions éthiques de la reconnaissanceEach actor of a society develops strategies for approval and recognition from his peers. Depending on this level of approval, an actor deduces his role and place in society. This thesis sets out to answer a series of questions raised by the transposition of the important observation made above, an issue with global implications: recognition is an essential process for the stabilization of international relations, particularly with regard to its consequences. But unlike the analysis that have been made so far, it cannot only be considered in its political and legal dimension, that is to say, as something between law and state practice. We want to differentiate ourselves from the dichotomous view that has dominated so far the study of recognition. Recognition is a "total social fact" in the arena of international relations. Inspired by the sociological traditions of emile durkheim and norbert elias , this thesis attempts to demonstrate how developments and transformations in what we consider to be an "institution of recognition" reflects the overall changes in the area of international relations. Thus, our thesis attempts to deconstruct the recognition process to propose an alternative reading and a new, closer understanding of international social reality. Around the world, in an international system increasingly based on the interpenetration of societies, an important exhibition of expectations and demands for recognition are observed, they are sources of tension and conflict. Systemic changes in the last century are the cause of dissatisfaction among societies and stakeholders who are excluded from the international game. The denial of recognition can lead to profoundly negative consequences and therefore requires us to also take into account in our analysis the ethical dimensions of recognition
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Chen, Lih-torng. „Taiwan's international status“. Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319663.
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Potter, Philip Barton Key. „Soft interdependence and international conflict“. Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1970606971&sid=4&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Schoeman, Jacobus. „International relations and change : a Kuhnian interpretation /“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/248/.
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Sezenler, Olcay. „Religion In International Relations And Interfaith Dialogue“. Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12611683/index.pdf.
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Religion was regarded as a marginal factor by scholars of International Relations for a long time. The main reason for this ignorance is that the discipline of International Relations has followed the major paradigm - secularization thesis - in social sciences until recently. This resulted in ignorance of religion as an explanatory factor in International Relations. However, this situation has recently started to change. Beginning from 1990s, the role of religion in international relations has started to be reexaminedand secularization theory has started to be criticized. On the other hand, religion has started to be regarded as a tool for peacebuilding, at the same time. In addition to its contribution to conflicts and wars, religion is increasingly seen as a potential tool for peaceful cooperation
and inter-religious dialogue is becoming a part of diplomacy and conflict resolution policies. Within this context, interfaith dialogue is a case which shows the extent of the change in the discipline of IR regarding the role of religion. This thesis aims to make a comprehensive discussion on the historical and contemporary relation between religion and international relations by focusing on the role of interfaith dialogue, specifically dialogue initiatives within the EU and the UN. The dialogue projects of these institutions and their relation with security-driven policies are examined. Thus, the main concern of this study is to raise a question about the role of interfaith dialogue, especially the one proposed by the institutions above, in transforming the role of religion in international relations.
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Gokmen, Semra Rana. „Geopolitics And The Study Of International Relations“. Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612289/index.pdf.
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This study seeks to examine the main theories and theorists of geopolitical imagining and argue for an intrinsic relation between traditional geopolitics and the development of international relations both in theory and practice. By doing so the study aims to pursue an assessment of the insights of critical geopolitics, as reflected in the works of John Agnew, Geraróid Ó
Tuathail (Gerard Toal), Simon Dalby, Klaus Dodds and others, for the theory of IR, more specifically its dominant paradigm realism. The aim of this study, in other words, is to identify and describe the geopolitical assumptions that have led IR theory to turn out to be &bdquo
realist
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O'Callaghan, Terry. „Consensus and international relations : a critical inquiry /“. Title page, abstract and contents only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho15.pdf.
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Lomas, Peter. „On the Normative Theory of International Relations“. Thesis, University of Dundee, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500644.
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Wheatley, Ricardo. „Contemporary Re-examination of African International Relations“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2009. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/88.
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This study examines whether a meta-theoretical approach to African International Relations yields more descriptive utility and explanatory capacity to describing the behavior and relations of the African state than traditional general theory approaches based on a single primary determinant. It suggests that a multiple theory – multi determinant approach to assessing African state behavior and relations grants greater theoretical and empirical parallels to state and system realities than single theory primary determinant approaches. This study builds a meta-theory of African International Relations by which to collectively utilize the most commonly applied and descriptive conventional and non-conventional theories employed in the topic area. This meta-theory, referred to as Syncarpathic theory, combines a host of theoretical approaches while negating the inter-theory contradictions that would limit the utility of each theory based on their differing assumptions. Syncarpathic theory will provide a model of African International Relations with greater descriptive parallels to system and state realities. The presentation of a meta-theoretical approach will provide an alternative lens by which to view African state behavior and relations addressing the fundamental problem of “description” existing within African political discourse.
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SOUZA, NATALIA MARIA FELIX DE. „CRISIS AND CRITIQUE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY“. PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=36376@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE DOUTORADO SANDUÍCHE NO EXTERIOR
A tese investiga as narrativas de crise e crítica na trajetória das teorias de relações internacionais, a fim de compreender como o atual debate acerca do fim ou crise da disciplina expõe os limites paradoxos da crítica neste campo. Para tanto, a tese está dividida em dois movimentos estruturantes. No primeiro movimento (Capítulos 2 a 4), questiona-se as atuais narrativas da crise teórica em sua trajetória histórica e conceitual, a fim de debater suas implicações políticas e axiológicas. No segundo movimento (Capítulos 5 a 7), explora-se o status teórico das narrativas críticas contemporâneas, a tendência para a análise crítica incorrer em dogmatismo, e a possibilidade de resistir o potencial dogmático das narrativas de crise nas relações internacionais. De maneira geral, a análise apresenta crise e crítica como diferentes possibilidades de articular a política moderna, apoiadas em pressupostos distintos sobre (i) temporalidade, (ii) soberania, e (iii) conhecimento. Consequentemente, a tese argumenta que os pontos mais vulneráveis das narrativas de crise na política internacional se dão em relação aos limites do sujeito do conhecimento e da política soberana de amigos e inimigos. Nesse contexto, uma abordagem mais efetivamente crítica da política deve oferecer um enquadramento distinto do problema, no qual o sujeito estético abra a possibilidade de buscar formas de universalidade que se baseiem em uma afirmação mais profunda da diferença e da pluralidade, bem como em um maior entendimento dos limites das narrativas - mesmo as mais progressistas - sobre o sujeito soberano do conhecimento. Esse argumento aponta para a necessidade de as teorias de relações internacionais irem além de si mesmas.
The dissertation investigates the narratives of crisis and critique expressed at significant moments in the history of international relations theory in order to explain how recent debates on the end or crisis of international relations theory expose the paradoxical limits of critique in this field. The dissertation is structured by two organizing movements. The first movement, Chapters 2-4, examines the recent debates about a crisis of theorizing, placing them in their historical and conceptual context, and highlighting their axiological and political stakes. The second movement, Chapters 5-7, explores the contemporary theoretical status of claims to critique, the tendency for critical analysis to relapse into dogma, and the possibility of resisting the dogmatic potential of narratives of crisis in international relations. The overall analysis presents crisis and critique as two different possibilities of framing modern politics, predicated on diverging assumptions about (i) temporality, (ii) sovereignty, and (iii) knowledge. As a consequence, the dissertation argues that the points at which claims about crisis and international politics become most vulnerable to dogmatic tendencies occur in relation to the limits of the subject of knowledge and the sovereign politics of friends and enemies. A more effectively critical approach to politics in this context must work through a different framing in which the aesthetic subject may pursue claims to universality that rest on much stronger affirmations of difference and plurality and a much greater awareness of the limits of established and even progressive accounts of a sovereign subject of knowledge. Thus international relations theory must consider what it means to go beyond itself.
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Zhang, Biao. „The concept of reason in international relations“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/16137.
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In this thesis my aims are twofold. First, I provide an auto-history of the concept of reason in Anglophone IR from 1919 to 2009. I uncover the centrality of the language of reason. I show that the concept of reason has constituted, undergirded, and empowered many prominent IR scholars’ discourses. Second, I bring out a taxonomy of four construal of rationality. I argue that IR thinkers have spoken in four languages of reason. Kantian reason stands in a relation opposed to passion, emotion and instinct, and makes the stipulation that to base actions on the intellect is prerequisite for pursuing interest and moral conduct. I argue that the British Liberal Institutionalists, Has Morgenthau, Richard Ashley and Andrew Linklater are bearers of this construal. Utilitarian reason refers to the maximization of interests under constraints, where interest can be defined as strategic preference, emotional attachment, or cultural value and constraints as a two-person game, uncertainty or risk. I demonstrate how Thomas Schelling, Herman Kahn, Glenn Snyder, Robert Keohane, Robert Gilpin, Helen Milner, Andrew Moravcsik and many other theorists use the concept. Axiological reason means following rules, cultures and norms, and always uses game as an analytical foundation and attends to the problem of how to enforce rules. I argue that Kenneth Waltz, Nicholas Onuf, Friedrich Kratochwil and K.M. Fierke have deployed the concept to construct their theories. Historical reason views all values as conditioned within a specific spatial-temporal background, and insists that moral problems, which are constituted in the margin of every political conduct, must be solved by overcoming universal morality and the unilateral pursuit of interest. I show that Raymond Aron, Martin Wight, David Boucher and Christian Reus-Smit have conceived of reason in this way.
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Larson, Kyle David. „Confidence and Crisis: Mania in International Relations“. The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu153415534911431.
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Chadwick, Stephen. „The social contract tradition and international relations“. Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1998. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU105576.
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This thesis is a study of the normative views of international relations proposed by philosophers in the social contract tradition of political theory. I have concentrated on the theories of Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant and Rawls. Part one of the thesis provides the theoretical background to the practical issues of international relations discussed in part two. In chapter one I summarise the main points in their political theories which are necessary for a full understanding of their views of international relations. Chapter two is concerned with general approaches to international relations - internationalism, cosmopolitanism and international moral scepticism. Throughout part two, I use the internationalist/cosmopolitan distinction in order to evaluate the international norms proposed by the contract theorists. Part two is concerned with practical problems of international relations. Chapter three concentrates on issues of war and peace. Many of the contract theorists propose internationalist just war theories, but I show that such principles do not necessarily conflict with a cosmopolitan conception of morality. Inter-state government is discussed in chapter four. I ask whether such an institution is the logical outcome of Hobbes' political theory, and examine proposals for an international federation by the Abbé de Saint-Pierre, who accepted much of Hobbes' domestic theory, and Kant who provides perhaps the most famous example. Chapter five is concerned with international distributive justice. I provide an interpretation of Locke's theory of property which leads to a radical stance in the international domain. As Rawls' theory of distributive justice has received much attention, I also examine how such a theory should apply to the international domain, paying particular attention to the views of Charles Beitz and Thomas Pogge.
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Neufeld, Mark A. (Mark Alan) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. „Toward a restructuring of international relations theory“. Ottawa, 1990.
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Schick, Katherine Anne. „Trauma and the ethical in international relations“. Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/552.
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