Dissertationen zum Thema „International insecurity“
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Mutlu, Can E. „Insecurity Communities: Technologies of Insecurity Governance Under the European Neighbourhood Policy“. Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/24334.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleStanislawski, Bartosz Hieronim. „Black Spots Insecurity from beyond the horizon /“. Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLoleski, Steven. „Weak revisionists: threats, cultures of insecurity, and regional ambition“. Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=97190.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleCes dernières années, les dangers potentiels présentés par les soi-disant « états voyous » ont inquiété davantage les Etats-Unis que leurs alliés et concurrents. Un des aspects paraissant inexplicable est le fait que ces prétendus états voyous, perçus comme étant plus faibles à tous les niveaux, osent confronter à la fois leurs voisins régionaux mais aussi les Etats-Unis qui apparaissent comme infiniment plus puissants. Ce projet étudie donc la question des « faibles états révisionnistes ». La question à laquelle nous tenterons de répondre est ainsi : pourquoi se fait-il que des états dits relativement « faibles » poursuivent des objectifs politiques internationaux perçus comme agressifs ? La littérature existante affirme que la notion de pouvoir relatif est essentielle pour déterminer le comportement international d'un état, suggérant ainsi que seules les grandes puissances peuvent se permettre d'aspirer à des objectifs internationaux qui vont au-delà de leur sécurité territoriale immédiate. L'idée que des états perçus comme relativement faibles puissent poursuivre des objectifs mettant en danger leur survie paraît inconcevable. Les raisons pour de tels comportements restent à ce jour elles aussi peu étudiées. À travers ce projet, je propose une approche réaliste néo-classique qui suggère que le niveau de menace auquel un état doit faire face ainsi que la culture stratégique de l'état en question déterminent la politique extérieure de cet état. Ainsi, il est démontré qu'un niveau élevé de menace sécuritaire mène à un sentiment de vulnérabilité chez un état, créant ainsi des opportunités pour des sous-cultures stratégiques belliqueuses de promouvoir une réponse agressive à ces menaces. Concrètement, l'association de circonstances géopolitiques défavorables à la présence d'une culture nationale pour la confrontation ainsi qu'à un passé national douloureux a engendré la création de cultures nationales d'insécurité menant des états relativement faibles et révisionnistes à poursuivre des objectifs internationaux agressifs. L'analyse proposée sera complétée par une étude de cas comparée des politiques extérieures de la Libye, de la Corée du Nord, et de l'Iran.
Akman, Bahar. „Post-conflict reconstruction and human insecurity: untangling the security-development nexus“. Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=92195.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleComment l'assistance apportée pour le développement social, politique et économique interagit avec les efforts pour rétablir et assurer la sécurité dans les sociétés sortant de guerre? Pour pouvoir étudier cette interaction, la thèse se concentre sur les stratégies des opérations de paix. Motivé par le souci de la sécurité humaine, les opérations de paix ont opté pour une approche multisectorielle, cherchant à identifier les diverses sources d'insécurité confrontées par les pays en question. En effet, on découvre de plus en plus que pour établir une paix durable dans un pays qui sort d'un conflit ou un pays effondré, il faut non seulement identifier et prendre en considération les causes originelles du conflit mais il faut aussi attaquer et éliminer les éléments qui causent le cercle vicieux de violence. J'ai noté que les recommandations de politiques proposées pour mieux intégrer les opérations de paix montrent des désaccords importants à propos des relations entre le développement et la sécurité. De ce débat, j'ai tiré trois types de stratégies de construction de paix: 1) la stratégie sécurité-seulement propose de fournir d'abord et avant tout l'ordre et la sécurité et de laisser l'assistance au développement aux services spécialisés, 2) la stratégie séquentielle promeut l'ordre et la sécurité avant le développement comme un moyen d'empêcher les effets contraires 3) la stratégie simultanée met l'accent sur la relation qui se trouve entre le sous-développement et le conflit, par conséquent propose l'implémentation des deux activités en même temps. En utilisant des model logistiques, j'ai testé quantitativement l'efficacité de ces trois stratégies pour rétablir la paix avec un dataset couvrant toutes les guerres civiles d'entre 1946 et 2006. Cette analyse montre que les interventions qui donnent la priorité à l'établissement de la sécurité avant tout ont obtenu un plus grand succès pour instau
Sirkeci, Ibrahim. „Migration, ethnicity and conflict : the environment of insecurity and Turkish Kurdish international migration“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6007/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLobban, Ryan. „The merits of the human security paradigm : a materialist account of peasant insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa“. Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12221.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleIncludes bibliographical references (leaves 70-76).
Contemporary food security concerns in sub-Saharan Africa centre on the pertinence of food versus fuel forms of production. As the global energy market enters into the postfossil-fuel epoch, the demand on land for commercial biofuel and feedstock production threatens the livelihood of sub-Saharan Africa's sizeable peasant community. This paper examines the theoretical and paradigmatic attributes of the human security and food security rubric, and its pertinence in accounting for the social threats which threaten individuals within an increasingly interconnected global economic system. While the emergence of these neologisms of the critical security studies school represent a marked divergence from that of the traditional approach of understanding security threats, they remained mired in contestation due to their lack of theoretical parsimony.
Estoch, Christopher. „Nuclear deterrence : insecurity and the proliferation of nuclear weapons“. Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1258.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBachelors
Sciences
Political Science
Kral, Courtney E. „Feeding Inequalities: Food Aid and Food Insecurity in Post-Earthquake Haiti“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1398352485.
Der volle Inhalt der Quellevon, Essen Hugo. „A typology of ontological insecurity mechanisms : Russia's military engagement in Syria“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431593.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRio, Tinto Daniel. „Tracing the security dilemma in civil wars : how fear and insecurity can lead to intra-state violence“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7713/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleWorkman, Cassandra Lin. „A Critical Ethnography of Globalization in Lesotho, Africa: Syndemic Water Insecurity and the Micro-politics of Participation“. Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4616.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleOskanian, Kevork. „Weaving webs of insecurity : fear, weakness and power in the post-Soviet South Caucasus“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/367/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMitchell, John "David" F. „NGO insecurity in high-risk conflict zones: the politicization of aid and its impact on “humanitarian space”“. Diss., Kansas State University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/34145.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSecurity Studies Interdepartmental Program
Emizet F. Kisangani
Attacks against nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in high-risk conflict zones have increased exponentially over the last two decades. However, the few existing empirical studies on NGO insecurity have tended to focus on external factors influencing attacks, with little attention paid to the actions of aid workers themselves. To fill this gap, this dissertation theorizes that aid workers may have contributed to their own insecurity by engaging in greater political action. Both quantitative and qualitative methods are used to assess the impact of political activity by NGOs on the insecurity of aid workers. The quantitative analyses test the theory at two levels. The first is a large-N country-level analysis of 117 nations from 1999 to 2015 using panel corrected standard errors. The second is a subnational-level statistical analysis of four case studies: Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, and Colombia from 2000 to 2014. Both the country- and provincial- level analyses show that the magnitude of aid tends to be a significant determinant of aid worker security. The qualitative methods of “structured-focused comparison” and “process tracing” are used to analyze the four cases. Results show that aid workers are most likely to be victims of politically-motivated attacks while in-transit. Consistent with the quantitative findings, it is speculated that if workers are engaged in a large-scale project over an extended period of time, attackers will be able to monitor their daily activities and routines closely, making it easier to orchestrate a successful ambush. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that political statements made by NGOs—regardless of their sectors of activity—have increased insecurity for the broader aid community. These results dispel the myth that humanitarian activity has historically been independent, impartial, and neutral. Several NGOs have relied on this false assumption for security, believing that adherence to core principles has contributed to “humanitarian space.” The results also dispel the popular NGO assumption that targeted attacks are not official tactics of organized militants, but rather the result of criminality or mistaken identity. In fact, the overwhelming majority of aid workers attacked in high-risk conflict zones have been targeted by political actors.
Neri, Lainé Matteo. „International trade and firm activity in an insecure world“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Paris sciences et lettres, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024UPSLD006.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleEconomic activities and trade are deeply intertwined with the management of violence, posing a significant challenge in the modern global system. This violence, spanning expropriation, destruction, piracy, terrorism, conflicts, and wars, affects all countries. The exposure to violence leads to substantial economic costs, hindering trade and development. In response, states have enforced security policies and expect economic benefits in return. The thesis analyses this connexion between international insecurity and economic activities. The first chapter focuses on the military alliances’ effect on trade – treaties specifically designed to reduce international insecurity. In the second chapter, we dig into the complexity of military events and investigate their micro-economic impact on formal firms. Finally, chapter three analyses the consequences of country-pair-specific sensitivity to exchange costs, including insecurity, on real revenues
Provost, René. „Human Rights in Times of Social Insecurity: Canadian Experience and Inter-American Perspectives“. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115752.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLa experiencia de Canadá en la lucha contra el terrorismo se remonta a inicios de la década de los setenta y se desarrolla hasta la época actual (los acontecimientos más recientes han tenido lugar en el año 2017). Las medidas legislativas fueron la vía adoptada por parte de Canadá para contrarrestar los ataques y reflejar el cambio de paradigma político en la esfera internacional con relación al fenómeno del terrorismo. Derechos fundamentales como el derecho a la libre expresión, a la vida privada y a la libertad personal se encuentran particularmente afectados por estas medidas. Un análisis comparativo del sistema canadiense y el sistema interamericano permite identificar las consecuencias de estas medidas. En términos más amplios, la lucha contra el terrorismo genera impactos significativos sobre los derechos humanos en general.
Lund, Alexandra. „Determinants of food insecurity among vulnerable White and Latino households: Contextualizing the impact of sociodemographic and household-level factors“. DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2013. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/951.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleTizot, Florent. „L'encadrement juridique de l'action militaire dans les opérations de sécurité“. Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020AIXM0033.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleIntimately linked to the applicable legal regime (s), the observation is sharp: the rules operational that mark out the military mission no longer offer the expected legal security. This observation carries in itself the germs of the many questions that condition this study. The first relates to legal logic in the strict sense: what is the applicable standard? The answer is not as clear in view of the importance of the subject. Finally, the right of defense in question here is only an artificial construction, referring to a conglomerate of heterogeneous rules in substance, form and applicability. Requiring the development of criteria benchmark, the highlighting of this constellation made up of as many standards from domestic law that international law clarifies the second question: the legal tool made available to the armed forces is it effective and protective in the context of legal proceedings? In France, the answer is clearly negative: with the total legal abandonment of the concept of war, only the internal common law, in particular criminal, or the Law international humanitarian, in part, find to apply. By ultimately representing the alpha and omega of the legal framework referred to in these lines, the principle of self-defense determines both the source and the solution of the issues it raises. The privileged response of defense lawyers, the flexibility of this principle offers it increased applicability as much as it lends the flank to the weakness of the legal framework of any armed deployment
Randrianasolo, Iharivola. „La migration de femmes malgaches : du monde rural vers la capitale, de la capitale vers l'international : entre quête de survie et tentative de sécurisation“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Tours, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022TOUR2017.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe subject of my thesis is the analysis of the processes that tend to keep Malagasy women in subordination and dependence on men when they migrate in order to improve their lot and that of their family. My intention is to report on the experiences encountered during their migration in order to understand what hinders their quest for security and keeps them in material and positional precariousness compared of men. Beyond the differences in socio-economic positions of origin and the type of migration carried out by these women, the oppressions they suffer remain similar. The circumstances for escaping depend on the security possibilities offered by the place of migration.The first part concerns the rural exodus which led women to settle in the poor neighborhoods of Antananarivo (the capital of Madagascar). The exodus whether initiated by a family survival strategy or by an individual choice made by themselves, does not result in securing their living conditions. Family and personal hardships demonstrate the vulnerability of life courses when women are detached from the family support system. The impossibility of returning to the village, combined with the difficulties of finding resources define their borderline situation between a peasantry that has rejected them and an urban world that is difficult to incorporate. Questioning myself on this process of material and positional precariousness of women migrating alone, the second part studies the path of women from Antananarivo migrating within the framework of a mail-order marriage in France. My objective is to verify whether, like the exodus to the urban world, their migration to Western countries also contributes to keeping them in oppressive positions vis-à-vis marital and economic relations. The observation of the international migration of Malagasy women is done through a temporal process governed by detailed facts leading to the decision to leave.In France, two opposing procedural figures differentiate their positioning in the face of male domination. On the one hand, women have ended their transnational marriage and embarked on a solitary migration journey. Separated, without resources or family support in France, they are caught up in processes of precariousness hitherto unknown. Their migratory route is strongly impregnated with multiple vulnerabilities linked to their conditions of installation. On the other hand, women have maintained themselves as a couple by trying to maintain the status of wife. Their journey in France is part of the marital framework strewn with multiple ordeals. In Antananarivo as in France, the two types of Malagasy female migration illustrate the set of difficulties that women must face in order to escape oppressive gender and class relations. If migration is designed with the aim of finding economic and affective resources, we see that it is the dispossession of initial assets that quickly dissolves attempts to secure it. At first, their journey is to fight for survival. The framework being difficult to achieve, that of the migrant women who have come to Antananarivo is tightened around this survival. For women migrating to France, when subsistence is preserved, they must fight against the tensions generated by the constraints of their downgraded position through multiple strategies of negotiation and DIY. In each of the female migrations, the affective quest passes through an idealized anticipation of conjugal relations, but which is very quickly thwarted by the testing of male violence instituted by this framework
Chheng, Kimlong. „Food insecurity in developing economies: Cambodian and international evidence“. Phd thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149436.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleModarresi, Ghavami Sarvnaz. „Food Insecurity and Culture - A Study of Cambodian and Brazilian Immigrants“. 2013. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/1141.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRogers, Paul F. „Politics in the next 50 years: The changing nature of international conflict“. 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2325.
Der volle Inhalt der QuellePerruci, Gamaliel. „The paradox of national insecurity Brazil as a middle power in the international arms trade system /“. 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/27855824.html.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle„Human Insecurity and Anti-Trafficking Policy: Representations of Trafficked Persons in Canada“. Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10388/ETD-2013-05-1042.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleTsai, Yi-Chang, und 蔡怡昌. „Study on Job Insecurity of Government Employee for the Privatization of Government Enterprise - Case of International Business Group of Chunghwa Telecom“. Thesis, 1999. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/44370556024746590709.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle國立交通大學
經營管理研究所
87
This thesis research the reaction of government employee during the government enterprise is going to privatization. This research paper examines the relationship of role conflict, role ambiguity, job insecurity , job satisfaction, organizational commitment and employee turnover . It was hypothesized in this study that: (1) The greater the perceived role ambiguity, the greater the perceived job insecurity. (2) The greater the perceived role conflict, the greater the perceived job insecurity. (3) The greater the perceived job insecurity, the greater the intention to quit. (4) The greater the perceived job insecurity, the lower the organizational commitment. (5) The greater the perceived job insecurity, the lower the job satisfaction. Two hundreds and four government employees from International Business Group of Chunghwa Telecom participated in the study by filling out questionnaires. The results of this study support the second, fourth and fifth hypothesis. Reject to the first and third hypothesis. Female Job insecurity and intention to quit was higher than male. Female job satisfaction was lower than male.
Lin, Chun-Chun, und 林純純. „A Study of the Relationships among Leader-Member Exchange, Job Insecurity and Knowledge Share- A Case of International Tourist Hotels’ Employees in Taiwan“. Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/84m88w.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle國立暨南國際大學
管理學院經營管理碩士學位學程碩士在職專班
103
This study investigates the effects of hotel employees’ leader-member exchange on their job insecurity and knowledge sharing, and the effect of job insecurity on knowledge sharing. This research subjects were selected from employees of six international tourist hotels in Taiwan, 300 valid questionnaires were collected, and of which 218 are effective questionnaires, returns-ratio is 72.67%. The results are: (1) the stronger the employees’ leader-member exchange are, the lower their job insecurity will be; (2) the stronger the employees’ leader-member exchange are, the more their knowledge sharing will be; (3) employees’ job insecurity fail to predict their knowledge sharing.
Seppelfricke, Thomas. „Arbeitsplatzunsicherheit bei Auszubildenden im nationalen und internationalen Kontext“. Doctoral thesis, 2013. https://repositorium.ub.uni-osnabrueck.de/handle/urn:nbn:de:gbv:700-2013110611730.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleStewin, Erika. „An Exploration of Food Security and Identity Among International Students Studying in Guelph and Windsor, Ontario, Canada“. Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10214/6640.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMacaulay, Fiona. „Cycles of Police Reform in Latin America“. 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7162.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleOver the last quarter century post-conflict and post-authoritarian transitions in Latin America have been accompanied by a surge in social violence, acquisitive crime, and insecurity. These phenomena have been driven by an expanding international narcotics trade, by the long-term effects of civil war and counter-insurgency (resulting in, inter alia, an increased availability of small arms and a pervasive grammar of violence), and by structural stresses on society (unemployment, hyper-inflation, widening income inequality). Local police forces proved to be generally ineffective in preventing, resolving, or detecting such crime and forms of “new violence”3 due to corruption, frequent complicity in criminal networks, poor training and low pay, and the routine use of excessive force without due sanction. Why, then, have governments been slow to prioritize police reform and why have reform efforts borne largely “limited or nonexistent” long-term results? This chapter highlights a number of lessons suggested by various efforts to reform the police in Latin America over the period 1995-2010 . It focuses on two clusters of countries in Latin America. One is Brazil and the Southern Cone countries (Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay), which made the transition to democracy from prolonged military authoritarian rule in the mid- to late 1980s. The other is Central America and the Andean region (principally El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Peru, and Colombia), which emerged/have been emerging from armed conflict since the mid- 1990s. The chapter examines first the long history of international involvement in police and security sector reform in order to identify long-run tropes and path dependencies. It then focuses on a number of recurring themes: cycles of de- and re-militarization of the policing function; the “security gap” and “democratization dilemmas” involved in structural reforms; the opportunities offered by decentralization for more community-oriented police; and police capacity to resist reform and undermine accountability mechanisms.
Van, Houten Kirsten. „Addressing the Demand for Small Arms and Light Weapons in the Democratic Republic of the Congo“. 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/13137.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRogers, Paul F. „Losing Control: Global Security in the Twenty-first Century“. 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6264.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAlso published in Japanese