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1
Panov, A. I. „THE MONOGRAPH ABOUT TRANSPORT TRADE UNIONS“. World of Transport and Transportation 15, Nr. 1 (28.02.2017): 276–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30932/1992-3252-2017-15-1-27.
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[For the English abstract and full text of the article please see the attached PDF-File (English version follows Russian version)].REVIEW OF THE BOOK: Zubkov, S. A., Krainov, G.N. Transport unions as part of the international trade union movement. Monograph. Moscow, INFRA-M publ., 2017, 297 p. ABSTRACT The book, published in the series «Scientific Thought», is devoted to the study of transport unions as components of the international trade union movement. The authors draw attention to the history, current state and problems of the international trade union movement, t h e processes of globalization, cooperation and coordination of the actions of international transport unions. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the trade union movement in rail transport, the participation of the Russian trade union of railway workers and transport builders in the international trade union movement. Keywords: trade union, transport unions, international trade union movement, International Confederation of Trade Unions (ITUC), World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), International Workers’ Association (IWA), Global Federation of Trade Unions (GUF), International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITWF), International Committee of Transport Workers’ Propaganda (ICTWP), Profintern, International Confederation of Trade Unions of Railway Workers and Transport Builders (ICRW), Russian Union of Railway Workers and Transport Builders (ROSPROFZHEL).
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Hyman, Richard, und Rebecca Gumbrell-McCormick. „(How) can international trade union organisations be democratic?“ Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, Nr. 3 (August 2020): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920938499.
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International trade union organisations, like unions at national level, commonly affirm their commitment to internal democracy. But what does this mean? There exists a vast literature on union democracy, addressing the questions whether democracy in trade unions is desirable; whether it is possible; and if so, how it can be achieved. However, the focus of analysis is almost exclusively at the national (or sub-national) level, with the premise that union members are individual workers. But international unions (like many national confederations indeed) do not have individual workers as members: they are organisations of organisations. What does this imply for our understanding of union democracy? We begin our article by summarising the broader literature on union democracy, then develop an interpretation of international unions as ‘meta-organisations’. We next explore some of the implications for debates on democracy at international level, and end by asking whether theories of deliberative democracy can help in understanding the options for international union democracy.
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Kuruvilla, Sarosh, und Roderick D. Iverson. „A Confirmatory Factor Analysis of Union Commitment in Australia“. Journal of Industrial Relations 35, Nr. 3 (September 1993): 436–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569303500305.
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This paper evaluates the applicability of the different factor structures of union commitment identified in previous studies to the Australian case. Confirmatory factor analysis results using LISREL VII suggest that union commitment is best represented by four distinct factors, 'union loyalty; 'responsibility to the union; 'willingness to work for the union', and 'belief in unionism' in this sample of Australian workers. OLS regression results indicate that the four factors are differentially related to a set of common predictor variables. White-collar workers reported higher levels of commit ment than blue-collar workers. Participation in leadership positions and previous ex perience with union handling of grievances significantly increased commitment to the union. The results suggest support for the generalizability of the factor structure of union commitment to Australia. Implications for future research are discussed.
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Pyman, Amanda, Julian Teicher, Brian Cooper und Peter Holland. „Unmet Demand for Union Membership in Australia“. Journal of Industrial Relations 51, Nr. 1 (Februar 2009): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608099662.
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Unmet demand for union membership is defined as employees in non-union workplaces who would join a union if given the opportunity. Unmet demand is a significant issue for Australian unions as union density continues to decline and the current legislative environment remains hostile. This article gauges the contours of unmet demand for union membership in Australia, drawing on responses to the Australian Worker Representation and Participation Survey (AWRPS 2004). It finds a significant level of unmet demand for union membership in Australia. Unmet demand varies according to workplace and employee characteristics and is highest among low income earners, younger workers, workers with shorter organizational tenure and workers in routinized occupations. The practical implications of our findings are discussed in relation to union renewal and the legislative environment prevailing in 2008.
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LeClercq, Desirée. „Invisible Workers“. AJIL Unbound 116 (2022): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.13.
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In the parable, The Emperor Has No Clothes, an emperor walks naked through a public procession, assured by his own pride and vain advisors that he was wearing a magnificent robe visible only to the smart and worthy. Like the emperor, governments imagine that they have cloaked international economic law in a new “worker-centered” trade policy. This essay explains how their efforts have merely exposed the deficits in international economic law. They have failed to account for asymmetries between capital and labor and hierarchies between sectors of workers. They also exclude the voices of the world's most vulnerable workers—particularly those who do not benefit from union representation or job formality. The essay proposes that if policymakers intend to give workers an authentic voice and bargaining power, they must critically examine international economic law's very corpus.
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Revenko, Nikolai Sergeevich. „International labor migration policy of the European Union“. Contemporary Europe, Nr. 5 (15.12.2023): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323050091.
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The cross-border movement of labour is associated with an objective need for the host country to accept and comply with the relevant rules. This problem has always existed for the European Union and its member states due to the attractiveness of the region for migrant workers, relatively high standard of living and the widely diversified sectoral structure of the economy. Based on the analysis of the relevant directives, the article chronologises the stages of regulation of international labour migration in the EU with an emphasis on the present. Close attention is given to the EU regulatory practice of the issues of attracting highly qualified and seasonal labour third-countries workers, students and researchers, facilitating intra-corporate transfers. In this context the regulatory vector in the area of international labour migration to the EU is aimed at obtaining benefits from the influx of the necessary labour force through the creation of favorable conditions for its integration into European society. The implementation of Directive on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purpose of highly qualified employment will depend on the applicable practices of the EU member states. The study reveals the dualism of the economic effects of international labor migration received by the EU at present: positive in the form of a relative reduction in unit costs due to labor components, the flow of technological knowledge and negative ones associated with the displacement of part of local labor resources, the outflow of funds from foreign workers, changes in the structure of aggregate demand, the impact on the level of wages, aggravation of interethnic and interfaith conflicts against the background of a low level of integration of foreigners into local society.
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Rogers, Jackie Krasas. „Look for the union label: A history of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union“. Journal of Labor Research 18, Nr. 1 (März 1997): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12122-997-1015-6.
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Cobble, Dorothy Sue. „International Women's Trade Unionism and Education“. International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000089.
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AbstractThis keynote address, delivered in December 2015 at the International Federation of Workers’ Education Association General Conference in Lima, Peru, refutes the standard trope of labor movement decline and provides evidence for the global rise and feminization of labor movements worldwide. Trade union women’s commitment to emancipatory, democratic worker education helped spur these changes. The origins and effects of two historical examples are detailed: the Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women Workers held in the United States annually from 1921 to 1938 and the first International Women’s Summer School of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) held in France in 1953. The latter experiment, attended by women labor leaders from 25 countries, energized the Women’s Committee of the ICFTU. It led to the adoption of “The Charter of Rights of Working Women” by the ICFTU in 1965 and helped make possible the election of Sharan Burrow and other women to top office in the International Trade Union Confederation. The address concludes with a discussion of what the history of trade union women’s education teaches about strengthening future labor movements.
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Katabay, P. Kh, V. I. Resin, M. I. Skripnikova und Yu I. Smirnov. „Essays of Trade Union History of the First Economic (Commercial) Education Institution in Russia“. Vestnik of the Plekhanov Russian University of Economics, Nr. 1 (14.02.2022): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2413-2829-2022-1-114-122.
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The article shows the process of founding and developing trade union functions at education institutions. On the ground of factual material the role and importance of the Russian Plekhanov University of Economics were studied in different periods of interaction between workers of people’s education and society and state in order to ensure their defense in sphere of labour. Today the Professional Union of Workers of People’s Education and Science of the Russian Federation keeps upholding social and labour rights and professional interests of teachers, pre-school nurses, lecturers and other workers of education. The principle goal of developing contractual regulation in social and labour relations is to improve its quality and efficiency for workers of education. The trade union has joined both Russian and international union movement. When we reveal history of the trade union, it can help union bodies and activists comprehend both the past and the present significance of the trade union movement in education.
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Clark, G. L., und K. Johnston. „The Geography of US Union Elections 2: Performance of the United Auto Workers Union and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Union, 1970–82“. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, Nr. 2 (Februar 1987): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190153.
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This paper is an extension of previous work on the geography of US union elections. It is largely an exercise in description. The issue here concerns the electoral performance of two unions, the United Auto Workers union and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union, over the period 1970–82. Relevant descriptive variables include location, scale, sector, state right-to-work legislation, and local economic variables. Two arguments are advanced. First, there are parallels between the electoral performance of US unions, and the partisan political process. Forces of electoral fragmentation evident in the partisan political process are mediated, however, by institutional factors relating to the organizing strategies of unions. Second, it is observed that there are significant differences between the unions, especially with respect to the patterns of their electoral successes and failures. These patterns, and their associations with local economic factors, are illustrated through a series of multivariate analyses of variance. Definitive tests of hypothesized causal relationships are left to a subsequent paper.
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Turner, Thomas, Christine Cross und Michelle O’Sullivan. „Does union membership benefit immigrant workers in ‘hard times’?“ Journal of Industrial Relations 56, Nr. 5 (07.02.2014): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185613515462.
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Immigrants experience many obstacles in obtaining jobs with comparable pay and conditions to native workers. Arguably, unionisation could offer migrant workers the mechanism to obtain better pay and conditions. This paper examines whether migrant workers have benefited from unionisation in terms of pay, pensions and health insurance in Ireland. Based on a large-scale national survey, we find that union membership delivers a modest wage premium of a relatively similar magnitude to both nationals and immigrant workers. Unionised immigrants are twice as likely as non-unionised immigrants to earn above the median hourly earnings and have greater pension coverage. In particular, immigrants from the new accession states in the European Union, with the lowest mean hourly earnings of any immigrant group, gain the most from union membership. Nonetheless, Irish nationals enjoy greater benefits from membership than immigrant workers. Addressing this discrepancy will require a greater focus by unions on organising immigrant workers.
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Moll, P. G. „Black South African Unions: Relative Wage Effects in International Perspective“. ILR Review 46, Nr. 2 (Januar 1993): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600203.
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Despite the disenfranchisement of blacks in South Africa, the state's refusal to officially recognize black unions until 1980, and police repression of the union movement, this analysis of data for 1985 shows that black unions in South Africa had by that year made wage gains similar to those of unions in more developed countries. The union effect on wages for black blue-collar workers was 24%, which is in the range of effects found in studies of U.S. unions and above the range of effects found for European unions. Another finding is that black unions compressed wages across skill levels, an effect probably owing to black unions' primary emphasis on improving the lot of unskilled workers.
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Levina, M. M. „International Legal Regulation of Pension Provision of Workers of the Eurasian Economic Union Member States“. Journal of Law and Administration 20, Nr. 1 (31.05.2024): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2024-1-70-159-170.
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Introduction. The present article examines the conditions of the formation and functioning of the pension protection system for member states’ workers of the Eurasian Economic Union. The study of pension issues in the EAEU is based, inter alia, on the review of a number of international treaties as the legal framework of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space. In the context of this work the author has also conducted a comprehensive analysis of the provisions of the Agreement on pension provision of workers of the Eurasian Economic Union Member States dated December 20, 2019 as well as the relevant practice of the EAEU Court.Materials and methods. In the course of preparing the article, international treaties included in the legal framework of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space in the field of pension provision for migrant workers, as well as the relevant norms of the Union law and the practice of the EAEU Court, have been studied. The theoretical basis of this work consists of the research of domestic specialists in the field of international law, dedicated to the common labor market of the EAEU. The methodological basis of the study is the following general scientific methods of cognition of legal phenomena: methods of analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, and analogy. The special scientific methods that the author has also used in his research include formal legal, comparative legal and historical legal methods of cognition.Research results. As a result of the analysis, it has been revealed that the development and signing in 2019 of the Agreement on pension provision of workers of the Eurasian Economic Union Member States is a key step in building a pension system for workers in the EAEU countries. Despite the fact that this international treaty, which entered into force on January 1, 2021, is still standing the test of time, there is no doubt that its implementation is one of the important conditions for the successful functioning of the Union’s common labor market.Discussion and conclusion. Ensuring the free movement of labor within the framework of modern regional integration organizations is inextricably linked with providing workers with equal guarantees in the field of pension provision, as well as the protection of their acquired pension rights. It is possible that the positive dynamics of labor migration in the EAEU is due, among other things, to the transition to a qualitatively new level of legal regulation of pension provision for workers in its member states. At the same time, as follows from the analysis of the practice of the EAEU Court, the interest of states in clarifying certain norms of the Union law in the relevant area remains quite high.
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Heinrich, Steffen, Karen Shire und Hannelore Mottweiler. „Fighting (for) the margins: Trade union responses to the emergence of cross-border temporary agency work in the European Union“. Journal of Industrial Relations 62, Nr. 2 (18.03.2020): 210–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619900649.
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Recent research suggests that trade unions in the European Union have become more receptive towards temporary and migrant workers and recognise their distinct interests. This article investigates to what extent this shift in attitude informs union responses to cross-border temporary agency work, an important variant of migrant non-standard work in the European Union. This employment form entails several potential lines of intra-labour conflicts of interests, that is, insider versus outsider and domestic versus migrant workers, and thus offers a particularly promising case to study whether and how unions seek to aggregate the interests of an increasingly heterogeneous workforce. Our findings suggest that although trade unions have gained considerable regulatory influence and new capacities to mediate conflicts of interest between different worker groups, a considerable degree of ambiguity remains in union positions and strategies towards temporary agency work and cross-border labour. Instead of gradual steps towards full inclusion of workers regardless of status and origin, union responses are best described as selective representation.
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Sheil, Christopher. „The Origins of Unions: Some Miscellaneous Sydney Workers in 1910“. Journal of Industrial Relations 33, Nr. 3 (September 1991): 295–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300301.
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In considering the causes and possible corrections for the current decline in Australian trade union membership, it may help to reflect on the origins of the movement. This article presents evidence and an argument about one aspect of the origins of the Federated Miscellaneous Workers Union (FMWU). The evidence concerns the social history of watchmen, caretakers and cleaners, who formed the original core of the union's membership. The argument is that these workers amounted to such an improbable basis for a union that the simple fact of their organization represents a substantial challenge to the common assumption in labour history that it is the cohesion of an occupational group that empowers it. To the extent that the origins of the union are typical, it can be suggested that the period of tremendous Australian trade union formation and growth between 1907 and 1913 owed much more to general political and, by extertsion, social conditions than it did to the specific circumstances of any particular section of workers.
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Bengtsson, Erik. „Swedish trade unions and European Union migrant workers“. Journal of Industrial Relations 55, Nr. 2 (April 2013): 174–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185612473211.
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Thornthwaite, Louise. „A Half-hearted Courtship: Unions, Female Members and Discrimination Complaints“. Journal of Industrial Relations 34, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1992): 509–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569203400401.
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Research suggests that since the 1970s, while union membership has been declining in Australia, trade unions have become more supportive of women workers and their specific concerns. This change of heart has been assessed largely in terms of union policy positions and union representation of particular issues. Anti-discrimination and equal opportunity laws have emerged during the same period as this observed change of heart has taken place. It may be hypothesized that, if unions have indeed altered their approach towards gender-based concerns in recent years, women workers will be seeking union assistance with gender-specific grievances such as discrimination complaints. This paper examines why women workers who belong to male-dominated unions are not seeking their union's support with discrimination grievances, suggesting that the extent of change in women's relationships with unions may have been limited.
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Clark, G. L., und K. Johnston. „The Geography of US Union Elections 3: The Context and Structure of Union Electoral Performance (the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Union and the United Auto Workers Union, 1970–82)“. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, Nr. 3 (März 1987): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190289.
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This paper is an extension of previous research on the geography of union elections. A model of union organization is proposed, relevant to the institutional and political structure of US labor legislation. Implications are drawn for unions' organizing strategies, and their likely electoral performance at the local level. It is argued that the structural imperatives faced by unions are inherently incomplete; local discretion is built-in to the structure of labor relations. Alternative empirical forms of the proposed model are considered and the advantages of a probit methodology discussed. Empirical analysis is based upon representation elections involving the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union and the United Auto Workers union over the period 1970–82. To illustrate the implications of the derived empirical results, a series of scenarios are discussed involving both unions and their possible options for organizing at the local level.
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Noor Shuhadawati Mohamad Amin. „BALANCING THE RIGHT OF GIG ECONOMY WORKERS IN THE CONTEXT OF COLLECTIVE BARGAINING“. IIUM Law Journal 31, Nr. 1 (16.05.2023): 169–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/iiumlj.v31i1.834.
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Collective bargaining forms an integral part of a trade union. In Malaysia, workers are protected under the relevant employment legislations that provide basic minimum rights. Although Malaysia’s freedom of association is embodied in the Federal Constitution, the rights of the gig economy workers, more often than not, are neglected. This is evident from the exclusion of this category of workers from the definition stated in the employment legislations. With this exclusion, gig economy workers are denied from establishing and joining a trade union. This subsequently unable them to have collective bargaining powers that resulted in the exploitation of their rights. The method adopted in this study is doctrinal in nature by analysing various employment related legislations and international conventions relating to trade union and collective bargaining and decided cases. It has been revealed that the weak definition of workmen impedes the right of workers in the gig economy to form a trade union. Based on the shortcoming identified, it is understood that the government plays a critical role in helping these workers to overcome barriers through strengthening the available legislations. This study proposed for gig economy workers to utilise other avenues currently available in other countries with the hope that collective agreement, non-binding agreement and application-based society exclusively for gig economy workers that could eventually lead to the forming of a trade union.
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Hajn, Zbigniew. „Collective Agreements in Poland in the Light of International Labour Standards“. Studia z zakresu Prawa Pracy i Polityki Społecznej 29, Nr. 4 (05.12.2022): 377–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25444654spp.22.031.16576.
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The paper presents the concept of the collective agreement, trade union representativeness, and the subjective scope of collective agreements in Polish law in the light of international labour law. In the author’s opinion, a better adaptation of the Polish legislation relating to agreements between the social partners on working conditions to international standards by classifying as collective agreements all agreements concluded by representative trade union organisations would remove disputes and uncertainty about their legal effects and would contribute to increasing the scope of collective bargaining. A modification of the provisions on work and pay company regulations would also serve this purpose. In addition, the author suggests changes in the provisions extending the personal scope of collective agreements to workers performing work outside the employment relationship by separating the group of solo self-employed workers belonging to the “grey area”between employees and self-employed workers and extending to them the full effects of concluding an agreement.
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Ben, Lawrence, und Alistair McLaren Sage. „Talking about non-union collective agreements: A union perspective“. Journal of Industrial Relations 64, Nr. 1 (08.12.2021): 147–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00221856211051396.
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In a recent contribution in this journal, Mark Bray, Shae McCrystal and Leslee Spiess posed the question, ‘Why doesn't anyone talk about non-union collective agreements?’ Surveying business, government and union perspectives, the authors identified the need for greater attention and research to understand their effect on contemporary Australian industrial relations. This article serves as a response to this concern. Two case studies illustrate how non-union agreements work in practice under the Fair Work Act 2009. We outline further examples of how unions have been talking about non-union agreements through a legal and policy strategy rather than public advocacy. Assessing employer motivations for pursuing non-union agreements, as well as bargaining outcomes for workers, we conclude that there is an urgent need for reform.
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Botz, Dan La. „Communist International, the Soviet Union, and their impact on the Latin America Workers' Movement“. Tensões Mundiais 13, Nr. 24 (25.09.2018): 67–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.33956/tensoesmundiais.v13i24.360.
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The Soviet Union and the Communist International had an adverse influence on the Latin American workers’ movement, continually diverting it fighting for a emocratic socialist society. They subordinated the workers’ movements to the interests of the Soviet Union’s ruling class, the Communist bureaucracy. At one oment, they led the workers’ movement in disastrous uprisings, while in a subsequent era they encouraged it to build alliances with capitalist and imperialist power.
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Gereluk, Winston, und Lucien Royer. „Sustainable Development: A Trade Union Perspective“. NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 13, Nr. 1 (Mai 2003): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/061v-r7bk-gmw4-n3j1.
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Sustainable development has become an important issue for trade unions around the world, but progress on sustainable development has been slow. Agenda 21, which came out of the 1992 UN Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, called on workers and trade unions to assume an active role. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the Trade Union Advisory Committee (TUAC) to the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) became influential players who represent more than 155 million members in 148 countries and territories. The implementation of Agenda 21 has been hampered by bureaucratic gridlock—a situation that trade unions propose to overcome through innovative strategies on workplaces and workers. They realize that sustainable development cannot take place without radical changes in production and consumption. Globalization is creating opulence on the one hand and grinding poverty on the other. ICFTU and TUAC propose a new “world order” that includes democratic decision-making, popular accountability, transparency, and local control. They have proposed priorities, outlined in this article, for an international approach to sustainable development.
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Lillie, Nathan. „Union Networks and Global Unionism in Maritime Shipping“. Articles 60, Nr. 1 (24.10.2005): 88–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011540ar.
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Under the auspices of the International Transport Workers’ Federation’s (ITF) Flag of Convenience campaign, maritime unions have developed transnational global structures exploiting interdependencies in transportation production chains. The ITF, a London-based association of transport unions, connects the struggles of seafarers and port workers through a global strategy of union networking and coordinated industrial action. Seafaring unions draw on the industrial leverage of port workers to negotiate minimum standard pay agreements, while dock unions leverage the growing influence of the ITF in fighting union busting in ports. A global transnational ship inspector network provides the power basis for imposing collective agreements on shipowners. Although conceived as a resource for organizing seafarers, the inspectorate also provides port unions with leverage.
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Fourie, E. S. „Non-Standard Workers: The South African Context, International Law and Regulation by The European Union“. Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 11, Nr. 4 (04.07.2017): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2008/v11i4a2787.
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The current labour market has many forms of employment relations that differ from full-time employment. "Atypical," "non-standard," or even "marginal" are terms used to describe these new workers and include, amongst others, parttime work, contract work, self-employment, temporary, fixed-term, seasonal, casual, piece-rate work, employees supplied by employment agencies, home workers and those employed in the informal economy. These workers are often paid for results rather than time. Their vulnerability is linked in many instances to the absence of an employment relationship or the existence of a flimsy one. Most of these workers are unskilled or work in sectors with limited trade union organisation and limited coverage by collective bargaining, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation. They should, in theory, have the protection of current South African labour legislation, but in practice the unusual circumstances of their employment render the enforcement of their rights problematic. The majority of non-standard workers in South Africa are those previously disadvantaged by the apartheid regime, compromising women and unskilled black workers. The exclusion of these workers from labour legislation can be seen as discrimination, which is prohibited by almost all labour legislation in South Africa. This contribution illustrates how the concept of indirect discrimination can be an important tool used to provide labour protection to these workers. The purpose of this article is to explore the scope of the extension of labour rights to non-standard workers in the context of South African labour laws and the international framework.
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Lévesque, Christian, und Mélanie Dufour-Poirier. „Building North-South international union alliances: evidence from Mexico“. Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 11, Nr. 4 (November 2005): 531–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890501100405.
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This article offers an overview of how Mexican unions get involved in international union alliances. It is intended to increase our understanding of the prospects for North-South union cooperation, as the ability to construct international alliances is at the heart of union responses to globalisation. Drawing on data gathered from seven Mexican unions affiliated to the International Metalworking Federation (IMF), the authors distinguish three patterns of union involvement: a localist/defensive pattern, which rests on a narrow conception of solidarity and on sporadic relations, rather limited in scope, with other unions affiliated to the IMF; a nationalist/offensive pattern characterised by a broader view of solidarity and by intense exchange of information with other IMF affiliates; and an internationalist/proactive pattern which rests on the community of interest between workers from different countries and on active cross-border coordination of action. A critical condition for cross-border alliances lies in the existence of several power resources. Without these resources a union cannot overcome the acute constraints that it faces. In conclusion, the authors discuss the prospect of union renewal and union empowerment through North-South international union alliances.
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Mense-Petermann, Ursula. „Interest representation in transnational labour markets: Campaigning as an alternative to traditional union action?“ Journal of Industrial Relations 62, Nr. 2 (16.02.2020): 185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619900642.
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This article addresses the challenges connected with interest representation in transnational labour markets. It draws on an in-depth case study of the labour market that matches Eastern European workers to jobs in the German meat industry. This labour market has emerged under the European Union Posted Workers Directive. The posting regime has entailed dumping wages and extreme exploitation in the German meat industry. The German Food Workers Union has faced great difficulties in organising workers posted in the meat industry and in negotiating collective agreements because of strong employer resistance to industry-level bargaining. Yet 2014 saw a shift towards a new employment regime and a re-ordering of the transnational labour market, which entailed several improvements for workers. This article sheds light on how this change came about through campaigning by a coalition of different sorts of (collective) actors and not traditional collective action by the union. The role and impact of campaigning for labour protection in transnational labour markets in the Global North are further discussed.
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Wooding, John, Charles Levenstein und Beth Rosenberg. „The Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union: Refining Strategies for Labor“. International Journal of Health Services 27, Nr. 1 (Januar 1997): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/wp4b-txhu-f5u7-96ge.
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In a period of declining union membership and severe economic and environmental crisis it is important that labor unions rethink their traditional roles and organizational goals. Responding to some of these problems and reflecting a history of innovative and progressive unionism, the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers Union (OCAW) has sought to address occupational and environmental health problems within the context of a political struggle. This study suggests that by joining with the environmental movement and community activists, by pursuing a strategy of coalition building, and by developing an initiative to build and advocate for a new political party, OCAW provides a model for reinvigorating trade unionism in the United States.
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Fourie, Elmarie. „Extending Protection to Atypical Workers, Including Workers in the Informal Economy, in Developing Countries“. International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 1 (01.03.2010): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010004.
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This paper takes as its starting point the fact that atypical employment and work in informal sector is a growing rather than a passing phenomenon, especially in developing countries. In countries such as South Africa, ‘atypical’ employment is in fact typical for sectors such as domestic labour, the construction industry and agriculture. With union coverage for atypical workers at extremely low levels, unions need to focus not just on wage negotiations with employers, but also on social and political bargaining in favour of legislation to promote labour and social protection, such as the Unorganised Workers’ Social Security of 2008 in India. The paper also highlights the role of mutual aid associations, such as the Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) in India, and the unsuccessful attempt to replicate this experience with the Self-Employed Women’s Union (SEWU) in South Africa. In addition to India and South Africa, the paper casts light on recent developments in Namibia and Tanzania, and points to the low level of ratification of International Labour Organization (ILO) Conventions in developing countries. The authors argue in their conclusions that labour law must be adapted and extended to protect all those in need of protection, meaning that labour law (including international labour law) must reinvent itself to remain relevant.
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Finseraas, Henning, Marianne Røed und Pål Schøne. „Labour immigration and union strength“. European Union Politics 21, Nr. 1 (31.10.2019): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519881194.
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Is labour mobility in the European Union a threat to the strength of unions? We argue that the combination of cheap labour, workforce heterogeneity and low unionisation among labour immigrants is a potential challenge for unions. The challenge will be severe if immigration affects natives’ unionisation. We use Norwegian administrative data in a natural experiment framework to examine this claim. The 2004 European Union expansion led to a rapid increase in labour migration to the building and construction industry, but licensing demands protected some workers from the labour supply shock. We show negative labour market effects for workers exposed to labour immigration, but no effect on union membership. Our results question theories of unionisation and are relevant for research on immigration, political behaviour and collective action.
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Diane Kirkby und Dmytro Ostapenko. „Pursuing Trade Union Internationalism: Australia's Waterside Workers and the International Transport Workers Federation, c. 1950–70“. Labour History, Nr. 110 (2016): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.110.0057.
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Silverman, Victor. „Sustainable Alliances: The Origins of International Labor Environmentalism“. International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (Oktober 2004): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000201.
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This article examines evaluates the strength of the Labor-Environmentalist alliance of the late twentieth century. It traces the evolution of trade unionists' thinking about nature and the human relationship to the environment by examining intellectual and political sources of labor involvement in United Nations' environmental policy making from the 1950s through the 1980s. The article explores the reasons trade union organizations, notably the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the International Trade Secretariats (Global Union Federations) and the European Trade Union Confederation, participated in a variety of international conferences and institutions such as the 1972 Stockholm Conference on the Environment, the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development. It finds that environmentally conscious trade unionists developed their own version of environmentalism and sustainable development based on a reworking of basic trade union principles, a reworking that emphasized solidarity with nature and made central the protection of the health and safety of workers, communities, and environments.
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Harcourt, Mark, Helen Lam und Geoffrey Wood. „US union revival, minority unionism and inter-union conflict“. Journal of Industrial Relations 56, Nr. 5 (12.12.2013): 653–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185613507165.
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One option for reversing US union decline, requiring no legislative change, would involve re-legitimizing non-majority or minority union representation, allowing unions to organize without running the gauntlet of union certification. Such minority representation, applicable only to workplaces without majority union support on a members-only basis, could run in parallel with the existing system of exclusive representation in workplaces where majority support is achieved. The increased representation in the currently unrepresented workplaces would inevitably promote workers’ collective voice and contribute to union revival. However, minority unionism has been criticized for breeding union competition because it is non-exclusive. In this paper, the nature and extent of inter-union conflict under minority unionism are re-examined, using survey data from unions in New Zealand which already has non-exclusive, minority union representation. The low levels and consequences of conflict suggest that the benefits of minority unionism far outweigh any potentially unfavourable effects.
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Woodcock, Jamie. „How to beat the boss: Game Workers Unite in Britain“. Capital & Class 44, Nr. 4 (12.02.2020): 523–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816820906349.
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This article provides an overview of the growth of game worker organising in Britain. These workers have not previously been organised in a trade union, but over the last 2 years, they have developed a campaign to unionise their sector and launched a legal trade union branch. This is a powerful example of so-called ‘greenfield’ organising, beyond the reach of existing trade unions and with workers who have not previously been members. The article provides an outline of the industry, the launch of the Game Workers Unite international network, the growth of the division in Britain as well as their formation as a branch of the Independent Workers’ Union of Great Britain. The aim is to draw out lessons for both the videogames industry, as well as other non-unionised industries, showing how the traditions of trade unionism can be translated and developed in new contexts.
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Schwenken, Helen, und Claire Hobden. „Mapping domestic workers’ organizing globally“. Atlánticas. Revista Internacional de Estudios Feministas 5, Nr. 1 (31.12.2021): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/arief.2020.5.1.4959.
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Domestic workers face challenges for organizing, e.g. decentralization of the workforce, nature of the employment relationship. This article analyses, based on a multiple country-comparison, how domestic workers organize despite constrictions. We identify three forms of organizing: the trade union model and the association model (Shireen Ally). We propose, though, an additional third model, the ‘hybrid type’: domestic workers organize ‘amongst themselves’ in associations and at the same time these associations are linked to or integrated into trade unions, which provides representation, services and contact with other workers. Related to this finding, we see a trend of an ‘emerging trade unionism’. Which means that we tend to find more trade union-related forms of organizing than a decade ago. One explanatory factor is the “governance struggle” of winning the International Labour Organization’s Convention “Decent Work for Domestic Workers” in 2011, which led to an increased collaboration and trust-building between organized domestic workers and trade unions.
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O'BRIEN, ROBERT. „Workers and world order: the tentative transformation of the international union movement“. Review of International Studies 26, Nr. 4 (Juli 2000): 533–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500005337.
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The activity of workers' organizations and labour issues is once again on the international relations agenda in fields ranging from labour standards at the WTO, to the terms of regional integration, to corporate codes of conduct, to civil society coalition building. This article argues that the role of the international union movement is transforming from a supporter of US capitalism to a brake on neoliberal industrial relations, to potentially advocating a different form of political economy in alliance with other groups. This transformation has taken place partially because unions have has been expelled from the corridors of power in key states and partially because of their encounter with a series of social movements. The cases of the ICFTU's activity in engaging international organizations and MNCs are used as examples to illustrate this trend. The implications for activity in, and the theory of, the global political economy are potentially significant.
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Brown, Sarah, und John G. Sessions. „International competition and the labor market prospects of union and nonunion workers“. Journal of Labor Research 22, Nr. 3 (September 2001): 669–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12122-001-1027-6.
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Stolte, Carolien. „Bringing Asia to the world: Indian trade unionism and the long road towards the Asiatic Labour Congress, 1919–37“. Journal of Global History 7, Nr. 2 (Juli 2012): 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281200006x.
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AbstractThis article considers Asianism in the Indian trade union movement, against the backdrop of increasing international cooperation between Asian trade union movements in the interwar period, which culminated in the short-lived Asiatic Labour Congress (1934–37). It demonstrates how Asianist enthusiasm both propelled and hampered Indian workers’ representation at the International Labour Organization and other international bodies. Finally, it considers Asianism as a crucial characteristic of Indian trade unionism in the interwar period, by showing how the All-India Trade Union Congress, once the hope of Indian labour as an organized force, split into rival federations over the issue of its Asian affiliations.
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Wallerstein, Michael. „Union Organization in Advanced Industrial Democracies“. American Political Science Review 83, Nr. 2 (Juni 1989): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962401.
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I suggest a new explanation of cross-national differences in unionization rates: the size of the labor force. Size matters because the gains unions are able to achieve in collective bargaining depend on the proportion of substitutable workers who are organized, while the costs of organizing depend in part on the absolute number to be recruited. The comparison of the costs and benefits of organizing new workers yields the conclusion that unions in larger labor markets will accept lower levels of unionization. Statistical analysis of cross-national differences in unionization rates among advanced industrial societies in the late 1970s indicates that the size of the labor force and the cumulative participation of leftist parties in government explain most of the variance.
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Robin-Olivier, Sophie. „Posting of workers in the European Union: an exploitative labour system“. European Law Open 1, Nr. 3 (September 2022): 679–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/elo.2022.38.
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AbstractThis article unpacks some severe forms of exploitation of workers, resulting from the use of free provision of services for purposes that it was not intended to fulfil, under internal market law. It explores how this evolution of posting relates to the existence of a market resting only on the international assignment of workers, and proposes that the European Union (EU) takes steps to limit or prohibit assignment of labour, especially in the sectors (agriculture, meat sector, construction) where posting of workers, as some recent cases show, leads to extreme forms of exploitation that can be tagged as slavery.
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Bain, George. „Reflections on the Committee of Inquiry on Industrial Democracy, 1975–1977, Chaired by Alan Bullock“. Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 44, Nr. 1 (September 2023): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2023.44.11.
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The Committee of Inquiry on Industrial Democracy, 1975–77 (chair: Alan Bullock) was established to explore the Trades Union Congress’s proposals for board-level workers’ representation, which it saw as a means to locate workers’ interests within corporate strategy. Two issues emerged in the committee’s work: the macro division of class and ideology chiefly between union and union-sympathizing advocates of worker directors on the one hand, and business and business-sympathizing opponents on the other hand; and the micro division within the trade-union movement over worker directors. Two reports were published: the Majority Report recommended that one-third of company directors be elected, on a statutory basis, by union members employed in the company, whereas the Minority Report proposed the establishment, on a voluntary basis, of below-board committees elected by all workers. The Labour government did not accept the Majority Report and its White Paper proposed a diluted version of the Minority Report. There was no attempt to legislate. Comparing the Bullock Committee with the Low Pay Commission (of which he was the first chair) reinforced a central tenet of Bain’s experience of industrial relations, which is that meaningful redistribution of authority from employers to workers has only ever been achieved in the UK with a level of government support that is sufficient to override business opposition.
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Kobroń-Gąsiorowska, Łucja. „The legal status of gig workers“. Kwartalnik Prawa Międzynarodowego II, Nr. II (30.06.2023): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0053.6686.
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The legal status of gig workers has been controversial for years, and the COVID-19 pandemic has made it a priority. The role of the market economy has changed: work based on digital platforms has become an employment option for many people. At the international level, the protection of this particular category of employees is determined by the general protective standards of labor law, e.g. in ILO conventions. Also, the European Union (EU) announced its intention in 2021 to regulate gig workers. This article presents the challenges of international and national law, which will have to adapt work based on digital platforms to basic principles and rights at work, decent work standards and sustainable development goals.
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Sarıipek, Doğa Başar, Meryem Aybas und Brigita Stanikūnienė. „Precarious Job and Union Tendencies among Women and Young Employees: The Relationships between Economic Constraints, Job Security and Trust in Employers“. Engineering Economics 34, Nr. 3 (23.06.2023): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ee.34.3.32994.
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The aim of this study is to examine whether having a precarious job (low job security) increases union tendencies among female workers and young workers. The study examines the relationship between economic constraints, trust in employers and union attitudes in terms of gender and age in the context of the antecedents and consequences of job security. Data were collected using a survey conducted among 804 Turkish employees working in various sectors and analysed through multi-group path models, t-tests and ANOVA to measure job security objectively and subjectively. Economic constraints increase the acceptance of low job security and decrease trust towards employers. The research also indicates that poorer job security does not affect collective and union tendencies. While precarious jobs are more intense among young and women employees, there is no difference in their union tendencies. This article used the decent work perspective to explore the consequences of having a precarious job among women and young workers in Turkey. We assumed that the perception of precariousness reduces trust towards employers and strengthens collective and union tendencies. We also argue that economic constraints play an important role in choosing precarious jobs. We also test whether women and young employees, as two prominent disadvantaged groups, have collective efficacy and union efficacy in precarious job conditions.
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Fox-Hodess, Katy. „Worker Power, Trade Union Strategy, and International Connections: Dockworker Unionism in Colombia and Chile“. Latin American Politics and Society 61, Nr. 03 (30.05.2019): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.4.
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ABSTRACTThis article analyzes the constitution of dockworkers’ power and its impact on trade union strategy in recent labor disputes in Chile and Colombia. Dockworkers’ strategic location in the economies of both countries would predict a high degree of shop-floor power among both groups. In practice, however, Colombian dock-workers had far less shop-floor power than their Chilean counterparts, as a result of mitigating social and political factors. Consequently, they developed a strategy this study terms human rights unionism, relying on external allies and lawsuits for leverage, rather than shop-floor action. Dockworkers in Chile, by contrast, adopted a strategy termed class struggle unionism, relying on nationally and internationally coordinated shop-floor action. This article therefore proposes an expanded model of workers’ structural power, incorporating the roles of state and society to better account for power differentials and divergent strategic pathways among workers who share a common position in the economic system.
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Higbie, Tobias, und Gaspar Rivera-Salgado. „The Border at Work: Undocumented Workers, the ILGWU in Los Angeles, and the Limits of Labor Citizenship“. Labor 19, Nr. 4 (01.12.2022): 58–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10032376.
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Abstract In 2000, the AFL-CIO officially embraced the call for amnesty for undocumented immigrant workers, reversing long-standing policy in favor of greater restriction and border enforcement. The roots of this new approach stretched back to the 1970s, when the growing presence of undocumented workers in the industrial workforce challenged organized labor's nationalist orthodoxy. Taking the International Ladies Garment Workers Union (ILGWU) in Los Angeles as a case study, we show how one union confronted new demographic and organizing realities and recognized the demand for unionization among new immigrants. Radical community organizers, legal advocates, and union organizing staff created a practice of labor citizenship, the recognition of the immigrants’ right to remain by virtue the demand for their labor. The promise of belonging through organizing and collective bargaining was limited by state power and the structural weakness of organized labor in the emerging neoliberal economy. Nevertheless, ILGWU campaigns trained a cohort of organizers that would become central to the union upsurge in Los Angeles during the 1990s.
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Kabeya muase, Charles. „Un pouvoir de travailleurs peut-il être contre les syndicats ?“ Politique africaine 33, Nr. 1 (1989): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1989.5247.
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Can workers power negate «union power» ? The CNR lays claims to being the legitimate successor to the trade union struggles of th 1970’s and is thus the repository of workers power, a belief that led to the supression of trade unions in Burkina Faso. The unions have however responded by mobilising their members against the government and shown that they are a counter power to reckon with.
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Penrose, Beris G. „The Australian Workers Union and Occupational Arsenic in the 1930s“. Journal of Industrial Relations 41, Nr. 2 (Juni 1999): 256–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569904100203.
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Clark, G. L., und K. Johnston. „The Geography of US Union Elections 4: Patterns of Close Elections and Determinants of the Margins of Victory and Loss (the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Union and the United Auto Workers Union, 1970–82)“. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, Nr. 4 (April 1987): 447–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190447.
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Patterns of close union representation elections and the determinants of the margins of victory and loss are the topics of this paper. The importance of close elections for management, unions, and the National Labor Relations Board is emphasized. Likely union and management strategies for contesting close elections are noted, as is the significance of these elections in relation to the changing political and institutional environment of US labor relations. Empirically, a set of structural and contextual variables are used to discriminate between close and nonclose elections. The determinants of close elections are analyzed through a set of regression models, using as dependent variables the margins of victory and loss. Data on close elections are developed from the electoral performance of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union and the United Auto Workers union over the period 1970–82. Implications of these results are considered for the role of the National Labor Relations Board and the effectiveness of management consultants in union representation campaigns.
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Uslu, E. „The Kurdistan Workers' Party Turns against the European Union“. Mediterranean Quarterly 19, Nr. 2 (01.04.2008): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2008-007.
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England, Joe. „Formation, Legacy, and Change in the National Union of General and Municipal Workers, and the Transport and General Workers’ Union, 1889-1978“. Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 42, Nr. 1 (01.09.2021): 27–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2021.42.2.
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This article explores the paradox of the two large ‘general’ workers’ unions - the former Transport and General Workers’ Union (TGWU) and the National Union of General and Municipal Workers (NUGMW) - which from their militant origins to within a comparatively few years were seen as undemocratic, moderate in industrial tactics and right-wing in labour politics - ‘pillars of conservatism’. In due time they moved from the fringes to centre stage, acquiring one in four of all trade-unionists, and dominating with their block votes the decisions of the Trades Union Congress and the Labour Party conference. Even more dramatic was the apparent overnight conversion to left-wing views within the TGWU when Frank Cousins became general secretary in 1956. Then under his successor, Jack Jones, responding to the dynamic of shop-floor organization, the TGWU radically changed its ethos and government. The NUGMW, with David Basnett as general secretary from 1973, also moved away from its long-standing positions but its government remained unchanged. But in 1979 the economic and political environments within which the unions were operating completely changed.