Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „International Handbag Workers Union“
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Machen Sie sich mit den Listen der aktuellen Artikel, Bücher, Dissertationen, Berichten und anderer wissenschaftlichen Quellen zum Thema "International Handbag Workers Union" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "International Handbag Workers Union"
1
Panov, A. I. „THE MONOGRAPH ABOUT TRANSPORT TRADE UNIONS“. World of Transport and Transportation 15, Nr. 1 (28.02.2017): 276–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30932/1992-3252-2017-15-1-27.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
[For the English abstract and full text of the article please see the attached PDF-File (English version follows Russian version)].REVIEW OF THE BOOK: Zubkov, S. A., Krainov, G.N. Transport unions as part of the international trade union movement. Monograph. Moscow, INFRA-M publ., 2017, 297 p. ABSTRACT The book, published in the series «Scientific Thought», is devoted to the study of transport unions as components of the international trade union movement. The authors draw attention to the history, current state and problems of the international trade union movement, t h e processes of globalization, cooperation and coordination of the actions of international transport unions. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the trade union movement in rail transport, the participation of the Russian trade union of railway workers and transport builders in the international trade union movement. Keywords: trade union, transport unions, international trade union movement, International Confederation of Trade Unions (ITUC), World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), International Workers’ Association (IWA), Global Federation of Trade Unions (GUF), International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITWF), International Committee of Transport Workers’ Propaganda (ICTWP), Profintern, International Confederation of Trade Unions of Railway Workers and Transport Builders (ICRW), Russian Union of Railway Workers and Transport Builders (ROSPROFZHEL).
2
Hyman, Richard, und Rebecca Gumbrell-McCormick. „(How) can international trade union organisations be democratic?“ Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, Nr. 3 (August 2020): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920938499.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
International trade union organisations, like unions at national level, commonly affirm their commitment to internal democracy. But what does this mean? There exists a vast literature on union democracy, addressing the questions whether democracy in trade unions is desirable; whether it is possible; and if so, how it can be achieved. However, the focus of analysis is almost exclusively at the national (or sub-national) level, with the premise that union members are individual workers. But international unions (like many national confederations indeed) do not have individual workers as members: they are organisations of organisations. What does this imply for our understanding of union democracy? We begin our article by summarising the broader literature on union democracy, then develop an interpretation of international unions as ‘meta-organisations’. We next explore some of the implications for debates on democracy at international level, and end by asking whether theories of deliberative democracy can help in understanding the options for international union democracy.
3
Kuruvilla, Sarosh, und Roderick D. Iverson. „A Confirmatory Factor Analysis of Union Commitment in Australia“. Journal of Industrial Relations 35, Nr. 3 (September 1993): 436–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569303500305.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper evaluates the applicability of the different factor structures of union commitment identified in previous studies to the Australian case. Confirmatory factor analysis results using LISREL VII suggest that union commitment is best represented by four distinct factors, 'union loyalty; 'responsibility to the union; 'willingness to work for the union', and 'belief in unionism' in this sample of Australian workers. OLS regression results indicate that the four factors are differentially related to a set of common predictor variables. White-collar workers reported higher levels of commit ment than blue-collar workers. Participation in leadership positions and previous ex perience with union handling of grievances significantly increased commitment to the union. The results suggest support for the generalizability of the factor structure of union commitment to Australia. Implications for future research are discussed.
4
Pyman, Amanda, Julian Teicher, Brian Cooper und Peter Holland. „Unmet Demand for Union Membership in Australia“. Journal of Industrial Relations 51, Nr. 1 (Februar 2009): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608099662.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Unmet demand for union membership is defined as employees in non-union workplaces who would join a union if given the opportunity. Unmet demand is a significant issue for Australian unions as union density continues to decline and the current legislative environment remains hostile. This article gauges the contours of unmet demand for union membership in Australia, drawing on responses to the Australian Worker Representation and Participation Survey (AWRPS 2004). It finds a significant level of unmet demand for union membership in Australia. Unmet demand varies according to workplace and employee characteristics and is highest among low income earners, younger workers, workers with shorter organizational tenure and workers in routinized occupations. The practical implications of our findings are discussed in relation to union renewal and the legislative environment prevailing in 2008.
5
LeClercq, Desirée. „Invisible Workers“. AJIL Unbound 116 (2022): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.13.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the parable, The Emperor Has No Clothes, an emperor walks naked through a public procession, assured by his own pride and vain advisors that he was wearing a magnificent robe visible only to the smart and worthy. Like the emperor, governments imagine that they have cloaked international economic law in a new “worker-centered” trade policy. This essay explains how their efforts have merely exposed the deficits in international economic law. They have failed to account for asymmetries between capital and labor and hierarchies between sectors of workers. They also exclude the voices of the world's most vulnerable workers—particularly those who do not benefit from union representation or job formality. The essay proposes that if policymakers intend to give workers an authentic voice and bargaining power, they must critically examine international economic law's very corpus.
6
Revenko, Nikolai Sergeevich. „International labor migration policy of the European Union“. Contemporary Europe, Nr. 5 (15.12.2023): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323050091.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The cross-border movement of labour is associated with an objective need for the host country to accept and comply with the relevant rules. This problem has always existed for the European Union and its member states due to the attractiveness of the region for migrant workers, relatively high standard of living and the widely diversified sectoral structure of the economy. Based on the analysis of the relevant directives, the article chronologises the stages of regulation of international labour migration in the EU with an emphasis on the present. Close attention is given to the EU regulatory practice of the issues of attracting highly qualified and seasonal labour third-countries workers, students and researchers, facilitating intra-corporate transfers. In this context the regulatory vector in the area of international labour migration to the EU is aimed at obtaining benefits from the influx of the necessary labour force through the creation of favorable conditions for its integration into European society. The implementation of Directive on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purpose of highly qualified employment will depend on the applicable practices of the EU member states. The study reveals the dualism of the economic effects of international labor migration received by the EU at present: positive in the form of a relative reduction in unit costs due to labor components, the flow of technological knowledge and negative ones associated with the displacement of part of local labor resources, the outflow of funds from foreign workers, changes in the structure of aggregate demand, the impact on the level of wages, aggravation of interethnic and interfaith conflicts against the background of a low level of integration of foreigners into local society.
7
Rogers, Jackie Krasas. „Look for the union label: A history of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union“. Journal of Labor Research 18, Nr. 1 (März 1997): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12122-997-1015-6.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
8
Cobble, Dorothy Sue. „International Women's Trade Unionism and Education“. International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000089.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis keynote address, delivered in December 2015 at the International Federation of Workers’ Education Association General Conference in Lima, Peru, refutes the standard trope of labor movement decline and provides evidence for the global rise and feminization of labor movements worldwide. Trade union women’s commitment to emancipatory, democratic worker education helped spur these changes. The origins and effects of two historical examples are detailed: the Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women Workers held in the United States annually from 1921 to 1938 and the first International Women’s Summer School of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) held in France in 1953. The latter experiment, attended by women labor leaders from 25 countries, energized the Women’s Committee of the ICFTU. It led to the adoption of “The Charter of Rights of Working Women” by the ICFTU in 1965 and helped make possible the election of Sharan Burrow and other women to top office in the International Trade Union Confederation. The address concludes with a discussion of what the history of trade union women’s education teaches about strengthening future labor movements.
9
Katabay, P. Kh, V. I. Resin, M. I. Skripnikova und Yu I. Smirnov. „Essays of Trade Union History of the First Economic (Commercial) Education Institution in Russia“. Vestnik of the Plekhanov Russian University of Economics, Nr. 1 (14.02.2022): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2413-2829-2022-1-114-122.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article shows the process of founding and developing trade union functions at education institutions. On the ground of factual material the role and importance of the Russian Plekhanov University of Economics were studied in different periods of interaction between workers of people’s education and society and state in order to ensure their defense in sphere of labour. Today the Professional Union of Workers of People’s Education and Science of the Russian Federation keeps upholding social and labour rights and professional interests of teachers, pre-school nurses, lecturers and other workers of education. The principle goal of developing contractual regulation in social and labour relations is to improve its quality and efficiency for workers of education. The trade union has joined both Russian and international union movement. When we reveal history of the trade union, it can help union bodies and activists comprehend both the past and the present significance of the trade union movement in education.
10
Clark, G. L., und K. Johnston. „The Geography of US Union Elections 2: Performance of the United Auto Workers Union and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Union, 1970–82“. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, Nr. 2 (Februar 1987): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190153.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper is an extension of previous work on the geography of US union elections. It is largely an exercise in description. The issue here concerns the electoral performance of two unions, the United Auto Workers union and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union, over the period 1970–82. Relevant descriptive variables include location, scale, sector, state right-to-work legislation, and local economic variables. Two arguments are advanced. First, there are parallels between the electoral performance of US unions, and the partisan political process. Forces of electoral fragmentation evident in the partisan political process are mediated, however, by institutional factors relating to the organizing strategies of unions. Second, it is observed that there are significant differences between the unions, especially with respect to the patterns of their electoral successes and failures. These patterns, and their associations with local economic factors, are illustrated through a series of multivariate analyses of variance. Definitive tests of hypothesized causal relationships are left to a subsequent paper.
Dissertationen zum Thema "International Handbag Workers Union"
1
Hutchison, Jane. „Export opportunities: women workers organising in the Philippine garments industry“. Thesis, Hutchison, Jane (2004) Export opportunities: women workers organising in the Philippine garments industry. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2004. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/84/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Transnational production arrangements have been widely argued to lessen the organising capacities of industrial workers, none more so than in the case of women workers in 'export' or 'world market' factories in developing countries. This thesis contests this assertion by showing that women workers' ability to form enterprise unions in the Philippine garments industry are enhanced by transnational production arrangements involving an overseas market. Specifically, the thesis demonstrates that, in order to meet the quality and delivery requirements of overseas buyers and contractors, local owners and/or production managers are forced to routinely keep more production in-house in order to exert more direct controls over the work processes of their women sewers. By thereby limiting the amount of local subcontracting which is done, women workers are agglomerated in larger numbers in the one place and, consequently, their capacities to engage in collective action - as indicated by the establishment of enterprise unions - is markedly increased.
Empirically, the argument of the thesis draws on a 'multiple-case' study of sixty-five garment-making establishments located in and around Manila. The study involved interviews with owners, production managers and/or trade union officials about the local subcontracting practices of their establishments. The conclusions drawn about the links between export production and enhanced labour organising capacities at the enterprise level are corroborated by the 'commodity chain' literature on industrial deepening in the international garments industry and the status of the Philippine industry in this regard. But rather than think simply in terms of industrial deepening, this thesis is concerned with the impacts of exporting on class processes.
Theoretically, the thesis thus draws on the Marxist view that capitalist development entails changes in the social form of labour, through the real subsumption of labour. But, whereas Marx linked the real subsumption of labour to greater capitalist controls over the labour process, in this thesis the real subsumption of labour is also tied to concomitant changes in the spatial form of the labour process. From this standpoint, the thesis engages with labour process theory after Braverman (accusing it of often failing to link capitalist control to class processes) and with theories of class (which often ignore the social and spatial form of the labour process). In tying organising capacities of women workers at the enterprise level to changes in social and spatial form of the labour process, it is nevertheless argued that these capacities are also shaped at the national level by the legal framework for legitimate organising and by 'political space' in which the law in fact operates. In this regard, it is argued that, whilst the state often passes laws to protect labour standards, it does not grant workers the means to ensure such standards are actually enforced.
The thesis also challenges the view that the recruitment of women is a strategy which employers deliberately use in the Philippine garments industry to limit industrial conflict. Against this assertion of a rational economic basis to women's employment, the thesis argues that women are employed for sewing jobs as a result of the sex-typing of such jobs; but that this is also more an effect than a cause as the feminisation of sewing in the modern garments industry is embedded in class processes in the nineteenth century in Europe and the United States. Gender is a dimension of labour control, but women workers in the garments industry are not employed to limit enterprise unionism.
2
Hutchison, Jane. „Export opportunities : women workers organising in the Philippine garments industry /“. Hutchison, Jane (2004) Export opportunities: women workers organising in the Philippine garments industry. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2004. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/84/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Transnational production arrangements have been widely argued to lessen the organising capacities of industrial workers, none more so than in the case of women workers in 'export' or 'world market' factories in developing countries. This thesis contests this assertion by showing that women workers' ability to form enterprise unions in the Philippine garments industry are enhanced by transnational production arrangements involving an overseas market. Specifically, the thesis demonstrates that, in order to meet the quality and delivery requirements of overseas buyers and contractors, local owners and/or production managers are forced to routinely keep more production in-house in order to exert more direct controls over the work processes of their women sewers. By thereby limiting the amount of local subcontracting which is done, women workers are agglomerated in larger numbers in the one place and, consequently, their capacities to engage in collective action - as indicated by the establishment of enterprise unions - is markedly increased.
Empirically, the argument of the thesis draws on a 'multiple-case' study of sixty-five garment-making establishments located in and around Manila. The study involved interviews with owners, production managers and/or trade union officials about the local subcontracting practices of their establishments. The conclusions drawn about the links between export production and enhanced labour organising capacities at the enterprise level are corroborated by the 'commodity chain' literature on industrial deepening in the international garments industry and the status of the Philippine industry in this regard. But rather than think simply in terms of industrial deepening, this thesis is concerned with the impacts of exporting on class processes.
Theoretically, the thesis thus draws on the Marxist view that capitalist development entails changes in the social form of labour, through the real subsumption of labour. But, whereas Marx linked the real subsumption of labour to greater capitalist controls over the labour process, in this thesis the real subsumption of labour is also tied to concomitant changes in the spatial form of the labour process. From this standpoint, the thesis engages with labour process theory after Braverman (accusing it of often failing to link capitalist control to class processes) and with theories of class (which often ignore the social and spatial form of the labour process). In tying organising capacities of women workers at the enterprise level to changes in social and spatial form of the labour process, it is nevertheless argued that these capacities are also shaped at the national level by the legal framework for legitimate organising and by 'political space' in which the law in fact operates. In this regard, it is argued that, whilst the state often passes laws to protect labour standards, it does not grant workers the means to ensure such standards are actually enforced.
The thesis also challenges the view that the recruitment of women is a strategy which employers deliberately use in the Philippine garments industry to limit industrial conflict. Against this assertion of a rational economic basis to women's employment, the thesis argues that women are employed for sewing jobs as a result of the sex-typing of such jobs; but that this is also more an effect than a cause as the feminisation of sewing in the modern garments industry is embedded in class processes in the nineteenth century in Europe and the United States. Gender is a dimension of labour control, but women workers in the garments industry are not employed to limit enterprise unionism.
3
Oestreich, Julia. „They Saw Themselves as Workers: Interracial Unionism in the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union and the Development of Black Labor Organizations, 1933-1940“. Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/156801.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
HistoryPh.D.
'They Saw Themselves as Workers' explores the development of black membership in the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) in the wake of the "Uprising of the 30,000" garment strike of 1933-34, as well as the establishment of independent black labor or labor-related organizations during the mid-late 1930s. The locus for the growth of black ILGWU membership was Harlem, where there were branches of Local 22, one of the largest and the most diverse ILGWU local. Harlem was also where the Negro Labor Committee (NLC) was established by Frank Crosswaith, a leading black socialist and ILGWU organizer. I provide some background, but concentrate on the aftermath of the marked increase in black membership in the ILGWU during the 1933-34 garment uprising and end in 1940, when blacks confirmed their support of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and when the labor-oriented National Negro Congress (NNC) was irrevocably split by struggles over communist influence. By that time, the NLC was also struggling, due to both a lack of support from trade unions and friendly organizations, as well as the fact that the Committee was constrained by the political views and personal grudges of its founder. Yet, during the period examined in "They Saw Themselves as Workers," the ILGWU and its Local 22 thrived. Using primary sources including the records of the ILGWU and various locals, the NLC, and the NNC, I argue that educational programming was largely responsible for the ILGWU's success during the 1930s, not political ideology, as others have argued. In fact, I assert that political ideology was often detrimental to organizations like the NLC and NNC, alienating many blacks during a period when they increasingly shifted their allegiance to the Democratic Party. Conversely, through educational programming that brought unionists of various racial and ethnic backgrounds together and celebrated their differences, the ILGWU assimilated new African American members and strengthened interracial working-class solidarity. That programming included such ostensibly apolitical activities as classes, dances, musical and theatrical performances, sporting events, and trips to resorts and places of cultural interest. Yet, by attracting workers who wanted to expand their minds and enjoy their lives outside of work to combat the misery of the Depression, the ILGWU cemented their devotion to the union and its agenda. Thus, through activities that were not overtly political, the ILGWU drew workers into the labor movement, and ultimately into the New Deal coalition in support of President Roosevelt and the Democratic Party. As the union flourished, part of an increasingly influential labor movement, it offered African American workers a better path to political power than the Negro Labor Committee or the National Negro Congress during the mid-late 1930s.
Temple University--Theses
4
Cholewinski, Ryszard. „Migrant workers in international human rights law : their protection in countries of employment /“. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1997. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/279985177.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
5
Wisnor, Ryan Thomas. „Workers of the Word Unite!: The Powell's Books Union Organizing Campaign, 1998-2001“. PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4162.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The labor movement's groundswell in the 1990s accompanied a period of intense competition and conglomeration within the retail book sector. Unexpectedly, the intersection of these two trends produced two dozen union drives across the country between 1996 and 2004 at large retail bookstores, including Borders and Barnes & Noble. Historians have yet to fully examine these retail organizing contests or recount their contributions to the labor movement and its history, including booksellers' pioneering use of the internet as an organizing tool. This thesis focuses on the aspirations, tactics, and contributions of booksellers in their struggles to unionize their workplaces, while also exploring the economic context surrounding bookselling and the labor movement at the end of the twentieth century. While the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) auspiciously announced a national campaign in 1997 to organize thousands of bookstore clerks, the only successfully unionized bookstore from this era that remains today is the Powell's Books chain in Portland, Oregon with over 400 workers represented by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 5.
Local 5's successful union campaign at Powell's Books occurring between 1998 and 2000 is at the center of this study and stands out as a point of light against a dark backdrop of failed union attempts in the retail sector during the latter decades of the twentieth century. This inquiry utilizes Local 5's internal document archive and the collection of oral histories gathered by labor historians Edward Beechert and Harvey Schwartz in 2001 and 2002. My analysis of these previously unexamined records demonstrates how Powell's efforts to thwart the ILWU campaign proved a decisive failure and contributed to the polarization of a super majority of the workforce behind Local 5. Equally, my analysis illustrates how the self-organization, initiative, and unrelenting creativity of booksellers transformed a narrow union election victory to overwhelming support for the union's bargaining committee. Paramount to Local 5's contract success was the union's partnership with Portland's social justice community, which induced a social movement around Powell's Books at a time of increased political activity and unity among the nation's labor, environment, and anti-globalization activists. The bonds of solidarity and mutual aid between Local 5 and its community allies were forged during the World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations in Seattle in 1999 and Portland's revival of May Day in 2000. Following eleven work stoppages and fifty-three bargaining sessions, the union acquired a first contract that far exceeded any gains made by the UFCW at its unionized bookstores. The Powell's agreement included improvements to existing health and retirement benefits plus an 18 percent wage increase for employees over three years.
This analysis brings to light the formation of a distinct working-class culture and consciousness among Powell's booksellers, communicated through workers' essays, artwork, strikes, and solidarity actions with the social justice community. It provides a detailed account of Local 5's creative street theater tactics and work stoppages that captured the imagination of activists and the attention of the broader community. The conflict forced the news media and community leaders to publicly choose sides in a labor dispute reminiscent of struggles not seen in Portland since the 1950s. Observers of all political walks worried that the Portland cultural and commercial intuition would collapse under the weight of the two-year labor contest. My research illustrates the tension among the city's liberal and progressive populace created by the upstart union's presence at prominent liberal civic leader Michael Powell's iconic store and how the union organized prominent liberal leaders on the side of their cause. It concludes by recognizing that Local 5's complete history remains a work in progress, but that its formation represents an indispensable Portland contribution to the revitalized national labor movement of the late 1990s.
6
Cregg, James Giblin, und Joseph English. „A study to assess the post-treatment effectiveness of pedagogical instruction for union apprenticeship instructors“. CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/799.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
7
Zambo, Mveng Jean-Claude. „La protection des travailleurs migrants au Cameroun et en France : étude de droit international et de droit comparé“. Thesis, Lille 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LIL20012.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
De par le monde, les intérêts des personnes travaillant à l’étranger sont tout à la fois méconnus et contestés. Le but de cette étude est de dégager les lignes de force qui sous-tendent, non sans contradictions ni crise la protection de ces personnes. En s’appuyant à la fois sur le droit (interne et international) camerounais et français, la thèse s’attache à démontrer que, nonobstant leur appartenance à des espaces géographiques différents et quel que soit leur niveau dedéveloppement économique, les Etats assurent un traitement juridique semblable aux migrants qui exercent une activité rémunérée sur leur territoire. La démarche d’ensemble de la prise en compte de la situation juridique des travailleursmigrants est caractérisée par le décalage qui existe entre un renforcement normatif de la protection d’une part et une effectivité limité de celle-ci d’autre part. Dans un premier temps, le renforcement du droit se déduit tout d’abord de ladiversité des règles juridiques applicables aux travailleurs migrants et de la dynamique des interactions entre celles-ci.Ensuite, l’affermissement de la protection résulte dune capacité de jouissance et d’exercice de droits par les travailleurs migrants de plus en plus étendue et d’une mise en balance (verticale ou horizontale) relativement harmonieuse desdroits reconnus. Dans un second temps, cette consolidation normative de la protection des travailleurs migrants peine à s’affirmer dans les faits. Cela tient avant tout au fait que les mécanismes de mise en oeuvre des droits des travailleursmigrants sont relativement insatisfaisants et que les acteurs concernés par cette protection sont inégalement impliqués. Le constat d’une effectivité limitée de la protection des travailleurs migrants découle aussi de la diversité des freins à laréalisation des droits des travailleurs migrants et des réformes à envisager dans l’optique d’une meilleure prise en compte des droits de cette catégorie de personnes. Au total, l’étude constitue un bilan particulièrement actuel des forces et des faiblesses (limites) du droit dans ces deux pays, pour autant que soit concerné la sauvegarde des intérêts de cette catégorie fragile de personnes que sont les travailleurs migrants. Elle permet de réaffirmer l’égalité juridique des individus, face à l’inégalité économique criarde des Etats. Ce qui conduit à conclure que, dans le domaine de la protection de l’humain, tous les Etats sont, àdivers degrés, sur un terrain d’apprentissage. C’est dire si le droit est lui-même un enjeu permanent de la protection de l’Homme en général et du travailleur migrant en particulierAll over the world, the interests of people working abroad are at once unknown and disputed. The purpose of this study is to identify the lines of force behind, not without contradictions crisis or protect these people. Based on French and Cameroon law ( domestic and international ), the thesis seeks to demonstrate that, despite their belonging to different geographical areas and whatever their level of economic development, states provide legal treatment similar to migrants who are gainfully employed in their territory. The overall approach of taking into account the legal status of migrant workers is characterized by the gap between normative strengthening protection on the one hand and limited effectiveness thereof other. At first, strengthening of the law is deduced firstly from the diversity of legal rules applicable to migrant workers and the dynamics of interactions between them. Second, the strengthening of protection results with a capacity of enjoyment and exercise of rights by migrant workers more scope and a balancing (vertical or horizontal) rather harmonious recognized rights. In a second step, this normative consolidation of protection of migrant workers sentence to assert the facts. This is primarily due to the fact that the mechanisms of implementation of the rights of migrant workers are relatively unsatisfactory and that the actors involved in this protection are unequallyinvolved. The finding of limited effectiveness of the protection of migrant workers also stems from the diversity of obstacles to realizing the rights of migrant workers and to consider reforms in the context of a greater consideration of the rights of this category of people. In short, the study is a particularly current assessment of strengths and weaknesses of the law in both countries, so far as is concerned to safeguard the interests of this vulnerable category of people that are migrant workers. It helps to reaffirm the legal equality of individuals facing the screaming economic inequality states. This leads to the conclusion that in the field of protection of human, all states are, to varying degrees, on a training ground. That is,if the law itself is an ongoing issue for the protection of human rights in general and migrant workers in particular
8
Håkansson, Fredrik. „Standing up to a Multinational Giant : The Saint-Gobain World Council and the American Window Glass Workers' Strike in the American Saint Gobain Corporation in 1969“. Doctoral thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper, KV, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-27447.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the 1960s, a large number of World Councils were founded in a number of industrial branches. One of the most recognized World Councils was established in the multinational glass manufacturer Compagnie de Saint-Gobain in 1969, in connection to an international trade union action against the company. The purpose of this study is to investigate and understand the origin and character of this World Council and international action. The study places great emphasis on the American participation in the Saint-Gobain World Council and the international action, but explores, in addition, the work and function of the World Council, the international action’s outcome in terms of wages and working conditions, the so-called vertical implementation of the trade union action, i.e. the integration of several trade union-organizational levels in a single action, as well as the wider contexts beyond the purely economic to which the World Council and the action can be linked. An essential point of departure is retrieved from the historical materialist tradition in order to understand the conflicts of interests and the ability to realize interests on the labor market, in the production, and within politics. An in-depth discussion on the structuring of overt conflicts and international trade union actions is undertaken based on four specific theories that are based on the assumption that trade unions and employers are rational actors. The survey consists of three main parts. The first empirical section identifies the action itself—its parties, origins, course of events, and aftermath. The second empirical section interprets the parties’ perspectives and interests in the long run. The third, and final empirical section examines the structural conditions in the United States for conflictual sentiments and international action. The study provides new perspectives on the structural background to the American union’s mobilization and international strategies. It also helps to explain why the World Councils were short-lived and, in the end, did not meet the high expectations placed on them. At the same time, the study displays the main achievements and shortcomings of the international campaign against Saint-Gobain and the postwar political context to which the action can be linked.
9
Giliani, Francesco. „« Troisième Camp » ou nouvel « Octobre » ? : Socialistes de gauche, trotskistes et Deuxième Guerre mondiale (1938-1948)“. Thesis, Lyon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LYSE2075.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Le débat au sein du mouvement ouvrier autour de la relation entre la guerre et la révolution a toujours été de nature stratégique, déjà à l’époque de la Première Internationale. Trancher sur l’attitude face à la guerre a produit débats, clivages et scissions : entre réformistes et révolutionnaires, entre défaitistes et défenseurs de l’« Union sacrée », entre pacifistes absolus et "militaristes révolutionnaires". À la fin des années 1930, alors que le monde précipite à nouveau vers un conflit à l’échelle mondiale, l’actualisation – ou bien la répétition - de la démarche suivie par Lénine pendant la Première Guerre mondiale (le défaitisme révolutionnaire) est au cœur des analyses et des perspectives débattues par les minorités révolutionnaires. Cette recherche vise à établir les données du débat théorique et d’orientation politique et programmatique au sein de la Quatrième Internationale (QI) et dans l’archipel hétérogène du socialisme de gauche. Ces deux courants politiques se voulaient alternatives au réformisme et au stalinisme et furent celles où la possibilité d’un dénouement révolutionnaire de la guerre fit l’objet d’un débat passionné et d’une action tout au moins conséquente.Il s’agira de comprendre comment ces deux courants firent face à une révolution qui n’était pas venue ou qui avait été contrôlée par les staliniens et les sociaux-démocrates, et aux nouvelles relations internationales engendrées par le dénouement de la Deuxième Guerre mondialeThe debate within the workers' movement about the relationship between war and revolution has always been of a strategic nature, even at the time of the First International. Deciding on the attitude to the war produced debates, cleavages and splits: between reformists and revolutionaries, between defeatists and defenders of the "Union sacrée", between absolute pacifists and "revolutionary militarists". At the end of the 1930s, as the world once again rushed towards a conflict on a global scale, the actualization - or repetition - of Lenin's approach during the First World War (revolutionary defeatism) was at the heart of the analyses and perspectives debated by revolutionary minorities. This research aims to establish the data for the theoretical debate and political and programmatic orientation within the Fourth International (FI) and the heterogeneous archipelago of left-wing socialism. These two political currents were trying to build an alternative to reformism and Stalinism and were the ones where the possibility of a revolutionary outcome to the war was passionately debated and at least acted upon
10
Simson, William Ronald. „Removing Reds from the Old Red Scar: Maintaining and Industrial Peace in the East Tennessee Copper Basin from the Great War through the Second World War“. Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/17.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study considers industrial society and development in the East Tennessee Copper Basin from the 1890s through World War II; its main focus will be on the primary industrial concern, Tennessee Copper Company (TCC 1899), owned by the Lewisohn Group, New York. The study differs from other Appalachian scholarship in its assessment of New South industries generally overlooked. Wars and increased reliance on organic chemicals tied the basin to defense needs and agricultural advance. Locals understood the basin held expanding economic opportunities superior to those in the surrounding mountains and saw themselves as participants in the nation’s industrial and economic progress, and a vital part of its defense. The study upends earlier scholarship contending local industrial concerns acted proactively to challenges from farmers harmed by industrial pollution; investigation shows firms hesitated to initiate new production processes and manipulated local elections. Partisan developments woven amid all this underscore errors in assuming ancient regional affinity for Republicans. Confederate heritage gave Democrats an historic advantage that fractured before New Deal progressivism and expanding basin Republican power. Markets forced basin firms to merge and embrace technological change affecting working people’s relationships, forcing workers to improve skills or settle for low-skill jobs. Excepting TCC managers and supervisory staff, provincialism ruled; suspicions and competitiveness among workers grew as most miners lived a few scattered villages and most managers and craftsmen settled in the basin’s “Twin-cities” district. Early union efforts collapsed before union mismanagement, rational management and a company union based upon Sam Lewisohn’s ideals. Management managed to wrest control of its industrial relations despite the effects of Depression and the New Deal’s empowerment of workers. Workers’ infighting, reflecting neighborhood demographics and ideological differences, benefitted TCC; it convinced locals TCC could best protect industrial peace. The submissive AFL union installed fit of ownership’s nationally recognized program for industrial relations reliant on federal power. After competition crippled local industry, locals continued their reliance on government: to investigate the medical consequences of extraction work and coordinate environmental restoration. Recent regional anti-government populism makes the basin’s peculiar historic reliance on federal help engaging.
Bücher zum Thema "International Handbag Workers Union"
1
Tyler, Gus. Look for the union label: A history of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1995.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
2
Kaufman, Stuart Bruce. Challenge & change: The history of the Tobacco Workers International Union. Kensington, Md: Bakery, Confectionery, and Tobacco Workers International Union, 1986.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
3
Kaufman, Stuart Bruce. Challenge & change: The history of the Tobacco Workers International Union. Kensington, Md: Bakery, Confectionery, and Tobacco Workers International Union, 1986.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
4
Sergio, D'Antoni, Hrsg. World wide workers: Twelve contributions to a global trade union strategy. Stockholm: Brevskolan, 1998.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
5
Davidson, Ray. Challenging the giants: A history of Oil, Chemical, and Atomic Workers International Union. Denver, CO (P.O. Box 2812, Denver 80201): The Union, 1988.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
6
Davidson, Ray. Challenging the giants: A history of Oil, Chemical, and Atomic Workers International Union. Denver, CO (P.O. Box 2812, Denver 80201): The Union, 1988.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
7
Stepan-Norris, Judith. Talking union. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
8
International Chemical Workers Union. Constitutional Convention. Proceedings of the Thirty-first Constitutional Convention, International Chemical Workers Union: Las Vegas, Nev., October 20-24, 1986. [Akron, Ohio] (1655 W. Market St., Akron 44313): ICWU, 1986.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
9
International Chemical Workers Union. Constitutional Convention. Proceedings of the Thirty-fourth Constitutional Convention: The Riviera Hotel, Las Vegas, Nevada, October 19-23, 1992. [Akron, Ohio] (1655 W. Market St., Akron 44313): The Union, 1992.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
10
Kaufman, Stuart Bruce. A vision of unity: The history of the Bakery and Confectionery Workers International Union. Kensington, Md: Bakery, Confectionery, and Tobacco Workers International Union, 1986.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "International Handbag Workers Union"
1
Sigler, Nick. „Global Health, Justice and the Brain Drain: A Trade Union Perspective“. In The International Migration of Health Workers, 203–14. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230307292_14.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
2
Sánchez, Sara Iglesias. „Free Movement Law within the European Union: Workers, Citizens and Third-Country Nationals“. In The Palgrave Handbook of International Labour Migration, 361–81. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137352217_15.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
3
Angretnowati, Yuseptia, und Melaty Anggraini. „Scholar-Activists And The Campus Workers Union Movement In Indonesia: A Media Review“. In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Advanced Research in Social and Economic Science (ICARSE), 577–88. Paris: Atlantis Press SARL, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/978-2-38476-247-7_58.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
4
Jésus-Gimeno, Barbara. „International and Community Obligations of the Member States in the Field of Social Security Schemes: Which Impact for Migrant Workers?“ In The European Union and the International Legal Order: Discord or Harmony?, 297–314. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-409-7_14.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
5
Ribes Moreno, Maria Isabel. „Climate Change and Working Time: A Complex Challenge“. In European Union and its Neighbours in a Globalized World, 183–93. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40801-4_11.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractWorking time has been traditionally focused on adapting working hours in order to allow a reconciliation of work and family life whilst assuring the workers’ health and safety. Recently, a new factor impacts in the organisation of the working time. It is climate change which also has an important effect on the working conditions. This issue will certainly be a decisive factor to be taken into account in the designing and monitoring working time in the near future. The climate emergency demands for an innovative regulation from the International Institutions and introduce a new challenge for the domestic labour and social security law. Thus, in Europe, both the European Union and the Member States have a significant role in enacting innovative regulations and, additionally, in the promotion and encouragement to the social agents to negotiate “climatic oriented” working conditions.
6
López, Tatiana. „Introduction: Why We Need Stronger Unions in the Global Garment Industry“. In Economic Geography, 3–13. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-27387-2_1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractFor newly industrialising countries, the global garment industry is considered a vehicle for economic and social development, especially for increasing women’s participation in the labour market. At the same time, the garment industry has also been widely criticised for frequent labour rights violations, low wages and bad working conditions. Media and public discourses have focussed largely on private regulatory mechanisms and international labour standards as tools for promoting ‘decent work’ in the global garment industry. However, this chapter argues that lasting improvements for workers can only be achieved through the agency of strong local unions in garment producing countries. Against this background, this chapter introduces two central research questions that remain understudied in existing literature on labour in Global Value Chains (GVCs) and Global Production Networks (GPNs): (1) How do labour control regimes at specific nodes of the garment GPN shape and constrain the terrain for worker and union agency in garment producing countries? (2) Which relationships and interactions enable unionists and workers in garment producing countries to develop strategic capacities and power resources that allow them to shift the capital-labour power balance in favour of workers?
7
Devitt, Camilla. „The Admission of Foreign Workers to Italy: Closing the “Gap” with Northern Europe“. In IMISCOE Research Series, 189–207. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-26002-5_10.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractA common perspective in migration studies is that of a North-South divide in European labour migration governance, with Southern European countries exhibiting a distinct – and generally less efficient – approach to the admission of migrants. Southern European states are known for their use of quotas, regularisations and the lack of emphasis on attracting highly skilled labour immigrants from outside of the European Union (EU). This chapter explores Italian labour immigration policy to assess whether its admission policy and practice has traditionally diverged from the Northern European approach and, if this has been the case, whether it has remained dissimilar since the disruption of the international financial crisis of 2008. I find similarities and differences between the Italian regime and labour immigration regimes in Northern Europe between the late 1990s and 2008. While the regulatory instruments (apart from general numerical limits on labour immigration) were like those used in Northern Europe, the Italian system was more open to permanent low and medium skilled labour immigration from outside the EU and had a more significant gap between its façade (laws) and practice than its neighbours in the North. The similarities with Northern European regimes have increased since 2008, as the system has become more selective, emphasising seasonal and occupational/sectoral permits, along with a stronger reliance on free movement and non-economic forms of immigration.
8
Mansoor, Nasir, Thomas Rudhof-Seibert und Miriam Saage-Maaß. „Pakistan’s “Industrial 9/11”: Transnational Rights-Based Activism in the Garment Industry and Creating Space for Future Global Struggles“. In Interdisciplinary Studies in Human Rights, 107–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73835-8_6.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis chapter is based on an internal evaluation of the of the 2012–2019 cooperation between the Pakistani National Trade Union Federation (NTUF), the German humanitarian organisation medico international, and the Berlin-based European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR). Written from a first-person perspective by three members of these organisations, it offers invaluable insights into the internal coordination and strategic deliberations of the partners’ evolving transnational efforts to hold the German retail company KiK and Italian social auditing firm RINA to account on behalf of the survivors and victims’ families of the 2012 Ali Enterprises factory fire. The authors elaborate on the multi-dimensional effects and aftermath of the Ali Enterprises tragedy, and recount the lessons learned from their different perspectives as trade unionists, activists, and lawyers based in both Pakistan and Germany. On this basis, the chapter then maps additional possible avenues for supporting the transnational struggles of workers around the globe. All in all, it offers rich insights into the experiences and complex debates ongoing amongst the authors and their organisations on how to develop common positions and further enhance their mutual understanding in order to collectively imagine and work towards transformative political goals.
9
„International Ladies Garment Workers Union“. In The Fairchild Books Dictionary of Textiles. Fairchild Books, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781501365072.8123.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
10
Dewhurst, Elaine. „Introduction: Labour Rights of Third-Country National Workers in the European Union“. In International and European Labour Law, 806–40. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845266190-822.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "International Handbag Workers Union"
1
Andaç, Faruk. „Strike is a Fundamental Right for Workers“. In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00599.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Strike is a temporary action for a mass refusal of employees to work in order to ensure that their demands are met. It is called “Strike” in English (which means to break, to burn, to attack) because the first strike events occurred in England as which involved breaking the machines using brake blocks. Workers used to show their reactions towards their employer as by breaking the machines. The same phenomenon existed also in France. Workers in France used to leave their working places all together and go to the Greve area next to River Seine and seek solution to their problems in the cafes. This is how the concept of going on strike, Aller à la Grève (in French), was adopted by Turkish. Strike is a right for workers. It is to leave a workplace unanimously. It is not considered a reason for annulment of employment contract. It is legal and aims to ameliorate the working conditions. Workers should possess the same conditions as their employer in order to determine working conditions by their own free will. Although the employer seems to possess a stronger position as he/she owns the workplace, the workers may possess the same rights as their employers by becoming members of a trade union. When the workers and the employer are unable to reach an agreement on the working conditions, all the workers leave their workplace and go on strike. They partially or completely hamper the activities of the employer. During the strike the workers do not receive their salaries.
2
Kalça, Adem. „Is Knowledge Economy the End of Union Action?“ In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01225.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Production methods transform social structures, including the economy. In the societies that are shaped by old production methods, the existence of those people who earn their living working through these methods will be destroyed altogether and their lives will be harder than they used to be, which will lead to conflicts. It is true that changes make transformations inevitable
Labor in the agriculture society was a very important production factor. In the industrial society, on the other hand, workers will serve their labor for the needs of people with a huge capital rather than serving their own ends, which make union action all the same very important. It is true that the potential role of labor as a vital component of the production has been weakened in the industrial societies. The reason for this is that there are now millions of people who can easily replace others in industrial societies. For this reason, the laborers who have faced huge challenges against the capital in this framework started to initiate union action in order to protect their rights.
The function or the roles of union actions to have appeared in the industrial societies have changed when faced with information society in the 21.century. Information society forced unions towards change in union actions. Today, there is need for unionists to agree on a new road map in the 21.century for union organizations and activities.
3
Matilla-Santander, Nuria, Cristina Lidón-Moyano, Adrián González-Marrón, Kailey Bunch, Juan Carlos Martín-Sánchez und Jose M. Martínez-Sánchez. „1328 Attitudes toward working conditions: are european union workers satisfied with their working hours and work-life balance?“ In 32nd Triennial Congress of the International Commission on Occupational Health (ICOH), Dublin, Ireland, 29th April to 4th May 2018. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oemed-2018-icohabstracts.110.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
4
de Schryver, A., T. Lambaerts und N. Lammertyn. „507 National hepatitis b vaccination policies for healthcare workers in member-states of the european union: an updated overview“. In 32nd Triennial Congress of the International Commission on Occupational Health (ICOH), Dublin, Ireland, 29th April to 4th May 2018. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oemed-2018-icohabstracts.984.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
5
Eraković, Vlatko. „EMPLOYEE REPRESENTATIVE FOR HEALTH AND SAFETY AT WORK IN EPCG AD NIKŠIĆ“. In Bezbednost i zdravlje na radu sa zdravstveno-medicinskog i tehničko-bezbednosnog aspekta, ekologije i zaštite od požara. Udruženje za promociju bezbednosti i zdravlјa na radu, ekologije, zaštite od požara, fizičko tehničko obezbeđenje, zaštite od jonizujućih zračenja profesionalno izloženih lica, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/hse24.075e.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Employee safety, protection and health in the workplace depend not only on technical facilities, equipment, top management, but also on the overall awareness of the employees about the importance of the Health and Safety at work. In Elektroprivreda Crne Gore - AD Nikšić (EPCG), in accordance with the Law on Ratification of the Convention of the International Labour Organization no. 135, on the protection and benefits provided to the workers’ representatives in the company, an Employee Representative was appointed for Health and Safety at the proposal of the relevant union organization in March 2016. For the purpose of this Convention, the term "workers' representatives" indicates persons who are recognized as such by the National laws or practice, regardless whether they are: a) union representatives, i.e. representatives appointed or elected by the union or members of those unions, or b) elected representatives, i.e. representatives chosen by the company's workers in accordance with the provisions of the national laws or regulations or collective agreements, whose functions do not include activities that are recognized as exclusive prerogative of unions in the respective country. The obligations of the Employer and the Employee Representative are specified in the Labour Law and the Law on Health and Safety at Work. The Employee Representative for Health and Safety in EPCG - AD Nikšić is obliged to prepare a report on Health and Safety in the company for the previous year by the end of the first quarter of the current year. The areas that are covered in the Report are: 1. Normative infrastructure, 2. Training of the employees for safe work performance, 3. Health examinations of the employees, 4. Injuries at work, 5. Means and equipment of collective and personal protection at work, 6. Assessment of the working environment conditions, 7. Health and Safety procedures, instructions and records in accordance with the IMS, 8. Protection and rescue, 9. Disinfection, disinsection, pest control, eradication (DDPE), 10. Inspection supervision. The report on the overall state of the Health and Safety at work is submitted in printed form to the top management of the company.
6
Macher, Gergely Zoltán, und Cecília Szigeti. „The Role of the Circular Economy in the Labour Market and Employment Rate in the European Union“. In 8th FEB International Scientific Conference. University of Maribor Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/um.epf.5.2024.31.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The aim of this study is to examine the role of the circular economy in employment and to prove this with statistically significant results. The paper includes an analysis of the 27 European Union Member States along specifically selected indicators. The methodology of the study is based on general statistical approaches, and the results obtained with correlation and regression methods are compared with cluster and compatibility analysis. The background to the topic is the fact that the circular economy not only promotes sustainability, but also generates dynamic labour market changes that offer new opportunities for both workers and enterprises. By focusing on recycling waste and extending the life of products, this economic model encourages the emergence of new industries. Consequently, the shift towards innovative practices is also stimulating the growth of the service industry. However, while the circular economy model has never been more popular, the average EU-27 circular material use rate has increased from 11.0 % in 2012 to just 11.4 % in 2021. The research area of the paper was influenced by the availability of statistical data. The results can be used as situation analysis to green the employment market and labour economics.
7
Andaç, Faruk. „Occupational Health, Safety and Unionization in Mining Businesses“. In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01190.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Turkey has had two major mine accidents recently. In 2014, three hundred and one (301) miners died in the Soma coal mine accident and about five months later, in October 2014, eighteen miners lost their lives in Ermenek. In June 2012, a new Occupational Health and Safety Law entered into force. Although this law brought serious clauses for the organizations to take precautions to prevent such accidents, it was not applied properly for some reasons. First, it was ignored by the businesses as it brought financial burden for them. Second, workers could not express their views individually because they did not have a union to do it for them. The third and most important reason was that; businesses were not inspected properly. As a result of these accidents, The Turkish Grand National Assembly approved the ILO Mine Workers’ Health and Safety Agreement No. 176 in December 2014. Before Turkey, this agreement had been approved by 29 countries among 185 ILO members including Zambia, USA, Finland, Albania and Germany. These frequent mine accidents get serious reactions from the public. Therefore, unionization must be compulsory in mine businesses and inspections must be more effective.
8
Voinalovych, Oleksandr, Oleg Hnatiuk, Vasyl Khmelovskyi und Mykhailo Motruch. „Improvement of occupational safety and health management system in Ukraine in view of relevant declared initiatives of European Union“. In 23rd International Scientific Conference Engineering for Rural Development. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies, Faculty of Engineering and Information Technologies, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/erdev.2024.23.tf021.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The current problem of implementing European approaches to safety and health at work in Ukraine must take into account certain differences in the national occupational safety and health (OSH) legislation and the realities of its compliance at various enterprises. The purpose of this research is to characterize the main strategic directions of OSH activities in Ukraine on the basis of a comparative analysis of statistical indicators of occupational injuries in the EU countries and in Ukraine. A system-wide approach was applied, based on the methodology of statistical analysis of indicators of industrial injuries. This made it possible to substantiate the investigated structure and relationships of the OSH system. The analysis of the coefficients calculated as the ratio of the total number of injured workers to the number of deaths at work showed that the trend of increasing this coefficient during the previous ten years is characteristic of EU countries, in contrast to Ukraine, where this coefficient decreased by 40%. It is shown that for the introduction of European approaches to OSH strategy in Ukraine, it is necessary to take into account the existing differences in approaches to assessing the statistics of industrial injuries and occupational morbidity. Based on the statistical analysis of the data of the State Labour Service of Ukraine, three main causes of industrial injuries were identified, the total share of which reaches 80% of the total number of causes used in the state statistics of industrial injuries, which corresponds to the Pareto principle. As part of the OSH system in agricultural enterprises of Ukraine, potential occupational risks during the performance of mechanized works were determined according to the method of expert assessments, analyzed and systematized according to their categories - high, medium, low.
9
Urbane, Marta. „The Future of the Employee’s Right to Disconnect in the European Union and Latvia“. In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002285.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The right to disconnect refers to a worker's right to be able to disconnect from work and refrain from engaging in work-related electronic communication, like emails and other messages, during non-work hours and holidays. The Latvian Labor Law does not directly determine the right to disconnect from digital devices, however, such rights arise from certain legal norms. Examples of the provisions of the Labor Law relate to the general rules on rest periods and breaks in work. The recent research results of remote work during Covid-19 pandemic conducted by the author show that for 69.3% of respondents working remotely possibility to disconnect from digital devices outside working hours (when the assigned work tasks have been completed) is extremely crucial. If the rights to disconnect are not explicitly regulated, the risk of disbalance between work and private life is at stake. The increase in workload during the emergency caused by COVID-19 was indicated by 42.7% of respondents in Latvia. That shows that another problem of lack of regulation of rights to disconnect could be unpaid overtime. The research shows that 14.7% of respondents were not paid for overtime work when working from home. The practice shows a critical need for sustainable and predictable changes in the legal system to protect employees’ rights and thus ensure stable employment in general in Latvia. It was also recently decided by Employment Committee MEPs that EU countries must ensure that workers are able to exercise the right to disconnect effectively. Some of the member states in the European Union have recently implemented the right into their legal system (Portugal, Spain, France), but each member state takes a different approach. That means that discussion is no longer if there is a need to implement the “right to disconnect” in national legal acts, but how to implement the right efficiently not only at a national level but at the EU level as well.The goal of the research is to provide an in-depth analysis of the legal status of the “right to disconnect” in the legal system of the European Union and Latvia. In order to reach the goal, the author is using various scientific research methods. The paper is based on a quantitative research method and analytical, comparative, case law analysis method to provide valid conclusions on the current role of the “right to disconnect” in Latvia and the European Union. The author also offers recommendations on how to implement the “right to disconnect” efficiently to avoid violation of employees’ rights and ensure a sustainable work environment.In the result, the author has concluded that the biggest impediment of the employee's right to disconnect is the lack of clear legislative preconditions that would encourage businesses to preserve employees' freedom to disconnect, resulting in a more sustainable working environment - both in the office and remotely.Finally, the author concludes that there is a need to adjust regulation in Latvia to meet the needs of widespread use of remote work. The author also concludes that a significant role to protect employees’ right to disconnect is for governmental authorities to explain the right to disconnect to employees and employers.
10
Uddin, Mohsin, Md Redwan Ullah und Md Raziur Rahman Dipto. „Assessment of the current working condition of the garment workers and determining the importance of labor union for the improvement of working condition in the RMG industry of Bangladesh“. In 11th Annual International Conference on Industrial Engineering and Operations Management. Michigan, USA: IEOM Society International, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46254/an11.20210559.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBerichte der Organisationen zum Thema "International Handbag Workers Union"
1
Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands und Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade: Which way forward? Blavatnik School of Government, Februar 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.
2
Health hazard evaluation report: HETA-87-017-1949, United Rubber Workers' International Union, Akron, Ohio. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, Centers for Disease Control, National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, Februar 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.26616/nioshheta870171949.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle