Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Informal Healing System“

There is a vast anthropological/sociological literature on the use of folk healers in Hispanic (Mexican - American) communities. While the use of folk healers has decreased with urbanization, acculturation, and increased education, recent studies done in Dallas, Texas, show that elderly Hispanic women are familiar with, and use a variety of informal healing methods and substances for a variety of illnesses, both physical and mental. The folk-healing system is used to supplement the formal scientific one, rather than replace it. Informants seemed to have a clear idea about the point at which one or the other should be consulted. There are a variety of herbs readily available for use and sold in boticas or botanicas.

War on Gaza since October 2023, presented a dire picture of the displaced children's situation, marked by psychological stress, health risks, educational disruption, and a profound impact on their physical, emotional, and cognitive development.This paper explores the criticality of sustaining learning and development for Gazan young people, particularly those displaced, amidst challenging environments such as war zones. And the primary aim of this study is to propose a construct to help develop and initial informal learning to help displaced not to miss learning opportunities.The researchers have taken into consideration the scenario of the ongoing conflict in Gaza and the Israeli occupation's increasing atrocities without seeing clear intentions for ceasefire. Then, the researchers propose a framework for informal learning that adapts to the realities of displacement and war, grounded in the concept of situated cognition. The constructs prioritize hands-on experiences and skills relevant to the displaced students' immediate context. It suggests a shift towards informal learning methods that foster cognitive reserve, resilience, and adaptability in children, utilizing play, storytelling, exploration, and cultural activities.The paper concludes by discussing the vital role of informal learning in maintaining the continuity of education for displaced children in Gaza. It argues for immediate educational interventions alongside long-term strategies for rebuilding the educational system, tailored to the complex needs of students in the recovery and healing phases. The study recognizes its limitations in addressing the potential of technology in informal learning, given the severe constraints of the situation in Gaza.

Purpose The paper aims to discuss the transformation of a multinational organization, Global Co, through the deployment of an operational excellence system at a time of turbulence and complexity. It illuminates the opportunities and challenges of implementing the system from the perspective of learning and change. Design/methodology/approach A case study method was utilized in the research based on a four-year longitudinal study. Formal and informal interviews, unobtrusive observations and archival records formed the core of the data collection that led to key insights reported in this paper. Findings A structured approach to managing work processes is essential for ensuring efficiency and reliability in work output. Performance improvement is sustained by operational discipline that strives for consistency in daily work practices. Organizations develop self-healing mechanisms to help address work-related gaps and issues, turning constraints into enablers for improvement. Originality/value The paper provides a wider dimension of organizational performance from the learning and change perspective. It considers organizations as organisms with self-healing properties supported by operational discipline. It redefines the impact of operational excellence through organizational significance.

AbstractAlmost three decades after the collapse of the socialist system, numerous informal practices inherited from that period have remained deeply entrenched in the Croatian economy and society. Faced with burdensome regulations and complicated procedures, many citizens and companies opt to resolve their problems using string-pulling, bribery and undeclared work. However, there are many other informal means of conduct, which have not been given adequate attention so far. One of them is the practice of giving gratuity and gifts to medical practitioners for services that are already covered by health insurance, whose roots and the exact function are still not sufficiently understood. To start filling the gap, this paper explores which groups of citizens give out-of-pocket payments to doctors and nurses, as well as what motivates them to do so. The logistic regression analysis applied on data from the Special Eurobarometer Survey No 470, which was conducted in October 2017 on a stratified sample of 1,038 Croatians, reveals that these payments by no means represent a benevolent custom of expressing gratitude for healing. Even though a certain portion of citizens exercises this practice out of choice, informal payments more commonly occur following a direct request by medical staff or simply because the patient feels a pressure to do so. As revealed by the analysis, the majority of such transactions in Croatia highly resemble standard forms of bribery. In line with this, it is recipients rather than donors of gifts and cash supplements who should be targeted in endeavours to eradicate the phenomenon.

In 2015, a coalition of six Saskatoon community organizations (the Elizabeth Fry Society of Saskatchewan, AIDS Saskatoon, STR8 UP 10,000 Little Steps to Healing, Inc., the Mennonite Central Committee, the Micah Mission, and Community Legal Assistance Services for Saskatoon Inner City [CLASSIC])1 and a university researcher (Sarah Buhler from the University of Saskatchewan College of Law) came together to address the issue of telephone access in Saskatchewan’s provincial correctional centres. Together we established an informal research coalition that we called “Project Access.” The issue of telephone access in provincial prisons had been identified by the six community organizations through their ongoing work with prisoners and former prisoners. Specific concerns included the exorbitant costs of the prison telephone system and unfair and uneven application of policies regarding telephone access. As we met to discuss the issue, it became clear to us that in order to advocate effectively for changes to the system, we needed to research the issue and to learn more about the ways the current telephone access policies were being implemented in provincial prisons.

This paper examines the sacred status of Thai Buddhist monks who have been engaging with the modern secular healthcare system, which also contrasts with their monastic traditions. It questions how modern medication has affected the sacred figure of Thai monks and what is their reaction to maintain their sacred status in such a secular space? Participant observations and informal interviews have been conducted, and data are conceptualized through the ideas of the birth of the clinic and biopower proposed by Michel Foucault. It finds that the traditional healing previously played by Thai monks has been challenged by modern medication eventually the monks also access the modern hospital. This phenomenon helps to change the idea of the cause of sickness, from demons to germs. This is interesting when some Buddhists request the monastic code-based healthcare system and monk patients’ zone. This paper argues that such an effort aims to maintain the sacred status of monks, who are perceived as holy persons and should not be seen by laypeople especially when they are in sickness, pain, and sorrow, which portray their ordinary human natures. Therefore, zoning management in the government hospital is needed to sacralize the monks’ status.

The metanarrations about legal concern reached an increasing role in criticizing overcompensation cases. Litigation-adversarial system is perceived as too expensive for private and public finances. Someone underlined that emphasis on communication and voluntariness renders mediation more likely to resolve disputes. Today public apology is playing a positive role in policies centered on alternative-informal dispute resolution, due to a restorative justice model. A public gesture of apology by the wrongdoer could help to prevent litigation expecially in moral or punitive damages cases. The article suggests that a different narrative of facts by legal means can be achieved. Different legal meanings of public apology in eastern and western legal traditions are here investigated. According to a comparative analysis, the article focuses on different solutions issued by case law and legal transplants. It points out that the situation is very patchworked, although some jurisdictions have provided a specific legal framework for apologies. However, its proper legal effects could shift in a wide range of solutions depending on certain circumstances: shaming sanction, mitigating factor on damages assessment, admission against interests, moral redress, self-reputation healing. Some criticisms referred to each specific meaning are here underwrited. In particular, the threat about apologies as metanarrations enforced by Courts concerns: insincerity, rule of law violations, harm to freedom of expression, mediatic manipulation.

This article examines one developing country's (Philippines) experience in legalizing the age-old but controversial practice and use of traditional, complementary, and alternative medicine (TCAM). The case studies in this article shed light on the problems, challenges, and opportunities offered by herbal therapies, natural products, and alternative healing methods, and the policy context in which they exist. The study finds that normative, axiological, and ethical considerations underlie the legitimacy of TCAM. These become critical when the scientific basis or validity of a therapy, product, or modality is at issue and political consensus is not readily available. The study suggests that both the objective and subjective aspects of TCAM be carefully evaluated in the process of integrating the informal and formal health care systems in developing countries. That, in turn, would require proactive regulatory and development-oriented roles on the part of their governments.

The Human health has a very broad scope both from lifestyle, disease prevention to healing. Children are immunized, meaning they are given immunity against a certain disease. The fact of recording and reporting this activity in the field has several obstacles, such as if the mother forgot to bring or lost the record about her baby's previous immunizations, or the report book from the officer was damaged or lost. This affects the officer's report to the next level. Conditions like this can affect the health of the baby. Because officers have difficulty seeing the data on the actions that have been taken. Based on the background of the problem, this research will discuss how to build a system that can be used to collect data on the implementation of immunization activities at the Penjaringan village health center. The aim of this research is to build a system that can assist officers in recording their activities. Technological Feasibility for Systems that are technologically designed are declared feasible, provide convenience for users and can help to store a child's immunization history.Kesehatan manusia memiliki cakupan yang sangat luas baik dari pola hidup, pencegahan penyakit sampai dengan penyembuhannya. Anak diimunisasi, berarti diberikan kekebalan terhadap suatu penyakit tertentu. Fakta tentang pencatatan dan pelaporan kegiatan ini di lapangan memiliki beberapa kendala, seperti jika sang ibu lupa membawa atau menghilangkan catatan tentang imunisasi bayi mereka yang sebelumnya, atau buku laporan dari petugas rusak atau hilang. Hal ini mempengaruhi laporan petugas ke jenjang berikutnya. Kondisi seperti ini dapat mempengaruhi kesehatan sang bayi. Karena petugas kesulitan melihat data tindakan yang telah dilakukan. Berdasarkan latar belakang permasalahannya, maka penelitian ini, yang akan dibahas bagaimana membangun sebuah sistem yang dapat digunakan untuk melakukan pendataan pelaksanaan kegiatan imunisasi di Puskesmas kelurahan Penjaringan.Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk membangun sebuah sistem yang dapat membantu petugas dalam mendata kegiatannya. Kelayakan Teknologi bagi Sistem yang dirancang secara teknologi dinyatakan layak, memberikan kemudahan bagi penggunanya dan dapat membantu untuk menyimpan riwayat imunisasi anak

Medicinal plants research in Asia continues to receive significant national and international attention, particularly concerning its multiple roles in poverty alleviation and health care support. However, scientific information on the institutional arrangements, the potentials of different medicinal plants production systems, and the utilization methods, remain highly fragmented. This incomprehensive information base shades the development of a comprehensive research agenda to improve the current body of knowledge, at least in the context of Asia. To address this impasse and propose future research perspectives, we systematically reviewed 247 journal articles, 15 institutional reports, and 28 book chapters. From the reviews, five key lessons are drawn: (i) Asian medicinal plant production systems demonstrate some dynamics, characterized by a gradual but continuous shift from wild gathering to cultivation, (ii) sub-regional variations exist with regards to the appreciation of medicinal plants potentials for traditional healing, modern healthcare and livelihoods support, (iii) knowledge on the effect of multi-scale institutional arrangements (formal and informal) on medicinal plant management practices is fragmented, (iv) very few studies dwell on the challenges of medicinal plants commercialization, particularly with regards to the role of middlemen, boom–bust cycle, raw material readiness, and product quality, and (v) law enforcement, benefit and knowledge sharing, and research and development should be prioritized to serve the interest of medicinal plants production actors. To further extend the body of knowledge on medicinal plants in Asia, we advance the need for empirical investigations on the performance of medicinal plants production systems and their contribution to livelihoods in diverse institutional contexts.

Despite Goa's privileged economic and environmental position, research has demonstrated that mental health is in fact a major public health issue in this Indian state.Besides learning difficulties, child abuse, and high suicide rates, depression and anxiety seem to affect more than one third of the patients in primary care attenders. Medically unexplained physical symptoms are common clinical features, frequently misdiagnosed by the primary care physicians. Alcohol consumption has always been an integral part of Goan lifestyle, with alcohol dependence being a major public health issue. Drug abuse, in particular heroin and more recently LSD and ecstasy, are of concern in the coastal areas, and foreign influence might not be the only explanation for this fact.Goa has one of the most extensive health systems in India. Private psychiatry is also relatively well represented, and fortunately there are some NGOs working in this field, providing care in areas where government services have been inadequate.Despite those facts, the majority of persons with mental health disorders have never come in contact with mental health care providers. Persons prefer to consult non-mental health professionals, and frequently continue to seek help from Religious and Spiritual Leaders, Informal Counsellors, priests and Gurus with healing powers. Many of such practices are unregulated, expensive and potentially dangerous.Priority mental health issues in Goa include sensitizing health workers to mental illnesses, and improving access to care in existing health services.

Background Traditional medicines remain an important health-care service among African indigenous cultures. In South Africa, medicinal plant use (bark, roots, bulbs, and herbs) threatens biodiversity and the sustainability of this informal industry. Several realities have stimulated experimental and adaptive management research into cultivation of key high-demand medicinal plant species in and around the home gardens of poor rural communities for domestic use and for trade: declining supplies, localized extinctions, increasing market prices, and economic opportunities for commercializing traditional medicinal products. Objective and methods This paper reviews three recent South African studies aiming to create alternative medicinal plant resources to reduce dependency on the dwindling wild resources: commercial production of medicinal crop plants; chemistry of wild versus cultivated plants, and of bark versus leaves; and growing of forest tree seedlings in rural home gardens. Results Cultivation trials and chemical testing indicated that different agricultural treatments suit each species differently in terms of either rapid growth rates, strong chemical concentrations, or both. Wild-harvested plants of some species have stronger chemical concentrations than cultivated plants. For several tree species, the bark and leaves contain the same active components associated with healing. Conclusions Successful propagation is not dependent on elaborate and expensive equipment and technologies, but rather on some basic principles of plant growth and methods of manipulating these under controlled conditions. An alternative cultivation method for tree species is the production of leaves as opposed to bark. Cultivation could be done successfully at the school, in home gardens, and in production systems in the village.

ENGLISHMental disorders cases in Pati still high. Families providing support in the treatment process in different ways. This study aimed to analyze the family behavior in seeking treatment of mental disorders in Pati. This research used qualitative descriptive methods. The primary data obtained from interviewed by informant consisted of families, community leaders and health workers. Results the study showed that family seeking behavior is diifferent. Some, are still found families which looking for traditional treatment to shamans because ignorance factor that causes mental disorders. Treatment with various shamans did not provide a cure, then the people used modern medical system, that is went to the health service. Modern medical treatment provide healing, but people with mental disorders relaps after back into the family and community. INDONESIAKasus gangguan jiwa di Kabupaten Pati masih tinggi. Keluarga penderita memberikan dukungan dalam proses pengobatan dengan cara yang berbeda-beda. Tujuan penelitan untuk menganalisis perilaku keluarga dalam mencari pengobatan penderita gangguan jiwa di Kabupaten Pati. Penelitian menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif. Data primer diperoleh dengan wawancara mendalam terhadap Informan terdiri dari keluarga, tokoh masyarakat dan tenaga kesehatan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan perilaku keluarga dalam mencari pegobatan penderita gangguan jiwa berbeda-beda. Sebagian, masih ditemukan keluarga yang mencari pengobatan secara tradisional ke dukun karena faktor ketidaktahuan penyebab terjadinya gangguan jiwa. Pengobatan dengan berbagai dukun ternyata tidak memberikan kesembuhan, kemudian masyarakat menggunakan sistem medis modern, yaitu berobat ke pelayanan kesehatan. Pengobatan dengan medis modern memberikan kesembuhan, tetapi setelah penderita gangguan jiwa kembali ke lingkungan keluarga dan masyarakat kembali mengalami kekambuhan.

This study was descriptive and retrospective in order to get an overview of cases of scorpion envenomation in the State of Goiás between 2003 and 2012, with the possible variables that influenced the accident. Data were collected in data collection in the notification forms of the Toxicological Information Center of Goiás (CIT). We analyzed 6,046 cases of scorpion envenomation to the state in this time frame. Where these 71.65% of the cases occurred in urban areas and 51.88% in males. The sting of the region prevailed in hands, feet and fingers, totaling 72.83%. The time between the accident and medical care was mostly less than three hours. According to the clinical picture, 72.42% were classified as mild and 81.17% of the cases had healing as prognosis. As for treatment with antivenom, 37% made use of serum, 38% did not use and 25% was not informed. 2,237 ampoules serum used including antiescorpiônico, antiarachnid and antivenom for treatment. Correlating SINAN data and collected in CIT chips, there was a discrepancy between the two regarding the amount every year. The antivenom revealed problems as the lack of classification of cases and the excessive use of SAE. Assessing the genders and cases hit area sees highly suggestive that the scorpion’s relationship to the process of domestication. The difference in data between SINAN and CIT suggests that there is a failure in communication between the two systems. Estudo retrospectivo do escorpionismo no Estado de Goiás (2003-2012) Este estudo teve caráter descritivo e retrospectivo com o objetivo de obter um panorama dos casos de escorpionismo no Estado de Goiás entre 2003 e 2012, apresentando as possíveis variáveis que influenciaram nos acidentes. Os dados foram obtidos em coleta de dados nas fichas de notificação do Centro de Informações Toxicológicas de Goiás (CIT). Foram analisados 6.046 casos de escorpionismo para o estado neste recorte temporal. Onde, destes 71,65 % dos casos ocorreram em áreas urbanas e 51,88% com o sexo masculino. A região da picada prevaleceu em mãos, pés e dedos, totalizando 72,83%. O tempo entre o acidente e a assistência médica em sua maioria foi inferior a três horas. De acordo com o quadro clínico, 72,42% foram classificados como leves e 81,17% dos casos tiveram a cura como prognóstico. Quanto ao tratamento com soroterapia, 37% fizeram uso do soro, 38% não utilizaram e em 25% não foi informado. Utilizaram 2.237 ampolas de soro incluindo antiescorpiônico, antiaracnídico e antibotrópico para o tratamento. Ao correlacionar dados do SINAN e os coletados nas fichas do CIT, houve uma discrepância entre os dois em relação à quantidade em todos os anos. A soroterapia revelou problemas quanto à falta de classificação dos casos e ao do uso excessivo de SAE. Avaliando os gêneros e área de ocorrência dos casos vê-se que altamente sugestiva a relação do escorpionismo com o processo de domiciliação. A diferença de dados entre SINAN e CIT sugere que existe uma falha na comunicação entre os dois sistemas.

Aim: The study sought to assess the informal trader’s perceptions of the post-multicurrency regime financial inclusion confidence challenges in Zimbabwe and also through further future studies explore the potential of explicating a framework for achieving optimal financial inclusion in an economy recovering from a recession through further future studies. Setting: A non-probability judgment sample of 1000 informal traders in the Avondale area of Harare was used in this study. Method: The study established four potential financial inclusion construct pillars: demand side factors, supply side factors, behavioural factors and individual factors; these were largely influenced by age, which can be investigated in further future grounded theory studies to develop a framework. Results: The results indicate that healing from the financial experiences of the hyperinflation era of 2008 still has not been achieved. The study suggests a need for Zimbabwe to restore human rights, political stability, and ensure compliance with the Financial Action Task Force regulations regarding money laundering and terror financing in order to boost external confidence in the financial system of the country. Conclusion: There is still a challenge of confidence in the country’s financial system. The proposed framework is envisaged to minimise the negative impacts of the mistrust of formal financial service providers and boost confidence in the financial system. It is hoped that the findings will aid government to craft policies that will be perceived as supportive of the informal sector to achieve optimal financial inclusion. The study further suggests penetration of the rural areas through technological advances such as mobile networks.

Abstract Objective Emerging research has demonstrated activation of the occipital lobe and visual pathways during the reexperiencing of traumatic events and hypervigilance. Treatments such as eye movement desensitization and reprocessing are efficacious among clients seen after traumatic events occur. This poster explores relationships between the occipital lobe and trauma responses to integrate neuropsychological interventions in treating trauma symptoms. Data Selection A literature review was conducted of peer review articles from 1999 to 2023 from ResearchGate, Journal of Neuropsychiatry and Clinical Neuroscience, Frontiers in Psychology, Journal of EDMR Practice and Research, Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Psychological Medicine, European Archives of Psychiatry and Clinical Neuroscience and Journal of Anxiety Disorders. Informal analyses were used to identify keywords and themes across articles, including occipital lobe, hypervigilance, EMDR, neuropsychology and PTSD. Data Synthesis Brain imaging studies show activation in the amygdala and occipital lobe domains during periods of re-experiencing, and high arousal states akin to hypervigilance, which is consistent with the neurocircuitry model of PTSD. Neurological or neuropsychological interventions that target the visual system may also aid in healing from trauma. Treatments such as EMDR effectively utilize the relationship between the brain and behavior to engage the occipital lobe when addressing trauma-related triggers. Conclusions The future of neuropsychological research should further explore the occipital lobe’s role in re-experiencing traumatic events and hypervigilance. This collaboration could determine interventions like sensory integration or other occupational therapy interventions focused on improving the daily functioning of individuals with PTSD. Neurorehabilitation interventions focusing on the occipital lobe could improve treatment outcomes in individuals with PTSD.

<div id="__if72ru4sdfsdfruh7fewui_once" style="display: none;"> </div><div id="__zsc_once"> <p>The aims of this study are (1) to describe the view of health and sickness in the cummunity of Tambran Kidul village; (2) to describe verbal and nonverbal behavior in healing and preventing the sickness in the cummunity of Tambran Kidul village; (3) to explain the reasons why verbal and nonverbal behaviors are very essential in healing and preventing the sickness on cummunity of Tambran Kidul village; and (4) to describe mindset, view of life, and worldview in the domain of health on the cummunity of Tambran Kidul village, Semin district, Gunungkidul regency.</p><p>This study is a descriptive qualitative. Data in this study consisted of primary data and secondary data. Primary data in the form of words in the event said the treatment and prevention of illness-disease using interviews and observation with informants (curer). Secondary data were obtained from books and journals by using literature study method. The data analysis used were ethno science and distributional method with the phases of analysis of domain, taxonomy, componential, and cultural theme. The result of the data analysis is presented through formal and informal method.</p>The result of this study shows that (1) there is a view of health and sickness based on cognition system of Javanese cummunity in Tambran Kidul village; (2) there are verbal and nonverbal behaviors such as (a) text of verbal and nonverbal behaviors are in form of micro and macro structures. Micro structure includes introduction, contents, and cover. Macro structures includes setting and scene, participants, purpose dan goal, act sequences, tone or spirit of act, instrumentalities, norms, and genres. (b) co-text which is kinetic or movement and material element (c) cultural, situational, socio-economic, and spiritual context. (3) the verbal and nonverbal behaviors are very essential because of some reasons (a) verbal behaviors is the realization of faith and hope in God; (b) nonverbal behaviors is the realization of a real action and (c) the existence of inner-energy<strong>, </strong>(4)<strong> </strong>the mindset of the Tambran Kidul villagers are; keeping a harmony, peaceful and principle of living together, <em>eling lan waspodho </em>remember and keep watch’, respecting forefathers, and living plainly.. The view of life are: <em>tepa slira</em> ‘mutual respect’; <em>ayom</em> ‘peaceful’, <em>ayem</em> ‘serene’,<strong> </strong><em>suka</em> ‘happy’; <em>asih samaning titah </em>‘love of neighbor’<strong>;</strong> and <em>nglurug tanpa bala </em>‘attack without troops’<em>, sugih tanpa bandha </em>‘rich without possessions’<em>, digdaya tanpa aji </em>‘divine power without talisman’. The worldview are: the existence of the highest holly spirit, forefathers <em>dhanyang </em>‘the ancestral spirits who protect the village’, and<em> mbok Sri </em>‘mother Sri’</div>

Summary Set in Espiritu Santo, Vanuatu, this study explores the relationship between cultural knowledge and beliefs concerning illness and health-seeking behaviour within the context of medical pluralism. Concentrating on the nation’s high rates of diabetes and non-communicable disease (NCD) risk factors, this research analyses the way in which understandings of disease aetiology and healing efficacy impact upon treatment-related decisions. Data were obtained through a mixed-methods community survey of 313 adult respondents developed in collaboration with ni-Vanuatu health experts, community leaders and survey enumerators, and comprised of open and closed-ended questions. As the results demonstrate, framed by cultural and religious beliefs, multifaceted indigenous conceptualizations of health and illness in Vanuatu are directly linked to pluralist health seeking practices, including the concurrent use of formal and informal health services. The interwoven identification of sociocultural, physical and clinical determinants of disease highlights the complex manner in which health is understood and maintained by ni-Vanuatu. In successfully addressing the rising burden of NCDs, it is integral that health interventions and service providers acknowledge the complex conceptualization of disease and ensure the provision of holistic care that embraces rather than ignores the steadfast role of local systems of belief, and of traditional, religious and other informal forms of healthcare provision.

INTISARIPengembangan sistem informasi tanaman obat tradisional berbasis web merupakan sarana penyampaian informasi tentang tanaman obat yang ada di indonesia meggunakan teknologi internet. Banyak tanaman obat tradisional yang ada di sekitar kita yang belum di manfaatkan dan di kelola dengan baik, Hal ini terjadi karena katerbatasan informasi yang sampai kepada masyarakat sehingga mereka tidak tahu dan tidak dapat memanfaatkan dengan sebaik – baiknya. Metodologi yang digunakan untuk membangun sistem ini adalah Model-View-Controller atau MVC yaitu sebuah metode untuk membuat sebuah aplikasi dengan memisahkan data (Model) dari tampilan (View) dan cara bagaimana memprosesnya (Controller). Dalam implementasinya kebanyakan framework dalam aplikasi website adalah berbasis arsitektur MVC. MVC memisahkan pengembangan aplikasi berdasarkan komponen utama yang membangun sebuah aplikasi seperti manipulasi data, antarmuka pengguna, dan bagian yang menjadi kontrol dalam sebuah aplikasi web. Hasil penelitian ini adalah website sistem informasi tanaman obat tradisional menggunakan framework codeigniter yang menghasilkan informasi seputar tanaman obat tradisional yang banyak sekali digunakan disekitar kita. Website ini menghimpun informasi tentang ciri – ciri tanaman, kandungan, nama daerah beserta ramuan tradisional yang lazim di manfaatkan untuk pencegahan maupun penyembuhan penyakit yang ada di masyarakat. Untuk menjadikan website ini menarik, di tambahkan fasilitas interaktif seperti Halaman Buku tamu, fasilitas pencarian dan konsultasi. Kata kunci— Sistem Informasi, Tanaman Obat Tradisional, Code Igniter, Framework, MVC. ABSTRACTDevelopment of information system of traditional medicinal plants is a means of delivering information about medicinal plants in Indonesia by using internet technology. Many of the traditional medicinal plants around us that have not been utilized and managed properly, this happens because of limited information to the community so they do not know and can not take advantage of the best. The methodology used to build this system is Model-View-Controller or MVC which is a method for creating applications by separating data (Model) from display and how to process it (Controller). In its implementation most frameworks in website applications are based on MVC architecture. MVC separates application development based on major components that build applications such as data manipulation, user interface, and parts that become controls in web applications. The results of this study is a website of traditional medicinal plant information system using a codeigniter framework that produces information about traditional medicinal plants are widely used around us. This site collects information about the characteristics of plants, uterus, the name of the area along with traditional ingredients commonly used for prevention and healing of existing diseases in the community. In order for this website interesting, plus interactive facilities such as Guestbook pages, search and consulting facilities. Kata kunci— Information Systems, Traditional Medicinal Plants, Code Igniter, Framework, MVC.

BackgroundPsychosis is known to have an adverse impact on an individual’s quality of life, social and occupational functioning. A lack of treatment options for psychotic disorders such as schizophrenia contributes to adverse outcomes for individuals. A significant proportion of people with psychosis consult both formal and traditional routes of care. This warrants a need to explore perceptions around treatment options provided by diverse care providers, as the identification of avenues for support can improve psychiatric, alternative treatment and social outcomes.MethodsFocus groups discussions (FGDs) and in-depth interviews (IDIs) were used. Interactive Research and Development (IRD) research staff conducted 20 IDIs and 2 FGDs to obtain information about the perspectives, treatment pathways and experiences of individuals with psychosis, their caregivers, and service providers. Questions for clinician care providers and faith healers revolved around perceptions of psychosis, service users’ background, subject knowledge and treatment, feedback and referral mechanisms, and promotion of services. A thematic analysis was used to analyze the interviews and coding was conducted on NVivo.ResultsThe results were categorized into five themes: perception of psychosis, experience of seeking/receiving care, assessment and diagnosis methods, promotion of services, and living with psychosis. Across service providers and patients, there was a wide variety of causes attributed to psychosis, and an overall lack of awareness regarding severe mental health conditions from both formal and informal care-providers. Biomedical treatment received mixed reviews, while some reported it as beneficial, the limited number of institutes and clinicians to cater for patients, stigma within society and care providers, the burden of caregiving, and misinformation from faith healers were all significant barriers to treatment.ConclusionThe results highlight the use of traditional healing practices for psychosis in Pakistan, which, coupled with inadequate referral mechanisms, present an opportunity to bridge the treatment gap between clinical and traditional healing practices through integration of treatment within community structures and systems. Better awareness of psychosis and its treatment methods, alongside interventions that reduce stigma could help facilitate help-seeking behavior and reduce the burden of caregiving.

Photo ID 279661800 © Sidewaypics|Dreamstime.com ABSTRACT Decolonization is complex, vast, and the subject of an ongoing academic debate. While the many efforts to decolonize or dismantle the vestiges of colonialism that remain are laudable, they can also reinforce what they seek to end. For decolonization to be impactful, it must be done with epistemic and cultural humility, requiring decolonial scholars, project leaders, and well-meaning people to be more sensitive to those impacted by colonization and not regularly included in the discourse. INTRODUCTION Decolonization is complex. To successfully achieve decolonization, projects should incorporate the voices of those subjugated or silenced. Including such voices requires sincerely exploring who has been affected by colonialism or neocolonialism and how, as well as cultural sensitivity. In its basic use, decolonization refers to countries under colonial rule gaining independence or freedom from forms of subjugation. Additionally, scholars use the term to refer to efforts to dismantle neocolonialism and vestiges of colonialism. The process includes de-silencing subjugated voices.[1] I use decolonization in the latter way to refer to countries with technical independence. While arguably colonization ended formally with independence from colonizing powers, neocolonialism is the indirect, informal, and sometimes subtle control of the people, their economy, and political life despite formal independence from colonizing authorities. I conceptualize neocolonialism as a system that involves direct and involuntary control of another’s political, economic, or social life, impacting their worldview and ways of encountering the world. Decolonization may target actions, places, or systems like health care or AI to overcome the ills of colonialism and neocolonialism. It also may target knowledge and require rethinking how people develop their knowledge base. For example, if people grew up seeing an outside colonizer as superior, they would need to change their knowledge of superiority. Decolonization may target power, for example, changing who owns and distributes COVID-19 vaccines and who distributors exclude in the distribution of vaccines. Decolonization could require looking at those disempowered in the distribution process. Additionally, decolonization may target autonomy of persons by freeing people, ensuring human and individual rights, and respecting cultural traditions. Decolonization projects that try to de-silence by including the voices of those affected by colonialism and neocolonialism must examine inclusiveness in the context of the culture of the subrogated individuals. Examples of decolonization projects include making datasets inclusive of diverse peoples and places, returning to traditional food and eating practices, making sure hospitals in developing countries are led by locals and respectful of cultural traditions, returning unethically obtained artefacts or objects. Another project would be laying the groundwork for equality in formerly colonized countries to ensure that business ownership, education, and financial success will flow fairly to those previously victimized by colonization. Summarily, there are many strategies for decolonizing. However, it is worth asking whether the strategies have risks that undermine the goal of decolonization. I. Understanding Decolonization Discourses Many fields, from AI to politics, economics, health care, aviation, and academia, discuss decolonization. The content of the discourse on decolonization depends on the region and field discussing it. Rather than just reporting on decolonization, the discussions may be calls to action. For example, decolonization discourses reflect activism for cognitive justice, such as equal consideration of Indian or African knowledge systems in global health discourses.[2] In politics and political science, some scholars frame decolonization as an anti-western, anti-colonial movement by Africans to emancipate Africa/ns from subjugation or shift the continent to postcolonialism and post-neo-colonialism. This framing walls off non-African participants and may undermine their capacity to benefit the conversation.[3] There are other political scientists who actively support decolonization and see it as a field of activism in support of anyone and countries where colonization harmed people and development.[4] The point is that two ways of conceptualizing decolonization in politics and political science are discernible. One conceptualization is less inclusive since it alienates scholars and professionals from Western, high-income, or developed countries. The other is more inclusive. In humanitarian studies, including philosophy, some decolonization articles and conversations are efforts to end the destructive force of colonization. They focus on either the form, such as ecocide, genocide, and many others, or the geographic location, such as Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Oceania.[5] Finally, the feelings one brings into this conversation can adversely impact how one engages in them and who they listen to or are willing to hear from. For example, anger, rage, bitterness, and hatred are emotions that are not uncommon in spaces of decolonization conversations. Decolonization conversations that originate from a place of negativity risk deepening the psychological state of victimhood and prevent people from disrupting constructively or critically engaging in the conversation.[6] II. Understanding Decolonization Strategies Decolonization strategies mainly aim to de-silence victims of domination or subjugation. People have proposed many strategies for decolonizing. These strategies may be informed by what the target is for decolonization. Decolonization can target power relations in global health. For example, during the COVID-19 pandemic, public health organizations noted the power imbalance in vaccine distribution. Decolonization could involve de-silencing those affected by neocolonialism to bring about a more balanced distribution of power and a more fair distribution of the vaccine. By analyzing who was adversely impacted by the distribution and who ought to wield power, those engaged in decolonizing advocated for positive change and equitable power relations. Equally, when being is the target of decolonization, the language of unlearning or relearning and mental decolonization take centre stage in the decolonization discourse. For example, the quest to decolonize colonized minds aims to demythologize African inferiority and Western superiority. Demythologizing African inferiority enables those engaged in the decolonization discourse to cultivate and foster African agency.[7] Finally, when knowledge production is the target of decolonization, scholars use inclusion and cognitive justice. For example, they try to alter the knowledge that underlies global health ethics.[8] “[D]decolonizing researchers aim to respectfully understand and integrate theory from Other(ed) perspectives, while also critically examining the underlying assumptions that inform their Western research framework.”[9] One common strategy that scholars use in decolonization is inclusion. It is worth asking, does including people who have been subrogated foster decolonization? Whether that is effective depends on whether included people are more heard or whether the strategies to include them create new forms of silencing. III. Inclusion and the Quest to Decolonize Evaluating how effective inclusion is in the quest to de-silence subjugated voices is important. First, inclusive strategies are not neutral. They are epistemically situated. This situatedness constrains meaning-making in different ways: how and what questions are asked, how social roles are constructed, organized or assigned, and who is admitted to the room where these conversations occur.[10] Inclusion strategies may reinforce (unchallenged) assumptions. For example, to address prejudices and stereotypes in global health images, Arsenii Alenichev and his colleagues[11] successfully inverted “one stereotypical global health image” by prompting a generative AI to produce “an image of a traditional Indian or African healer healing a White Child.” Although there were some problems with the image of the White child, this innovation is a significant, useful effort to de-embed or strip global health images of problematic pictures that mythologize White superiority and Black inferiority. Yet it is possible that using categories like traditional Indian or African reinforces unchallenged assumptions, raising key questions regarding how language and words create new stereotypes. It is common to define traditional as non-conventional, unorthodox, and informal. Yet studies continue to reveal that non-scientifically appraised healing approaches in India or Africa are not only effective but also real, meaningful, fundamental, and primary care-seeking behaviours in many communities in these regions.[12] Suppose inclusive strategies are not un-situated. These conversations may be had within the structures, language, and spaces built by or connected to colonialism. The spaces, language, places, and structures in which these conversations occur can limit who can participate and how they participate. Importantly, some conditions are not conducive to participation as equals. The allocated time for the discussion could also constrain how individuals express themselves. It is unclear who is ultimately heard. Furthermore, epistemic situatedness of inclusion can impact decolonization conversations when participants are beneficiaries of, products of, and trained by structures and systems they seek to dismantle. To enhance the decolonization project and its goals, a pressing task is to unveil and question how the circumstances may inhibit activism. If the vestiges of colonialism continue to structure the decolonization discourse invisibly, the vestiges may undermine decolonization. For example, a public health discussion that includes white Western doctors and Western pharmaceutical executives in Africa may have many local Africans at the table but could still effectively devalue their input based on built-in assumptions and biases that are vestiges of colonialism. Second, exclusion and inclusion are also not binary. Individuals may experience exclusion, even while included (the phenomenon called internal exclusion). In other words, inclusion can fail to be substantial or become a means of enhancing optics, “a way of (un)consciously weakening the radical claims being pursued.”[13] For example, in South Africa, many institutions have made significant efforts to diversify their faculties due to the promulgation of the Employment Equity Act 55.[14] The act requires South African institutions to implement employment equity that redresses the history of harmful discrimination in the country. The act further requires transforming departments and institutional administrations. Although many recognize and support the need to transform departments in South Africa, the rhetoric of transformation departs sharply from the lived experiences.[15] This misalignment between the plan and practice is evident in the underrepresentation of black people and females in senior management teams, professorships in many universities and health departments, and positions of power in some South African institutions. Those selected in the transformation of the departments have also complained of being overworked. The burden of extra work undermines their ability to develop agency and voice in the space they now occupy or fulfil key requirements that have implications for their career trajectory.[16] This is called the minority tax. Notably, "the minority tax… is the burden of extra responsibilities [placed] on faculty of colour to achieve diversity and inclusion and contributes to attrition and impedes academic promotion."[17] One challenge for decolonializing projects will be for decolonial scholars and those selected for decolonization objectives to have the humility to decline invitations, requests, roles, and platforms for which they are either unqualified or lack the capacity to fulfil. At its heart, decolonization strategies must empower those included rather than weaken them. Finally, inclusion can lead to a phenomenon known as elite capture.[18] Elite capture occurs when socially advantaged individuals in a group monopolize or exploit activism to their own benefit at the expense of the larger, struggling group. Elite capture weakens decolonization efforts from within, revealing that those likely to benefit from global inclusive efforts are those who fulfil globally constructed standards, those “already present in the room.” There is no better strategy to weaken decolonial movements than weakening the project from within by strategically positioning individuals who share physical properties with the victims of exclusion and silencing but intellectually, behaviourally, psychologically, and emotionally share more common ground with the colonizer. Such insiders may be unaware they are furthering neocolonial conditions rather than decolonizing. In relation to decolonization, particularly in global health, elite capture reveals that those whose voices are loudest in the room are not necessarily those more impacted by colonialism. They may benefit more from reinforcing colonialism. Opportunism weakens meaningful activism from within, preventing good initiatives and strategies from having their intended impact or taking substantive root.[19] This paper cannot do justice to elite capture, but it is worth noting its negative impacts. IV. Improving the Impact of Decolonization To end neo-colonialism, it is important to understand how it manifests and what to do at each level. Beyond the academic discourse, many tangible efforts exist to decolonize through de-silencing. Examples of these efforts include the ME2 movement that seeks to centre the concerns and experiences of sexually abused or harassed victims in the public discourse. At the funding level, many grant-awarding agencies like Wellcome Trust have dedicated huge budgets to studies that help them understand how they may have perpetrated colonialism or neocolonialism and what they can do differently going forward.[20] In South Africa, promulgating the Employment Equity Act 55 was a tangible attempt to entrench decolonization concerns in a country's regulatory framework. Yet, these decolonization efforts could fail to be substantive if they do not reflect cultural sensitivity. Two key components of cultural sensitivity are worth highlighting here: epistemic and cultural humility. Epistemic humility is an intellectual virtue described as knowing one’s limitations and the limitations of the learning methods employed. At its simplest, it is the ability to admit when one is wrong. Cultural humility includes genuine attempts to learn about and embrace other cultures. Epistemic and cultural humility are signs of academic excellence and strength. Epistemic and cultural humility seriously acknowledge how the state of our knowledge, cognitive limitations, experiences, and backgrounds, while constraining us, also invite us to listen, learn, grow, and change. The limitations-owing account of epistemic and cultural humility suggests that “a person who is aware of her cognitive limitations and owns them is much better positioned to achieve such epistemic goods as true beliefs and understanding than someone who… simply has insight into the epistemic status of her beliefs.”[21] Epistemic and cultural humility may help prevent decolonization projects that unintentionally reinforce what they seek to dismantle. Epistemic humility calls on decolonizers to defer tasks for which they are not qualified to suitably qualified persons. Beyond this, humility supports brave scholarship that imagines and reimagines how featuring the same voices, faces, and perspectives possibly introduces new forms of domination or silencing. Cultural knowledge can lead to a more intentional way of seeking out the right people or a more diverse group than those frequently featured in decolonization conversations. This would give others more opportunities to navigate these spaces and should do so in ways that are familiar to them. One ought to be more sensitive to those who would ordinarily not be included in these conversations. Unless we radically and boldly reimagine these discussions, we risk alienating those most negatively impacted by neocolonialism. CONCLUSION Decolonization conversations are complex and the subject of academic debate. The strategies employed to decolonize can harm or help the victims of neo-colonialism. Inclusion of previously silenced individuals may not be enough to overcome the vestiges of colonialism, leading to a false inclusion, where those included feel excluded or contribute in ways reflecting their own biases and circumstances. Inclusion of an elite or people who do not truly represent the subjugated can lead to elite capture. For decolonization strategies to be impactful, for example, in the context of global health, project leaders and participants must engage in conversations employing epistemic and cultural humility. In many ways, epistemic and cultural humility can help us demythologize our assumptions of any cultural superiority or cognitive authority, allowing for diverse voices, cultures, and perspectives to emerge without domination. - [1] Caesar Atuire & Olivia Rutazibwa. 2021. An African Reading of the Covid-19 Pandemic and the Stakes of Decolonization. An African Reading of the Covid-19 Pandemic and the Stakes of Decolonization [Online]. Available from: https://law.yale.edu/yls-today/news/african-reading-covid-19-pandemic-and-stakes-decolonization [Accessed July 29, 2021 2021]. [2] Bridget Pratt & Jantina De Vries 2023. Where is knowledge from the Global South? An account of epistemic justice for a global bioethics. Journal of Medical Ethics, medethics-2022-108291. [3] Anye-Nkwenti Nyamnjoh 2023. Is decolonisation Africanisation? The politics of belonging in the truly African university. Social Dynamics, 1-20. [4] Rianna Oelofsen 2015. Decolonisation of the African mind and intellectual landscape. Phronimon, 16, 130-146. [5] Caesar Atuire & Olivia Rutazibwa. 2021. An African Reading of the Covid-19 Pandemic and the Stakes of Decolonization. An African Reading of the Covid-19 Pandemic and the Stakes of Decolonization [Online]. Available from: https://law.yale.edu/yls-today/news/african-reading-covid-19-pandemic-and-stakes-decolonization [Accessed July 29, 2021 2021]. [6] Pedro Alexis Tabensky 2008. The Postcolonial Heart of African Philosophy. South African Journal of Philosophy, 27, 285-295. [7] Nicholas M. Creary 2012. African Intellectuals and Decolonization, Ohio, Ohio University Press. [8] Bridget Pratt & Jantina De Vries 2023. Where is knowledge from the Global South? An account of epistemic justice for a global bioethics. Journal of Medical Ethics, medethics-2022-108291. [9] Vivetha Thambinathan & Elizabeth Anne Kinsella 2021. Decolonizing Methodologies in Qualitative Research: Creating Spaces for Transformative Praxis. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 20, 16094069211014766. [10] Abimbola Seye 2023. Knowledge from the global South is in the global South. Journal of Medical Ethics, 49, 337. [11] A. Alenichev, P. Kingori & K. P. Grietens 2023. Reflections before the storm: the AI reproduction of biased imagery in global health visuals. Lancet Glob Health. [12] Jonathan K. Burns & Andrew Tomita 2015. Traditional and religious healers in the pathway to care for people with mental disorders in Africa: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 50, 867-877. [13] Anye-Nkwenti Nyamnjoh & Cornelius Ewuoso 2023. What type of inclusion does epistemic injustice require? Journal of Medical Ethics, jme-2023-109091. [14] 1998. Employment Equity Act. In: GOVERNMENT, S. A. (ed.) 19370. [15] Dina Zoe Belluigi & Gladman Thondhlana 2019. ‘Why mouth all the pieties?’ Black and women academics’ revelations about discourses of ‘transformation’ at an historically white South African university. Higher Education, 78, 947-963. [16] Juliet Ramohai & Khomotso Marumo 2016. Women in Senior Positions in South African Higher Education: A Reflection on Voice and Agency. 231, 135-157. [17] J. Trejo 2020. The burden of service for faculty of color to achieve diversity and inclusion: the minority tax. Mol Biol Cell, 31, 2752-2754. [18] Olufemi Taiwo 2020. Being-in-the-Room Privilege: Elite Capture and Epistemic Deference. The Philosopher, 108, 7. [19] Margarita Kurbatova & Elena Kagan 2016. Opportunism of University Lecturers As a Way to Adaptate the External Control Activities Strengthening. Journal of Institutional Studies, 8, 116-136. [20] Jeremy Farrar. 2022. An update on Wellcome's anti-racist programme. An update on Wellcome's anti-racist programme [Online]. Available from: https://wellcome.org/news/update-wellcomes-anti-racism-programme [Accessed August 10, 2022 2022]. [21] Katherine Dormandy 2018. Does Epistemic Humility Threaten Religious Beliefs? Journal of Psychology and Theology, 46, 292-304.

The rise of expertise in the lives of women is a complex and prolonged process that began when the old networks through which women had learned from each other were being discredited or destroyed (Ehrenreich and English). Enclosed spaces of expert power formed separately from political control, market logistics and the pressures exerted by their subjects (Rose and Miller). This, however, was not a question of imposing expertise on women and forcing them to adhere to expert proclamations: “the experts could not have triumphed had not so many women welcomed them, sought them out, and … organised to promote their influence” (Ehrenreich and English 28). Women’s continuing enthusiasm for self-help books – and it is mainly women who buy them (Wood) – attests to the fact that they are still welcoming expertise into their lives. This paper argues that a major factor in the popularity of self-help is the reversal of the conventional ‘priestly’ relationship and ethic of confession, in a process of conversion that relies on the enthusiasm and active participation of the reader.Miller and Rose outline four ways in which human behaviour can be transformed: regulation (enmeshing people in a code of standards); captivation (seducing people with charm or charisma); education (training, convincing or persuading people); and conversion (transforming personhood, and ways of experiencing the world so that people understand themselves in fundamentally new ways). Of these four ways of acting upon others, it is conversion that is the most potent, because it changes people at the level of their own subjectivity – “personhood itself is remade” (Miller and Rose 35). While theories of conversion cannot be adequately discussed here, one aspect held in common by theories of religious conversion as well as those from psychological studies of ‘brainwashing’ is enthusiasm. Rambo’s analysis of the stages of religious conversion, for example, includes ‘questing’ in an active and engaged way, and a probable encounter with a passionately enthusiastic believer. Melia and Ryder, in their study of ‘brainwashing,’ state that two of the end stages of conversion are euphoria and proselytising – a point to which I will return in the conclusion. In order for a conversion to occur, then, the reader must be not only intellectually convinced of the truth, but must feel it is an important or vital truth, a truth she needs – in short, the reader must be enthused. The popularity of self-help books coincides with the rise of psy expertise more generally (Rose, "Identity"; Inventing), but self-help putatively offers escape from the experts, whilst simultaneously immersing its readers in expertise. Readers of self-help view themselves as reading sceptically (Simonds), interpretively (Rosenblatt) and resistingly (Fetterly, Rowe). They choose to read books as an educational activity (Dolby), rather than attending counselling or psychotherapy sessions in which they might be subject to manipulation, domination and control by a therapist (Simonds). I have discussed the nature of the advice in relationship manuals elsewhere (Hazleden, "Relationship"; "Pathology"), but the intention of this paper is to investigate the ways in which the authors attempt to enthuse and convert the reader.Best-Selling ExpertiseIn common with other best-selling genres, popular relationship manuals begin trying to enthuse the reader on the covers, which are intended to attract the reader, to establish the professional – or ‘priestly’ – credentials of the author and to assert the merit of the book, presenting the authors as experienced professionally-qualified experts, and advertising their bestseller status. These factors form part of the marketing ‘buzz’ or collective enthusiasm about a particular author or book.As part of the process of establishing themselves in the priestly role, the authors emphasise their professional qualifications and experience. Most authors use the title ‘Dr’ on the cover (Hendrix, McGraw, Forward, Gray, Cowan and Kinder, Schlessinger) or ‘PhD’ after their names (Vedral, DeAngelis, Spezzano). Further claims on the covers include assertions of the prominence of the authors in their field. Typical are DeAngelis’s claim to being “America’s foremost relationships expert,” and Hendrix’s claim to being “the world’s leading marital therapist.” Clinical and professional experience is mentioned, such as Spezzano’s “twenty-three years of counseling experience” (1) and Forward’s experience as “a consultant in many southern California Medical and psychiatric facilities” (iii). The cover of Spezzano’s book claims that he is a “therapist, seminar leader, author, lecturer and visionary leader.” McGraw emphasises his formal qualifications throughout his book, saying, “I had more degrees than a thermometer” (McGraw 6), and he refers to himself throughout as “Dr. Phil,” much like “Dr Laura” (Schlessinger). Facts and SecretsThe authors claim their ideas are based on clinical practice, research, and evidence. One author claims, “In this book, there is a wealth of tried and accurate information, which has worked for thousands of people in my therapeutic practice and seminars over the last two decades” (Spezzano 1). Another claims that he “worked with hundreds of couples in private practice and thousands more in workshops and seminars” and subsequently based his ideas on “research and clinical observations” (Hendrix xviii). Dowling refers to “four years of research … interviewing professionals who work with and study women.” She went to all this trouble because, she assures us, “I wanted facts” (Dowling, dust-jacket, 30).All this is in order to assure the reader of the relevance and build her enthusiasm about the importance of the book. McGraw (226) says he “reviewed case histories of literally thousands and thousands of couples” in order “to choose the right topics” for his book. Spezzano (7) claims that his psychological exercises come from clinical experience, but “more importantly, I have tested them all personally. Now I offer them to you.” This notion of being in possession of important new knowledge of which the reader is unaware is common, and expressed most succinctly by McGraw (15): “I have learned what you know and, more important, what you don't know.” This knowledge may be referred to as ‘secret’ (e.g. DeAngelis), or ‘hidden’ (e.g. Dowling) or as a recent discovery. Readers seem to accept this – they often assume that self-help books spring ‘naturally’ from clinical investigation as new information is ‘discovered’ about the human psyche (Lichterman 432).The Altruistic AuthorOn the assumption that readers will be familiar with other self-help books, some authors find it necessary to explain why they felt motivated to write one themselves. Usually these take the form of a kind of altruistic enthusiasm to share their great discoveries. Cowan and Kinder (xiv) claim that “one of the wonderful, intrinsic rewards of working with someone in individual psychotherapy is the rich and intense relationship that is established, [but] one of the frustrations of individual work is that in a whole lifetime it is impossible to touch more than a few people.” Morgan (26) assures us that “the results of applying certain principles to my marriage were so revolutionary that I had to pass them on in the four lesson Total Woman course, and now in this book.”The authors justify their own addition to an overcrowded genre by delineating what is distinctive about their own book, or what other “books, articles and surveys missed” (Dowling 30) or misinterpreted. Beattie (98-102) devotes several pages to a discussion of Dowling to assert that Dowling’s ‘Cinderella Complex’ is more accurately known as ‘codependency.’ The authors of another book admit that their ideas are not new, but claim to make a unique contribution because they are “writing from a much-needed male point of view” (Cowan and Kinder, back cover). Similarly, Gray suggests “many books are one-sided and unfortunately reinforce mistrust and resentment toward the opposite sex.” This meant that “a definitive guide was needed for understanding how healthy men and women are different,” and he promises “This book provides that vision” (Gray 4,7).Some authors are vehement in attacking other experts’ books as “gripe sessions,” “gobbledegook” (Schlessinger 51, 87), or “ridiculous” (Vedral 282). McGraw (9) writes “it is amazing to me how this country is overflowing with marital therapists, psychiatrists and psychologists, counselors, healers, advice columnists, and self-help authors – and their approach to relationships is usually so embarrassing that I want to turn my head in shame.” His own book, by contrast, will be quite different from anything the reader has heard before, because “it differs from what relationship ‘experts’ tell you” (McGraw 45).Confessions of an Author Because the authors are writing about intimate relationships, they are also keen to establish their credentials on a more personal level. “Loving, losing, learning the lessons, and reloving have been my path” (Carter-Scott 247-248), says one, and another asserts that, “It’s taken me a long time to understand men. It’s been a difficult and often painful journey and I’ve made a lot of mistakes along the way in my own relationships” (DeAngelis xvi). The authors are even keen to admit the mistakes they made in their previous relationships. Gray says, “In my previous relationships, I had become indifferent and unloving at difficult times … As a result, my first marriage had been very painful and difficult” (Gray 2). Others describe the feelings of disappointment with their marriages: We gradually changed. I was amazed to realize that Charlie had stopped talking. He had become distant and preoccupied. … Each evening, when Charlie walked in the front door after work, a cloud of gloom and tension floated in with him. That cloud was almost tangible. … this tension cloud permeated our home atmosphere … there was a barrier between us. (Morgan 18)Doyle (14) tells a similar tale: “While my intentions were good, I was clearly on the road to marital hell. … I was becoming estranged from the man who had once made me so happy. Our marriage was in serious trouble and it had only been four years since we’d taken our vows.” The authors relate the bewilderment they felt in these failing relationships: “My confusion about the psychology of love relationships was compounded when I began to have problems with my own marriage. … we gave our marriage eight years of intensive examination, working with numerous therapists. Nothing seemed to help” (Hendrix xvii).Even the process of writing the relationship manual itself can be uncomfortable: This was the hardest and most painful chapter for me to write, because it hit so close to home … I sat down at my computer, typed out the title of this chapter, and burst into tears. … It was the pain of my own broken heart. (DeAngelis 74)The Worthlessness of ExpertiseThus, the authors present their confessional tales in which they have learned important lessons through their own suffering, through the experience of life itself, and not through the intervention of any form of external or professional expertise. Furthermore, they highlight the failure of their professional training. Susan Forward (4) draws a comparison between her professional life as a relationship counsellor and the “Susan who went home at night and twisted herself into a pretzel trying to keep her husband from yelling at her.” McGraw tells of a time when he was counselling a couple, and: Suddenly all I could hear myself saying was blah, blah, blah. Blah, blah, blah, blah. As I sat there, I asked myself, ‘Has anybody noticed over the last fifty years that this crap doesn’t work? Has it occurred to anyone that the vast majority of these couples aren’t getting any better? (McGraw 6)The authors go to some lengths to demonstrate that their new-found knowledge is unlike anything else, and are even prepared to mention the apparent contradiction between the role the author already held as a relationship expert (before they made their important discoveries) and the failure of their own relationships (the implication being that these relationships failed because the authors themselves were not yet beneficiaries of the wisdom contained in their latest books). Gray, for example, talking about his “painful and difficult” first marriage (2), and DeAngelis, bemoaning her “mistakes” (xvi), allude to the failure of their marriage to each other, at a time when both were already well-known relationship experts. Hendrix (xvii) says: As I sat in the divorce court waiting to see the judge, I felt like a double failure, a failure as a husband and as a therapist. That very afternoon I was scheduled to teach a course on marriage and the family, and the next day, as usual, I had several couples to counsel. Despite my professional training, I felt just as confused and defeated as the other men and women who were sitting beside me.Thus the authors present the knowledge they have gained from their experiences as being unavailable through professional marital therapy, relationship counselling, and other self-help books. Rather, the advice they impart is presented as the hard-won outcome of a long and painful process of personal discovery.Peace and PassionOnce the uniqueness of the advice is established, the authors attempt to enthuse the reader by describing the effects of following it. Norwood (Women 4) says her programme led to “the most rewarding years of my life,” and Forward (10) says she “discovered enormous amounts of creativity and energy in myself that hadn't been available to me before.” Gray (268) asserts that, following his discoveries “I personally experienced this inner transformation,” and DeAngelis (126) claims “I am compassionate where I used to be critical; I am patient where I used to be judgmental.” Doyle (23) says, “practicing the principles described in this book has transformed my marriage into a passionate, romantic union.” Similarly, in discussing the effects of her ideas on her marriage, Morgan (26) speaks of “This brand new love between us” that “has given us a brand new life together.” Having established the success of their ideas and techniques on their own lives, the authors go on to relate stories about their successful application to the lives and relationships of their clients. One author writes that “When I began implementing my ideas … The divorce rate in my practice sharply declined, and the couples … reported a much deeper satisfaction in their marriages” (Hendrix xix). Another claims “Repeatedly I have heard people say that they have benefited more from this new understanding of relationships than from years of therapy” (Gray 7). Morgan, describing the effects of her ‘Total Woman’ classes, says: Attending one of the first classes in Miami were wives of the Miami Dolphin football players … it is interesting to note that their team won every game that next season and became the world champions! … Gals, I wouldn’t dream of taking credit for the Superbowl … (Morgan 188)In case we are still unconvinced, the authors include praise and thanks from their inspired clients: “My life has become exciting and wonderful. Thank you,” writes one (Vedral 308). Gray (6) talks of the “thousands of inspirational comments that people have shared” about his advice. Vedral (307) says “I have received thousands of letters from women … thanking me for shining a beam of light on their situations.” If these clients have transformed their lives, the authors claim, so can the reader. They promise that the future will be “exceptional” (Friedman 242) and “wonderful” (Norwood, Women 257). It will consist of “self fulfilment, love, and joy” (Norwood, Women 26), “peace and joy” (Hendrix xx), “freedom and a lifetime of healing, hope and happiness” (Beattie), “peace, relief, joy, and passion that you will never find any other way” (Doyle 62) – in short, “happiness for the rest of your life” (Spezzano 77).SummaryIn order to effect the conversion of their readers, the authors seek to create enthusiasm about their books. First, they appeal to the modern tradition of credentialism, making claims about their formal professional qualifications and experience. This establishes them as credible ‘priests.’ Then they make calculable, factual, evidence-based claims concerning the number of books they have sold, and appeal to the epistemological authority of the methodology involved in establishing the findings of their books. They provide evidence of the efficacy of their own unique methods by relating the success of their ideas when applied to their own lives and relationships, and those of their clients and their readers. The authors also go to some lengths to establish that they have personal experience of relationship problems, especially those the reader is currently presumed to be experiencing. This establishes the ‘empathy’ essential to Rogerian therapy (Rogers), and an informal claim to lay knowledge or insight. In telling their own personal stories, the authors establish an ethic of confession, in which the truth of oneself is sought, unearthed and revealed in “the infinite task of extracting from the depths of oneself, in between the words, a truth which the very form of the confession holds out like a shimmering mirage” (Foucault, History 59). At the same time, by claiming that their qualifications were not helpful in solving these personal difficulties, the authors assert that much of their professional training was useless or even harmful, suggesting that they are aware of a general scepticism towards experts (cf. Beck, Giddens), and share these doubts. By implying that it is other experts who are perhaps not to be trusted, they distinguish their own work from anything offered by other relationship experts, thereby circumventing “the paradox of self-help books’ existence” (Cheery) and proliferation. Thus, the authors present their motives as altruistic, whilst perhaps questioning the motives of others. Their own book, they promise, will be the one (finally) that brings a future of peace, passion and joy. Conversion, Enthusiasm and the Reversal of the Priestly RelationshipAlthough power relations between authors and readers are complex, self-help is evidence of power in one of its most efficacious forms – that of conversion. This is a relationship into which one enters voluntarily and enthusiastically, in the name of oneself, for the benefit of oneself. Such power enthuses, persuades, incites, invites, provokes and entices, and it is therefore a strongly subjectifying power, and most especially so because the relationship of the reader to the author is one of choice. Because the reader can choose between authors, and skip or skim sections, she can concentrate on the parts of the therapeutic diagnosis that she believes specifically apply to her. For example, Grodin (414) found it was common for a reader to attach excerpts from a book to a bathroom mirror or kitchen cabinet, and to re-read and underline sections of a book that seemed most relevant. In this way, through her enthusiastic participation, the reader becomes her own expert, her own therapist, in control of certain aspects of the encounter, which nonetheless must always take place on psy terms.In many conversion studies, the final stage involves the assimilation and embodiment of new practices (e.g. Paloutzian et al. 1072), whereby the convert employs or utilises her new truths. I argue that in self-help books, this stage occurs in the reversal of the ‘priestly’ relationship. The ‘priestly’ relationship between client and therapist, is one in which in which the therapist remains mysterious while the client confesses and is known (Rose, "Power"). In the self-help book, however, this relationship is reversed. The authors confess their own ‘sins’ and imperfections, by relating their own disastrous experiences in relationships and wrong-thinking. They are, of course, themselves enthusiastic converts, who are enmeshed within the power that they exercise (cf. Foucault History; Discipline), as these confessions illustrate. The reader is encouraged to go through this process of confession as well, but she is expected to do so privately, and to play the role of priest and confessor to herself. Thus, in a reversal of the priestly relationship, the person who ‘is knowledge’ within the book itself is the author. It is only if the reader takes up the invitation to perform for herself the priestly role that she will become an object of knowledge – and even then, only to herself, albeit through a psy diagnostic gaze provided for her. Of course, this instance of confession to the self still places the individual “in a network of relations of power with those who claim to be able to extract the truth of these confessions through their possession of the keys to interpretation” (Dreyfus and Rabinow 174), but the keys to interpretation are provided to the reader by the author, and left with her for her own safekeeping and future use. As mentioned in the introduction, conversion involves questing in an active and engaged way, and may involve joy and proselytising. Because the relationship must be one of active participation, the enthusiasm of the reader to apply these truths to her own self-understanding is critical. Indeed, the convert is, by her very nature, an enthusiast.ConclusionSelf-help books seek to bring about a transformation of subjectivity from powerlessness to active goal-setting, personal improvement and achievement. This is achieved by a process of conversion that produces particular choices and types of identity, new subjectivities remade through the production of new ethical truths. Self-help discourses endow individuals with new enthusiasms, aptitudes and qualities – and these can then be passed on to others. Indeed, the self-help reader is invited, by means of the author’s confessions, to become, in a limited way, the author’s own therapist – ie, she is invited to perform an examination of the author’s (past) mistakes, to diagnose the author’s (past) condition and to prescribe an appropriate (retrospective) cure for this condition. Through the process of diagnosing the author and the author’s clients, using the psy gaze provided by the author, the reader is rendered an expert in therapeutic wisdom and is converted to a new belief system in which she will become an enthusiastic participant in her own subjectification. ReferencesBeattie, M. 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