Zeitschriftenartikel: „Indo-Pak relations“

1

Dixit, J. N. „Indo-Pak Relations“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 57, Nr. 2 (April 2001): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840105700201.

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2

Arora, D. S. „Indo-Pak Trade Relations“. Foreign Trade Review 24, Nr. 3 (Oktober 1989): 298–331. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515890303.

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3

Grover, V. K. „Appraisal of Indo-Pak Relations“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 57, Nr. 2 (April 2001): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840105700202.

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4

Kumar, Sumita. „Indo‐Pak bus diplomacy“. Strategic Analysis 23, Nr. 1 (April 1999): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455036.

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5

Kumar, Sanjeet. „Indo-Pak Relations: New Trends and Challenges“. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 2, Nr. 3 (2012): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-0230610.

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6

Pattanaik, Smruti S. „Indo‐Pak relations and the SAARC summits“. Strategic Analysis 28, Nr. 3 (Juli 2004): 427–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160408450146.

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7

Ghosh, Priyadarshini. „THE CURRENT THAW IN INDO – PAK RELATIONS“. Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 9, Nr. 1 (Juni 2005): 202–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598405110012.

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8

Khanna, Shrey. „Interpreting the Perennial Impasse in Indo-Pak Relations“. Asian Survey 59, Nr. 3 (Mai 2019): 474–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.3.474.

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Since the September 2016 attack in Uri, Indo-Pak relations have steadily gotten worse. India cites Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in Kashmir as the major reason for this deterioration, with the 14 February 2019 bombing at Pulwama as the most recent dramatic example; Pakistan blames Indian atrocities in Kashmir. But after every attempt to initiate dialogue, there is a return to hostility. This paper analyzes this cyclical pattern of dialogue, estrangement, and hostility in Indo-Pak relations. Further, it seeks to explain the structural, ideational, and strategic aspects of the problem and to outline a course correction in Indian foreign policy.

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9

Pattanaik, Smruti S. „Indo‐Pak relations: Need for a pragmatic approach“. Strategic Analysis 23, Nr. 1 (April 1999): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455031.

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10

Mushtaq, Faiqa. „Prospects for Pak-China Relations“. Global Political Review IV, Nr. IV (30.12.2019): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iv).06.

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South Asia is in focus of global geopolitics since the advent of the 21st century. China is an economic giant and outreaching towards West through Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). CPEC (part of BRI) has brought Pakistan in streamline in regional geopolitics. United States (US) is worried about Chinas rise, for its national interests are in danger in Asia so, it perused Pivot to Asia strategy to counter China in Asia while manipulating India. This situation has increased Pakistans importance for China. The article will assess Pak-China cordial relations and answer the following questions. Will Pakistan be helpful to China in addressing the challenges to regional peace? How will Pak-China cooperation counter Indo-US strategic partnership? What are Pak-China mutual efforts to curb terrorism?

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11

Malhotra, Aditi. „Indo-Vietnam Relations: An Answer to Sino-Pak Partnership?“ Maritime Affairs:Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India 8, Nr. 1 (Juni 2012): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2012.690292.

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12

Thapliyal, Sangeeta. „Tulbul navigation project—an irritant in Indo‐Pak relations“. Strategic Analysis 22, Nr. 10 (Januar 1999): 1625–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908458907.

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13

Swamy, Raju Narayana. „SAFTA as An Instrument of Rejuvenating Indo-Pak Trade Relations“. Foreign Trade Review 45, Nr. 4 (Januar 2011): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515110402.

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14

Zahid Yousaf, Haroon Elahi and Malik Adnan. „War and Peace Framing: the Contextual Analysis of Indo-Pak Relations“. Strategic Studies 38, Nr. 1 (27.04.2018): 128–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.038.01.00167.

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By adopting John Galtung’s war and peace theoretical framework, this study has been conducted to examine the framing of the Indo-Pak relations in the newspapers having large readership such as Dawn and Nation from Pakistan and the Hindu and Hindustan Times from India. The content analysis was carried out from January 1, 2016 to December 31, 2016. The study is grounded in Galtung’s model of War and Peace journalism and Media Framing theory. The editorial and columns published in the mentioned newspapers during the aforementioned period of time were analysed. The data collected for this study has been tested by various statistical operations, which are based on Chi Square test. The findings of the study show that the elite press of Pakistan and India, predominantly, used war frames for the coverage of Indo-Pak relations.

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15

Naseer Ahmed Kalis, Naseer Ahmed Kalis. „Geo-political Significance of Kashmir: An overview of Indo-Pak Relations“. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 9, Nr. 2 (2013): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-092115123.

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16

Maini, Tridivesh Singh. „Indo-Pak relations and the significance of the Rajasthan–Sindh border“. Asian Ethnicity 14, Nr. 4 (September 2013): 505–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2013.823758.

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17

Haroon Elahi, Farish Ullah and Aslam Dogar. „A Critical Study of Press Freedom on Foreign Policy and Indo-Pak Relations in Pakistan“. Strategic Studies 40, Nr. 4 (08.04.2022): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.040.04.0062.

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In Pakistan, freedom of press has long been a subject of intense debate. Both the political and non-political governments adopted various legal and constitutional means to regulate the press in the milieu of public debate and criticism. With this view, the current study aims to measure the extent to which the press enjoyed freedom in Pakistan over strategic issues like foreign policy and Indo-Pak relations during civil and military governments. Based on the theoretical framework of agenda-setting coupled with framing, the study also examines the ways and means by which the print media influence the public opinion on foreign policy and Indo-Pak relations. It also takes into account how media agenda transforms into public agenda. The results of the study depict a mixed trend for press freedom. However, one thing remains common that the press enjoyed freedom when new governments commenced whether it was headed by civil leadership or military and this freedom would gradually curtail towards the end of their tenure.

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18

Sultan, Shazia, Zahid Anwar und Tahira Jabeen. „Pakistan Factor in India’s Policy Towards Afghanistan Under BJP Government“. Review of Education, Administration & LAW 3, Nr. 2 (30.09.2020): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v3i2.52.

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The study offered a brief history of the Pak –Indo relations with Afghanistan and has analyzed some troubles relation among the three states. The Pakistan factor in the Indian-Afghan relations since independence in general and under BJP government in particular is the part of this investigation. The paper has discussed the importance of Afghanistan for India and Pakistan and the struggle of both countries for acquiring influence there. The Indian policy of soft power to encircle Pakistan has been focused. The paper has tried to explore the current BJP government policies regarding peace dialogue among Pakistan US, Taliban and Afghan government and their policy of Intra-Afghan dialogue. The response of afghan government and people towards Indian policies has been highlighted. The paper concludes that nothing is certain in the mutual relations of these countries as the national interest of the states does not remain same and permanent all the time and it usually depend on current regional and international environment. The current close affiliation between Indo-Afghan may take turn to Pak-Afghan love relation similar to the cold war affiliation.

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19

Saud, Adam, und Kinza Arif. „US-India Strategic Alliance and CPEC ‘The Game Changer’: Prospects for Pakistan and Russian Cooperation“. Central Asia 83, Winter (01.05.2019): 19–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-83.27.

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South Asia equally occupies the title of the most sensitive region of the world. Regional politics is heavily governed under the principle of Balance of Power, where a continuous struggle to attain power persists amidst all the actors to ensure their state survival. A pragmatic shift in the regional politics has led to emergence of new alliances as Pak-Russian interests have coincided. Though Russia enjoys a strategic relationship with India, the Indo-U.S. nexus paves the way for Russia to extend its relations with Pakistan. Post 9/11 Russia has realized the strategic importance of Pakistan as a pivotal player towards achieving regional peace and security. The dwindling U.S. relations with Pakistan dictates latter’s policies to adopt enhanced bilateral relations with Russia and China. The extension of Pak-Russian relations will provide the latter to maintain its control over the Central Asian states, and provides Moscow with the wild card to counter Indian strategic tilt towards the U.S. CPEC initiative serves as a pivotal forum to further strengthen Pak-Russian relations and aid in development of mutual trust and cooperation. Creating a win-win situation for both actors to pursue and extend their strategic interests. This paper provides a qualitative analysis of the regional implications which are subtly governing the newly established relations while attempting to address the regional attributes which influence the newly established relations between Pakistan and Russia. Primarily, it focuses upon the economic and strategic interests of both states and how they align together according to the current regional scenarios. Apart from that, it also analyzes the interests of the US which exercise major influence over the regional states such as India and Afghanistan. Three questions are addressed to establish an understanding behind this cooperation which deems to be fruitful for both the states. These include how the existing Indo-US nexus contributes towards this strategic shift of partnership between Pakistan and Russia? How Indo-Afghan nexus is against Pakistani interest? And prospects for Russian connectivity with South and West Asia through China Pakistan Economic Corridor.

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20

Purewal, Navtej. „The Indo-Pak border: displacements, aggressions and transgressions“. Contemporary South Asia 12, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2003): 539–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0958493042000194363.

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21

Ali, Ahmad, Syed Imran Haider und Muhammad Ali. „Role of Identities in the Indo-Pak Relations: A Study in Constructivism“. Global Regional Review II, Nr. I (30.12.2017): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).21.

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The history of Pakistan-India relations is full of conflicts ever since the partition of the sub-continent in 1947 and is much evident with respect to major and minor wars together with border skirmishes as a routine job. The rivalry between the two nation-states is generally studied in the context of realism. However, this research aimed to study the role of social institutions in the formation of identities resulting in hostile relations between the two nationstates. The research has undergone a thorough analysis of social institutions considered influential in any society with respect to identity formation. The study found that social institutions of education, media, religion, and politics have played a significant role in the construction of interstate hostile identities. It is found that utilization of ideas, and norms practiced in social institutions, has constructed the identities that resulted in hostile behavioral patterns in the masses of two South Asian nation-states.

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22

Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen und Tayyaba Syed. „Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)“. Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, Nr. 4 (19.01.2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.

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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.

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23

Khan, Kamran, Muhammad Ayub und Shahabuddin. „Impact of China Pakistan Ecnomic Corridor (CPEC) on Indo-Pak Rivalary“. Summer 2023 4, Nr. 3 (30.09.2023): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.199903970.

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As a matter of fact, both China and Pakistan have greatly been/will be benefiting/ benefited from the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, but at the same time, it is being thought of by the neighboring country, India, as a threat to her. India, a hegemonic power in the region, has always been mindful of Chinese interference in this region and has been considering the greater cooperation of China with Pakistan as a threat to their regional power and, thus, in a way, interference in the cause of Kashmir particularly Pakistan’s claim to it. In order to balance the power in the region, India has been trying its best to oppose the Cooperation in the form of CPEC as it will not only benefit China but Pakistan as well and make Pakistan more secure. The research assignment is aimed at highlighting the current Indo-Pak relations as well as the impact of CPEC on Indo-Pak rivalry with future analysis based on observations.

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24

Mukherjee, Kunal. „Indo-Pak Relations and the Kashmir Problem: From 1947 to the Present Day“. Journal of Borderlands Studies 31, Nr. 4 (18.05.2016): 497–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08865655.2016.1174607.

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25

Malik Haqnawaz Danish und Mehvish Riaz. „Semiotic Facet of Reconciliation: Politics of the Representation of Indo-Pak Relations in Google Ad“. ANNALS OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND PERSPECTIVE 3, Nr. 1 (12.06.2022): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/assap.v3i1.159.

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Visual representations regulate reform, construct, and subvert ideologies that affect lives, cultural images, credibility, and international relations, etc. The study diverts attention to the soft power of visual discourse in challenging stereotypes through nuanced semiotic representations of Pak-India relations, identities of Pakistani and Indian people, their willingness to reconcile, and the impact of reconciliation. The study points out that discourse has played role in promoting misconceptions, hostility, and divergence, and discourse can subvert the ideologies and promote reconciliation, stability, and convergence. Using the triadic model of sign consisting of icon, indexical, and symbol, suggested by Peirce (1931-58), combined with the Noldus software to study facial expressions, the study highlights the ‘politics of the representation’ (Hutcheon, 1989, 1991) of reconciliation and Indo-Pak relations in the Google advertisement of reunion (2013). While there is a paucity of the visual discourse of reconciliation between Pakistan and India, the Google ad semiotically represents the themes of memory, reconciliation, post-partition trauma and the wistfulness to stay together authentically, however, this representation has its politics because it conceals the bloodshed, struggle, loss, and violation of human rights spanning over 70 years in India, Pakistan, and especially Kashmir. Results of the NOLDUS Software are indicative of the national traumatic history of India and Pakistan that chronicles the debilitating past since partition. More constructive but authentic portrayals may help build bilateral relations.

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26

Syed, Areeja. „Non-Military Confidence Building Measures and their Failure in Indo-Pak History (2001-2019)“. Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review V, Nr. III (30.09.2020): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2020(v-iii).02.

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In international relations, an act of demonstrating cooperation and goodwill with an adversary is known as the Confidence-Building measure. The motive behind these measures is to alleviate misapprehension, tension, fear, and angst between two or multiple parties by emphasizing trust and restricting acceleration in a conflict. India and Pakistan share a prolonged history of mistrust and animosity. The repercussions of this acrimonious relations are profound and extensive. In the past, numerous measures have been initiated by both states to stabilize peace and rekindle the mutual working relationships. To accomplish the challenging task, numerous non-military CBMs have also been initiated from both sides intermittently. However, none of them delivered the desired outcomes and successfully triggered confidence as anticipated. Therefore, in this article, the author delves into finding out the fundamental reasons for the failure of these CBMs between India and Pakistan held in 2001 – 2019.

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27

Gaan, Narottam. „Super Power Involvement in Indo-Pak Relations: A Case Study of The United States“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 46, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1990): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849000400101.

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28

., Urmila. „The role of media in Indo-Pak relations and its implications for India’s security“. International Journal of Political Science and Governance 5, Nr. 2 (01.07.2023): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33545/26646021.2023.v5.i2a.257.

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29

Qayum, Huma, Syed Ali Shah und Zubaria Andlib. „Implications of Pak-Afghan Transit Trade for Regional Security“. Global Regional Review I, Nr. I (30.12.2016): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).13.

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Pak-Afghan relations have almost remained far from being normal and under the grip of allegations and counter allegation due to several bilateral political issues. However, trade relations have remained unrestrained from several decades. Afghanistan as a landlocked state always relied on Pakistani ports for its trade requirements with the rest of the world. Despite ups and downs in the relations, Pakistan provided the trade provision to Afghanistan under 1965 trade agreement which was replaced in October 2010 with agreement providing better trade facilities to Afghanistan with India. Pakistan has security concerns over India, as Indo-Afghan trade will reduce Pakistan’s imports of goods. Growing Indian presence in the form of huge investment in Afghanistan has threatened Pakistan’s security. Trade has great potential for Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan but security and sincereity are required for implementation of such agreements.

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Syed, Areeja. „Narendra Modi's Hindutva Policy: A Detailed Examination of Its Implications on Indo-Pak Diplomatic and Strategic Relations“. BTTN Journal 2, Nr. 1 (31.07.2023): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.61732/bj.v2i1.14.

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Concurrently with the rise of ultra-nationalism globally, India is undergoing a fundamental change driven by the adoption of the exclusivist Hindutva ideology. Since PM Narendra Modi assumed power in 2014, the Hindutva ideology has gained widespread acceptance and popularity, permeating all segments of Indian society and institutions, including foreign relations and cultural events. This paper examines the Hindutva ideology as a policy and its significant impact on India-Pakistan relations. The Hindutva ideology, fueled by the patronage of the government, has exacerbated the already strained relations between the two countries. It has influenced key aspects such as the abrogation of special status in Jammu and Kashmir, alleged interference in Balochistan, engagement in the Chabahar port, and the hindrance of confidence-building measures. By analyzing the Hindutva policy and its implications, this paper sheds light on the broader consequences for India-Pakistan relations, emphasizing the need for constructive dialogue, de-escalation, and regional cooperation to foster a more peaceful and cooperative future.

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31

Singh, Bawa, Aslam Khan, Jagmeet Bawa und Balinder Singh. „POST-PULWAMA INDO-PAK CONFLICT: RECONNOITERING THE ROLE OF SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION“. Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola 8, Nr. 1 (2022): 192–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.47305/jlia2281192s.

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32

Shah, Anwar, und Hamida Bibi. „India- Pakistan Relations and Causes of Inconsistency“. Global International Relations Review V, Nr. II (30.06.2022): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-ii).05.

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India-Pakistan relations have always been fraught with ambiguity and the pursuit of positive and negative interactions at the same time. Despite both countries' good intentions and noble sentiments for one another, deep-seated apprehensions and historical experiences continue to shape their perspectives on one another. Three factors have historically been viewed by Indians to be impediments to normalisation between India and Pakistan. First, Pakistan has a position in Kashmir. Second, Pakistan is forming an alliance with the West, and third, Pakistan refused to accept India's dominance in the region. Following the 1971 Indo-Pak conflict, India detonated nuclear weapons in 1974. India saw itself as a regional superpower with authority to intervene in the affairs of South Asian nations. Pakistan has long opposed India's dominance doctrine and believed in sovereign equality. This study is qualitative in character, and an effort has been made to fully comprehend the variables that contribute to India-erratic Pakistan ties.

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Ashraf, Reimyail, Mohsin Hassan Khan, Farwa Qazalbash und Mohamad Saleeh Rahamad. „INDO-PAK STANDOFF 2019: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF SELECTED TWEETS FROM INTER-SERVICES PUBLIC RELATIONS“. Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 7, Nr. 2 (30.06.2022): 314–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol7iss2pp314-335.

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Background and Purpose: Social Networking Services (SNS), especially Twitter, have been an increasingly popular communication medium, especially in political transformation. This research analyses the language of tweets by Director General Inter-Services Public Relations (DG ISPR) of Pakistan, shared during the recent standoff between India and Pakistan on the issue of the Pulwama Attack in February 2019 and the Revocation of Article 370 by the Indian Government in August 2019. Methodology: The present research examines the linguistic techniques, and micro and macro approaches used in the discourse of tweets by DG ISPR on the said issues. Selection of vocabulary, tone of the message, and emotion in the discourse are studied through Ideological Square Model under the umbrella of CDA, with the aid of NVivo 12 Plus, to inspect the magnitude of the impact of linguistic memorandums from authoritative institutes. Findings: This study has revealed that the impeccable choice of vocabulary by ISPR adequately represented the Military of Pakistan, nationally and internationally, and has brought a state of tranquility at the time of standoff between two rival countries. This research argues that the discourse in tweets by DG ISPR represented Pakistan as a peaceful country but determinedly ready to defend its homeland during external enmity. Contributions: This study contributes a better understanding of the subtle ways in which language plays an essential role in creating political polarisation and constructing or manipulating reality while consolidating power struggle, discrimination, prejudice and inequality in society. Key Words: Pakistan military, Kashmir, ISPR, tweets, CDA, Ideological Square Mode. Cite as: Ashraf, R., Hassan Khan, M., Qazalbash, F., & Rahamad, M. S. (2022). Indo-Pak standoff 2019: A critical discourse analysis of selected tweets from inter-services public relations. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 7(2), 314-335. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol7iss2pp314-335

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34

Maiti, Prasenjit. „Underscoring Peace ‘as’ Hospitality in Indo-Pak Relations: Toward Alternatives of Conflict Resolution in South Asia“. Journal of Social Sciences 5, Nr. 1-2 (Januar 2001): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718923.2001.11892287.

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35

Amir, Shamaila, Muhammad Asadullah, Dawood Karim und Fayyaz Ahmad. „The Indo-Pak Rivalry over Kashmir Issue: An Analysis of Past and Present of Kashmir“. Resistances. Journal of the Philosophy of History 1, Nr. 2 (30.12.2020): 188–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.46652/resistances.v1i2.17.

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The Kashmir issue, a principal reason for rivalry between India and Pakistan, has become the atomic flashpoint and a constant threat to the security of South Asia. The aim of this paper is to highlight the root causes of Kashmir disputes and the major events that contributed towards the Indo-Pak rivalry with respect to Kashmir. The paper highlights present political conditions in the Indian-held Kashmir also shows the role of India, Pakistan, and the United Nations in Kashmir Dispute. In the end, a conclusion is presented for the devalued relations of India and Pakistan in the setting of Kashmir and its effects are analyzed.

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Ahmad, Parvaiz, und Bawa Singh. „Sino-Pakistan Friendship, Changing South Asian Geopolitics and India’s Post-Obama Options“. South Asia Research 37, Nr. 2 (13.06.2017): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728017700184.

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In the context of changing global geopolitics, South Asia as a global pivot amongst major regions and powers has recently acquired a more central geostrategic position. China and Pakistan have long been sharing strong political, cultural and economic relations and are portrayed as all-weather friends, amplifying their engagement to secure their respective specific interests within and outside the region. This Sino-Pakistan link has been treating India as a collective target, with China acting contrary to India’s interests also in light of rising Indo-US strategic leverage. Against this complex backdrop, which also implicates Central Asia, the ultimate focus of this article is to locate India’s geostrategic interests and future prospects in view of the strong Sino-Pak friendship. Our key findings suggest that in this new ‘Great Game’, Indo-US links are going to become even more crucial, but that India should not just wait for US decisions.

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37

Zeb, Rizwan, Shahbaz Ahmed Shahzad und Muhammad Alam. „New Delhi's Pakistan Dilemma and the Indo-Pakistan Peace Process“. Global Legal Studies Review VI, Nr. I (30.03.2021): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glsr.2021(vi-i).03.

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Although many argue that since Modi took over, Indo-Pak peace became a mirage yet, this paired minority conflict started in 1947. At present, any discussion in the west on India-Pakistan relations implicates Pakistan for all the wrongs with the relationship. What is missing from this narrative is the lack of a clear Indian position and policy towards Pakistan. What is New Delhi's Pakistan policy? How New Delhi intends to address its Pakistan problem? The core argument of this paper is that the biggest hurdle to establishing India-Pakistan peace or normalization is a lack of a clearly stipulated Pakistan policy on the part of New Delhi and that it has no vision for how to deal with Pakistan other than as an enemy.

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38

Ahmad, Sohail, Areeja Syed und Muhammad Bhutta. „Indian Inclusion in CPEC: A Path to Indo-Pak Threat Reduction via Complex Interdependence“. Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 3, Nr. 2 (21.01.2020): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.2.2.

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CPEC is a flagship project that can help India boost her economy to uplift the growing demands of infrastructural investment in the sector of energy, railroad connectivity and much more. As Pakistan and India get more economically integrated, the likelihood of any significant or minor war is going to be avoidable in the long run. India needs to understand that CPEC is not meant to destabilise any of the South Asian nations but to trigger the overall regional amalgamation. The addition of India to this global project is extremely industrious to take trilateral relations among China, Pakistan, and India towards new heights. With the backdrop of distrust, animosity, negative peace and zero political connectivity between India and Pakistan, CPEC is a feasible platform to eradicate these dilemmas if political connectivity is established. There is a need to have ideas and incentives which can convince India to be the part of CPEC. In addition, adverse reporting of media is also damaging this project by spreading false allegations. Therefore, the authors seek to explain how through CPEC, there can be less stress between India and Pakistan. What media can play its role to build the positive perception about this project. How media can make CPEC a vital source for reduction of hostility between the two states by applying the complex interdependence theory.

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Khan, Asfandiyar, Fiza Rani und Parwanat Khan. „India and Pakistan Trade: A Vision for Peace“. Global Political Review VIII, Nr. III (30.09.2023): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(viii-iii).04.

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The Indo-Pak relations have always been the victim of up and down. Both of the countries are nuclear powers. They have a big potential in every field and trade is one of them. There are different opinions about trade; trade has the potential to shape the relationship better and to develop peace among the countries but on the other hand, it may become a source of conflict or contention. In the context of Pakistan and India, the relations between trade and peace are complicated due to their extreme rivalry since its inception. This paper investigates that whether trade can be an instrument of peace between two nuclear powers of South Asia. This study is purely Qualitative in nature. Primary and secondary data are collected from different sources and the data is analyzed by NVIVO software.

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Zab-Un-Nisa, Gul-e-Zahra und Syed Waqas Ali Bokhari. „The Expansion of Shanghai Cooperation Organization: How can it Improve India-Pakistan Relations?“ Global Political Review V, Nr. III (30.09.2020): 150–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).15.

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South Asia is one and only of the tiniest unified region in the world, with a consistent competition among India and Pakistan acting as a tentative wedge to regional cooperation through the SAARC. Nevertheless, India and Pakistan join the multilateral agreement; then both became permanent members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2017. Although, it is very initial to envisage that the rival relations of both countries influenced by the forum. This paper tries to explain alternative and possible openings for partnership in several ranges, especially in counterterrorism and security, which may be turning a positive influence on Indo-Pak relations. Further, the negative impression of India & Pakistan contentions on the SCO forum is very low, unlike SAARC. This research also seeks to explore the implications of SCO's engagements on the bilateral relations of India and Pakistan. These engagements may be about to resolve issues about the peace and stability in the nuclearized South Asia.

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Shamim, Syed Jazib, Misbah Mohammad Nasim und Tahir Ali. „Indo-Pak conflict in South Asia: dynamics of Kashmir issue and the way forward for peace“. Asian Journal of Politicology and Allied Studies (AJPAS) 2, Nr. 1 (01.01.2024): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.ajpas/2.1.1.

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India and Pakistan have experienced various military conflicts since their inception in 1947. The Kashmir issue is one of the most pertinent causes of conflict between both nations as they have gone to war in 1948, 1965 and 1999 on the issue of Kashmir. This matter was also brought to the United Nations Security Council for resolution. However, India has categorically refused to seek any international mediation over this issue by terming it as an internal issue of India. Both countries officially joined the nuclear club in May 1998, which posed a severe threat to the security of the South Asian region as it enabled them to use the nuclear option in future. After acquiring atomic status, both countries came close to war in 2001 when armies were deployed on forward positions on international borders and in 2019 when Pakistan shot down the Indian Air Force fighter jet in the Azad Jammu and Kashmir. Since 2019, especially after India revoked Article 370, relations between the two countries have been dismal. The paper contemplates the background of this conflict and the resultant wars between India and Pakistan and presents confidence-building measures for the pursuit of peace-making in South Asia.

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Ahmad, Iftikhar, und Ramzan Shahid. „Russia, United States and China in South Asian Politics: Implications for Pakistan“. Global Political Review IV, Nr. IV (30.12.2019): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iv).11.

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End of the Cold War caused a paradigm shift in world politics by converting the bipolar world into a unipolar world with the emergence of the USA as a sole superpower in the field of international politics. Indo-US obnoxious nexus has put the security situation in perils in South Asia. America is in a full endeavor to contain China to halt her everexpanding sphere of influence. Positive and proactive development in PakRussia relations, in the post-Cold War period, has caused ripples in the stagnant waters of political, economic and strategic areas of mutual interest. On the global level Sino-US rivalry in Indian Ocean Region (IOR). While, on the other hand, so far as a regional factor is concerned, Pakistan and China have evolved very cordial and cooperative relations in order to complete China's Belt and Road (BRI) and China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Pak-Russia relations would go on to enter, from both sides, into complete trust, confidence-building and mutual reliance on each other.

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Musarrat, Razia, und Samina Noor. „Globalization and Transnationalism in Indo-Pakistan Region: A Historical Overview“. Journal of Public Administration and Governance 3, Nr. 3 (19.08.2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v3i3.4149.

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South Asia contains twenty two percent of the world, is one of the fastest growing regional economies. Therefore, such global progress has also a dark side, that region also facing some worse kinds of economic, social, and political issues. Globalization also intensifying the transnational activities across the borders, when criminal networks and globalization developed freely cross borders relations. This research paper focused on the historical impact of globalization and transnationalism on Indo-Pak region of South Asia. Globalization and transnationalism has changed the entire security environment for the traditional enemies in South Asia. This paper also put some light how globalization and transnationalism boots up the cross border security issues of both India and Pakistan. In this research paper we discussed comprehensive historical background of trans-border issues in South Asia particular in India and Pakistan. This paper also discussed the strategic and historical importance of Subcontinent (prior independent) and after partition.

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Khan, Muhammad Arif, Shahnawaz Muhammad Khan und Iltaf Khan. „Role of Media in Narrative Building: A Case of Pakistan-India Relations“. Global Regional Review VII, Nr. II (30.06.2022): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2022(vii-ii).14.

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Media shapes the mind of the people but also creates the perception that they wanted people to build. In other words, we can say that media controls the minds of the people and work it accordingly as it wants to. Besides getting people informed about what is going on around the world, the media also show things that are in their favor and can also give them ratings and circulation. There is no better illustration than the India-Pakistan relationship is something that is a crucial matter, and the media acts according to how the situation is and is not act restricted in any term. The role of the media has been progressive in both India and Pakistan, distinguishing the quality of the media. The qualitative research focuses on the critical part of media that has been playing in the Indo-Pak relations since their inception. During the study, different past published researches have been analyzed, and it is found that the important role of media cannot be underestimated.

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Nawaz, Uzma, Mazher Hussain und Muhammad Bilal Nawaz. „WAR AND PEACE IN SOUTH ASIA: A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF PAK-INDIA RELATIONS (2008-2018)“. Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, Nr. 01 (31.03.2022): 232–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.646.

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This research aimed to investigate the War and Peace in South Asia: A Historical Analysis of Pak-India Relations (2008-2018). The aim was to analyze the relationships of both countries with regard to war and peace in connections with mutual disputes and negotiations efforts for peace process. Because of India and Pakistan's history of poor ties going back to 1947, discussions of collaboration have often occurred in the midst of threats of war and military confrontation. They have deployed their soldiers on several times as a consequence of a major threat of conflict. Diplomatic relations between India and Pakistan have been strained since the early 1990s as a result of turmoil in Kashmir and terrorist actions in other Indian states. After a series of high-profile terrorist strikes that took many lives, India's hostile spirit based on hatred against Pakistan has faded. Those opposed to the peace effort between India and Pakistan have established a pattern. Terrorist attacks have thwarted almost every Indo-Pakistani peace endeavor in recent years. As a consequence, belligerent minds dominate dialogues between India and Pakistan, constantly spreading negative narratives that condemn the adversary while creating virtue-based self-images in their own countries. Such negative narratives have been reinforced during a period of conflict, when there are numerous acts of violence, leading to an ongoing cycle of distrust, anxious to fight and violence that is difficult to escape. As a result, a positive cycle of trust and confidence growing between the two countries was never able to acquire traction or establish itself. Keywords: Pak-India Relations, Kashmir Issue, Kargil Conflict, Water Dispute.

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Ashfaq, Ayesha, Saba Ijaz und Savera Shami. „Drawing the Foreign Rivalry: Depiction of Indo-Pak Relations in Political Cartoons of Mainstream Pakistani and Indian English Newspapers (2014-2017)“. Global Regional Review IV, Nr. I (31.03.2019): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2019(iv-i).02.

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Political cartoons play a significant role in the image construction of nations on the basis of foreign policies and relationships. Therefore, this paper is an attempt to examine the treatment of English newspapers of Pakistan and India to portray the Indo-Pak relationship in their political cartoons. This paper also analyzes the signs and symbols used to construct images during conflicts. Political cartoons of Dawn, Express Tribune from Pakistan and Times of India and The Hindu from India published June 2014 to July 2017 are selected. The methods of quantitative content analysis and semiotics are applied under the umbrella of framing theory. It concludes that political cartoons follow national interests in both countries with reference to rivalry between India and Pakistan and constructed the image as “we are the best” and “they are the worst”. It also highlights that terrorism is the most depicted issue by the cartoonists of both sides.

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Ahsan, Muhammad, Shahid Nawaz und Muhammad Asif. „Indo-Pak Relations in Ideological Perspective after 9/11: Critical Discourse Analysis of Nawa-i-Waqt; A Pakistani Urdu Newspaper“. Global Mass Communication Review VI, Nr. II (30.06.2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2021(vi-ii).01.

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The objective of this work was to utilize the critical discourse analysis in the reporting and coverage of Indo-Pak relations from an ideological perspective after 9/11. The critical discourse analysis of local, international, and business news, editorials, articles, columns, and letters to the editor published in Nawa-i-Waqt, a Pakistani Urdu Newspaper, is carried out. The overall purpose of the study was to critically analyze lexical choices, rhetorical devices and the dominant themes reported after 9/11 from August 1st, 2008 to January 31, 2009, the peak time of terrorist attacks in Pakistan. In the present study, it has been noticed that the Urdu newspaper Nawa-i-Waqt reports and publishes more news, editorials, columns, and articles regarding this hot aspect. The CDA of lexical items reported and published in the daily Nawa-i-Waqt revealed the use of victimization and generalization in the coverage of Indian Occupied Kashmir. Similarly, Nawa-i-Waqt newspaper also exclusively focused and reported the historical narrative of the government of Pakistan and its efforts to convey the frightful condition of Kashmir and Kashmiris to the nations of the world and engage them to resolve this longstanding dispute.

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Dr. Manzoor Afridi und Mr. Naveed Anjum. „Pakistan-Poland Economic Relations and Regional Connectivity: Challenges and Opportunities“. Journal of European Studies (JES) 39, Nr. 2 (04.07.2023): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.56384/jes.v39i2.312.

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Pak-Poland relations have pre-partition history when in 1944, Nazi Germany attacked the USSR, and almost thirty thousand Polish refugees were settled in Karachi. In 1947, after the Independence of Pakistan, Poland helped Pakistan establish its air force and space program. Its officers participated in Indo-Pakistan war of 1965. The trade relations between the countries flourished during this era but our relations reached a new height when Poland became a democratic republic in 1989, joined NATO in 1999, and became a member of the European Union in 2004. Polish support for Pakistan to get GSP Plus status in the EU and President Musharraf's first-ever visit as a head of state propelled their bilateral trade to €500 million in 2018. Both countries have the potential to increase trade in the fields of oil & gas, maritime, energy, technology, infrastructure and tourism, but both should increase regional connectivity. The strategic location of both countries can provide them with a unique opportunity to increase regional connectivity. However, initially, both have to ensure the availability of direct air connectivity, people-to-people contacts, accessibility of easy visas, and smooth immigration policies. The future of their bilateral relations depends upon how both countries will find the solution to the prevailing issues and what actions will both take to facilitate greater trade and connectivity.

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Sahu, Gopal Krushna, und Avneesh Kumar. „Indo-Pak Relations in the Backdrop of a ‘Friendly Gesture’ and an Attack: Framing Analysis of Indian and Pakistani Press Coverage“. Journal of Knowledge & Communication Management 6, Nr. 1 (2016): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2277-7946.2016.00002.4.

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Leghari, Farooque Ahmed, Hussain Abbas und Ashfaque Ali Banbhan. „Role of Diplomacy and Deterrence in Managing Pakistan-India Crisis: A Case Study of Post-Bombay Attacks Crisis“. Global Regional Review V, Nr. III (30.09.2020): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-iii).23.

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The menace of terrorism gives another blow to Indo-Pak relations in 2008 when the terrorists hit Mumbai, one of the major economic hubs of India killing hundreds of people and creating panic for almost four days. India alleged Pakistan for its involvement in the attack. India claimed that Pakistan's territory was used against India. Pakistan rejected Indian allegation, condemned the terrorist attacks and stated that it has no involvement in the terrorist attacks. The major objective of this article is to look at the role of nuclear deterrence in averting war between India and Pakistan during 2008 postMumbai Attacks crisis. The qualitative methodology is used in this research. Semi structured interviews give a rich data to better understand the crisis. The article gives three findings. First, it indicates that militant group involved in Mumbai terrorist attack wanted the nuclear weapon states to fight a war. Second, it indicates that the diplomacy plays a vital role along with nuclear deterrence in averting crisis between India and Pakistan.

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