Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Indo-Bangladesh Water Sharing“

This article is an attempt to explore the recent developments in India-Bangladesh relations under Narendra Modi's regime. Challenging the popular perception that is India-Bangladesh relations aggravate when Bharatiya Janata Party come into power, this article clearly indicates that India-Bangladesh relation has got new momentum during Modi’s tenure as the prime minister of India. Significant developments have been made over three key thematic areas during Modi’s government in India. These are; dispute resolution, cooperation and connectivity. However, this article also highlights a number of pertinent challenges like water dispute, non-tariff barriers, Rampal power plant and regional Rohingya issue, alleged illegal migration of Bangladeshis to India and border killings which need to be addressed carefully for a sustainable friendly relation and establish a win-win situation. The article recommends that in this age of growing interdependence and sharing, there is no alternative but to strengthen Bangladesh–India relations. Therefore, consistency in Indo–Bangladesh friendly relations needs to be maintained no matter which regime remains in power both in Dhaka and Delhi.

This article is an attempt to explore the recent developments in India-Bangladesh relations under Narendra Modi's regime. Challenging the popular perception that is India-Bangladesh relations aggravate when Bharatiya Janata Party come into power, this article clearly indicates that India-Bangladesh relation has got new momentum during Modi’s tenure as the prime minister of India. Significant developments have been made over three key thematic areas during Modi’s government in India. These are; dispute resolution, cooperation and connectivity. However, this article also highlights a number of pertinent challenges like water dispute, non-tariff barriers, Rampal power plant and regional Rohingya issue, alleged illegal migration of Bangladeshis to India and border killings which need to be addressed carefully for a sustainable friendly relation and establish a win-win situation. The article recommends that in this age of growing interdependence and sharing, there is no alternative but to strengthen Bangladesh–India relations. Therefore, consistency in Indo–Bangladesh friendly relations needs to be maintained no matter which regime remains in power both in Dhaka and Delhi.

The foreign policy of a country is shaped and influenced not only by the necessity of international environment but also by imperatives of domestic structures and processes. The focus area of the study is primarily Indo-Bangladesh Teesta water deal during UPA-II government. Teesta basin is confronted with a wide range of challenges covering economics, government, and politics to culture, the environment to gender issues to security issues to the health of riverine ecosystems. These concerns, while differing in degree and type, are all tied together by the Teesta, which functions as a common thread flowing through them all and connects them all together. Even though the basin is best known for the lack of a bilateral agreement between India and Bangladesh over water sharing, internal disputes such as the anti-dam motion in Sikkim and the 'Save the Buri Teesta' movement in Bangladesh are also big concerns tied to bilateral trade between the two riparian countries. The study concentrated on the geopolitics of water conflicts in the Teesta basin as well as the role that the TMC party as a domestic factor has played in water negotiations in recent years. The concern of the paper is to examine how a internal domestic considerations of a country act in shaping a country’s foreign policy.

Seasonal floodplains under private and public ownership in the Indo-Ganges river basin provide food and income for millions of people in Bangladesh. Floodplain ownership regimes are diverse, covering the whole spectrum from public to private ownership. The paper compares community-based fish culture projects in these floodplains and analyzes the institutional arrangements of three different Floodplain Management Committees (FMC). The paper aimed to understand the complex institutional relations that govern ownership, access, and control of the floodplains under community-based fish culture (CBFC) to increase fish production and the livelihoods of the poor. We followed the stakeholders representing the various institutions and organizations such as the Department of Fisheries (DoF), Department of Land (DoL), and FMC. Other important stakeholders were the lease-holders of public water bodies in the floodplains, private landowners, seasonal, and professional fishers. The analysis demonstrates a significant increase of benefits to all stakeholders, including the poor, through the sharing of benefits derived from their involvement in the project. The willingness of different social classes to work together, the adoption of new technologies, and the societal embeddedness of local government institutions appear to be important inputs for policy making.

The paradigm shifts in the centre of gravity of global power, growing multipolarity, and enhanced role of small powers in international relations have been affecting the negotiation strategies around the world in recent decades. Moreover, the relative decline of the US’ hegemonic influence and rise of China and India as major regional powers have relocated the geostrategic tilt of the world towards Asia. Consequently, the power politics within international relations has created more geopolitical hotspots, overlapping political and economic partnerships, and risks of conflict. These emerging realities have also been creating strategic uncertainties in the Asian region. Balancing the emerging geopolitical realities and enhancing cooperation by minimizing the competition within the great power rivalry are the major challenges facing the countries of this region. Bangladesh, being a key littoral of the Bay of Bengal and hub of regional and interregional trade and commercial activities, needs to balance and negotiate these emerging challenges in order to uphold its national interests. Bangladesh is applying negotiation as a key instrument to find solutions to bilateral and multilateral issues with its neighbours. Bangladesh is efficiently navigating and balancing the geopolitical competition in this region and has achieved remarkable success, particularly with regard to climate negotiation, solving the land boundary and maritime disputes with its neighbours, trade negotiations, and ensuring vaccine supply. Balancing the China-US and China-India competition in the Indo Pacific region and ensuring Bangladesh’s economic interests by navigating the competition, achieving the sustainability of the post- LDC graduation development momentum, dealing with the Myanmar and Rohingya problem, and managing the complexity of water sharing, however, remain the main challenges to the success of the country’s negotiation strategy. This paper argues that Bangladesh should not direct its foreign policy goals and negotiation approach towards any radical realignment or join security alliances considering its domestic development aspirations but, rather, should move forward with a balancing strategy. This balancing strategy should include an adaptive approach that could enable Bangladesh to maximize its national interests by minimizing the conflicts or competition in this region and ultimately enhancing the strategic culture of the country.

AbstractThis article begins with the historical perspective of the Indo-Bangladesh negotiations over common water-related issues in the GBM system. It presents a complete account of the common waters-related issues that exist between India and Bangladesh. It critically examines the genesis and performance of the institutional mechanisms that have evolved over time, particularly the scope and limitations of the Joint Rivers Commission (JRC). The role of JRC is examined in the context of the treaties and MOUs signed between India and Bangladesh for sharing the Ganges at various times. Lessons learned from these and other international negotiations are compiled to make the JRC more effective and efficient. The potential role of third party mediation in the GBM system is discussed along with the role of multi-track diplomacy. Some pertinent theoretical issues are raised regarding the narrow and ambiguous definitions of ``benefit'' and ``equity'' as mentioned in the statues of the JRC. The difficulty of setting a baseline for water sharing is discussed. Finally, it is recommended that the JRC should be expanded into the JWC (Joint Waters Commission) to allow for incorporation of other water-related issues such as watershed management, water quality and coastal ecosystem management. It is emphasized that political willingness has been the single most important factor in determining the success of bilateral negotiations in the GBM system.