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1
Ayob, Azman. „India-Burma (Myanmar) Relations under British India Administration prior to 1937 Separation: Influx of Indians and Awakening of Nationalist Movements in Burma“. Environment-Behaviour Proceedings Journal 9, SI20 (13.03.2024): 371–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21834/e-bpj.v9isi20.5892.
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The paper focuses on India-Burma relations under British India’s administration prior to the 1937 separation. As for data gathering, content analysis was adopted. The findings are analyzed through two perspectives: the influx of the Indians into Burma and the awakening of Burma’s nationalist movements related to Mahatma Gandhi. The findings of this study demonstrates that the influx of the Indian immigrants had eventually gave rise to the Burmese nationalist movements and the separation of Burma from British India was influenced by the Indian nationalists as well as a thought by Mahatma Gandhi that Burma cannot be part of India.
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Bhagavan, Manu. „The Rebel Academy: Modernity and the Movement for a University in Princely Baroda, 1908–49“. Journal of Asian Studies 61, Nr. 3 (August 2002): 919–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096351.
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In recent analyses of nationalism in colonial South Asia, Partha Chatterjee and Tanika Sarkar, among others, have argued that as a result of colonial domination in the “public sphere”—the realm of the state and civil society—Indian male nationalists deployed the “private sphere”—the realm of the home—as the discursive site of anticolonial nationalist imaginaries. The internal space of the home was “the one sphere where improvement could be made through [Indian men's] own initiative, changes could be wrought, where education would bring forth concrete, manipulable, desired results” (Sarkar 1992, 224; Chatterjee 1989) and it therefore took on “compensatory significance” in the experience of modernity in India (Chakrabarty 2000, 215–18).
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Gopikrishna, Dr P., Dr J. Anil Premraj, Dr A. Manikandan, Dr M. Vinothkumar, R. Ajayendra, Dr S. Raja, Chen Chen E. Dasigan et al. „A Study on Techno-Nationalism, an Emerging Trend in the 21st Century India“. Journal of Humanities and Education Development 6, Nr. 1 (2024): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/jhed.6.1.5.
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Techno-nationalism is a nationalistic and ideological movement that also serves to understand the social and cultural effects of technology on the citizens of a country. Techno-nationalism is a fusion of the two words "Technology and Nationalism," in which they are politically focused together on the advancement of the country in terms of technology and its related dynamics. Initially, it was started in Europe and North America, then later in the twentieth century, various nations begin to make use of Techno-nationalism, and China has mastered this concept for their advancement. anyway, the main objective of this paper is to examine and prove the roots and growth of the Techno-nationalist movement in the world as well as in India and China's hostility to the emergence of Techno-nationalism in India and in its citizens with the support of different eminent references. In this context, a survey also conducted to prove the emergence of the Techno-nationalism in India. Respondents are common Indian people who will fall within the categories of different sectors and analyzed this data through the references of many technological, cultural, scientific, social, historical theories respectively.
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Fasseur, C., und D. H. A. Kolff. „II. Some Remarks on the Development of Colonial Bureaucracies in India and Indonesia“. Itinerario 10, Nr. 1 (März 1986): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008974.
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A systematic comparison of the development of modern bureaucracies in India and Indonesia during the colonial era has never been made. No equivalent of the excellent work done by J.S. Furnivall on the colonial administration in Burma and Java is available. Yet, much of what he said is useful for the subject of this paper and we shall therefore lean heavily on him. It would be an overstatementto say that Indians before the Second World War felt interested in the events and developments in Indonesia. In the other direction that interest surely existed. We need only to recall the deep impact the Indian nationalist movement made upon such Indonesian nationalists as Sukarno.‘The example of Asian nationalism to which Indonesians referred most often was the Indian one.’ This applies for instance to the Congress non-cooperation campaign in the early 1920s. Indonesian nationalists could since then be classified as cooperators and non-cooperators, although for them the principal criterion was not the wish to boycott Dutch schools, goods and government officials(such a boycott actually never occurred in colonial Indonesia)but the refusal to participate in representative councils such as the Volksraad(i.e. People's Council).
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Mukerji, Sumit. „The Novelist and the Nationalist: Bankim Chandra in the Life of Subhas Chandra Bose“. Indian Historical Review 49, Nr. 1_suppl (Juni 2022): S81—S95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03769836221105949.
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This article seeks to explore a hitherto unploughed field of research on Indian freedom movement in general and Subhas Chandra Bose in particular that is the influence of Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, the famous novelist of Bengal in the life of Subhas Chandra Bose, the militant nationalist. While Bankim Chandra was never embroiled in politics, yet his influence on Indian nationalist movement was most profound. It was particularly discernible in the firebrand revolutionaries of Bengal whose legacy was inherited by Subhas Chandra Bose. No work on Bankim Chandra’s influence on the inception, germination, evolution, articulation maturation and expression of Bose’s concept of nationalism has been produced so far. The article tries to recapture and reassess the extent of reflection of Bankim Chandra’s outlook on British rule in India and India’s subjection to British imperialism, the contentious issue of Hindu nationalism and also related pertinent issues like communalism and secularism. It is a comparative study which intends to review these issues and questions in critical perspective. The central point is that Bankim Chandra’s influence on Bose was not transitory but everlasting and Bankim was always an abiding source of inspiration behind all his nationalist endeavour.
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Reetz, Dietrich. „In Search of the Collective Self: How Ethnic Group Concepts were Cast through Conflict in Colonial India“. Modern Asian Studies 31, Nr. 2 (Mai 1997): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014311.
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When the concept of Western nationalism travelled to India in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century it was carried by British officialdom and an increasingly mobile and articulate Indian élite that was educated in English and in the tradition of British society. Not only did it inspire the all-India nationalist movement, but it encouraged regional politics as well, mainly in ethnic and religious terms. Most of today's ethnic and religious movements in South Asia could be traced back to their antecedents before independence. Looking closer at the three major regional movements of pre-independence India, the Pathans, the Sikhs and the Tamils, one finds a striking similarity in patterns of mobilization, conflict and concept irrespective of their association with the national movement (Red Shirt movement of the Pathans, Sikh movement of the Akalis) or independent existence in opposition to Congress (non-Brahmin/Tamil movement)
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ANDERSON, EDWARD, und PATRICK CLIBBENS. „‘Smugglers of Truth’: The Indian diaspora, Hindu nationalism, and the Emergency (1975–77)“. Modern Asian Studies 52, Nr. 5 (04.06.2018): 1729–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000750.
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AbstractDuring the Indian Emergency (1975–77) a range of opposition groups and the Indian state competed to mobilize the Indian diaspora. The Emergency therefore needs to be understood as a global event. Opposition activists travelled overseas and developed transnational networks to protest against the Emergency, by holding demonstrations in their countries of residence and smuggling pamphlets into India. They tried to influence the media and politicians outside India in an effort to pressurize Indira Gandhi into ending the Emergency. An important strand of ‘long-distance’ anti-Emergency activism involved individuals from the Hindu nationalist movement overseas, whose Indian counterparts were proscribed and imprisoned during the period. Several key Hindutva politicians in recent decades were also involved in transnational anti-Emergency activism, including Subramanian Swamy and Narendra Modi. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's role in opposing the Emergency—particularly the way in which it enabled overseas Indians to act as ‘smugglers of truth’—remains an important legitimizing narrative for Hindu nationalists. Indira Gandhi's Congress government mounted its own pro-Emergency campaigns overseas: it attacked diasporic opposition activists and closely monitored their activities through diplomatic missions. The state's recognition of the diaspora's potential influence on Indian politics, and its attempts to counter this activism, catalysed a long-term change in its attitude towards Indians overseas. It aimed to imitate more ‘successful’ diasporas and began to regard overseas Indians as a vital political and geopolitical resource. The Emergency must be reassessed as a critical event in the creation of new forms of transnational citizenship, global networks, and long-distance nationalism.
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Hoque, Obaidul. „Exploring the Role of Women’s Print Media in the Indian Nationalist Movement: A Study of Select Women’s Magazines in Colonial India“. Journal of Language and Linguistics in Society, Nr. 34 (24.06.2023): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jlls.34.29.34.
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This research paper explores the role of women’s print media in the Indian nationalist movement, focusing on select women’s magazines in colonial India. The study examines the ways in which these magazines facilitated the participation of women in the movement and contributed to the dissemination of nationalist ideologies. Through a qualitative analysis of primary sources, including magazines such as Stri Dharma and Bharati, the study uncovers the diverse ways in which women’s magazines engaged with nationalist discourse. These magazines served as a platform for women writers to express their views on political issues, and also provided information on the activities of the nationalist movement. The study finds that women’s magazines played a significant role in shaping the political consciousness of women in colonial India, and that they provided a space for women to participate in nationalist discourse. The magazines also served as a means of building solidarity among women, as they shared stories of struggle and celebrated the achievements of female nationalists. Furthermore, this study contributes to our understanding of the role of women in the Indian nationalist movement and highlights the importance of women’s print media in shaping political discourse during this period. The findings suggest that women’s magazines were instrumental in creating a space for women’s voices in the nationalist movement, and played a significant role in shaping the political consciousness of women in colonial India.
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Patel, Trishula. „From the Subcontinent with Love“. Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, Nr. 3 (01.12.2021): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9408002.
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Abstract “Africa weaves a magic spell around even a temporary visitor,” wrote the former Indian high commissioner to East and Central Africa, Apa Pant, in 1987, echoing the allure that the continent had over him and other fellow Indian diplomats. But the diplomatic roles of men like Pant and the history of Indian engagement with Rhodesia has not, until now, been explored. This article argues that the central role of India in the colonial world ensured that London reined in the white settler Rhodesian government from enacting discriminatory legislation against its minority Indian populations. After Indian independence in 1947, the postcolonial government shifted from advocating specifically for the rights of Indians overseas to ideological support for the independence of oppressed peoples across the British colonial world, a mission with which it tasked its diplomatic representatives. But after India left its post in Salisbury in 1965, Indian public rhetorical support for African nationalist movements in Rhodesia was not matched by its private support for British settlement plans that were largely opposed by the leading African political parties in the country, colored by private patronizing attitudes by India's representatives toward African nationalists and the assumption that they were not yet ready to govern themselves.
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Therwath, Ingrid. „Cyber-hindutva: Hindu nationalism, the diaspora and the Web“. Social Science Information 51, Nr. 4 (20.11.2012): 551–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018412456782.
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Hindu nationalists defend the advent of a Hindu state in India, while projecting the universal appeal of their ideology. Their very territorialized yet universal claims have been finding particular resonance among migrant populations, particularly in North America. This study strives to go beyond content analyses that foreground voices to focus on the network structure in order to highlight the new transnational practices of nationalism. Two main points emerge from this in-depth scrutiny. On the one hand, Hindu nationalist organizations have transferred their online activities mainly to the USA, where the Indian diaspora is 3.2 million strong, and constitute therefore a prime example of long-distance transnational nationalism. On the other hand, the morphological discrepancies between the online and the offline networks point to new strategies of discretion developed to evade the gaze of authorities in countries of residence. The recourse to cartography thus becomes crucial not only in understanding what sectarian or illegal movements do and show but also what they seek to hide.
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Rashid Manzoor Bhat. „THE GHADAR MOVEMENT: IGNITING THE FLAME OF FREEDOM IN INDIA“. International Journal of Educational Review, Law And Social Sciences (IJERLAS) 3, Nr. 4 (31.05.2023): 1123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54443/ijerlas.v3i4.926.
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The study attempts to explore the Ghadar Movement, a pivotal revolutionary organisation in the early 20th century that played a significant role in India's struggle for independence. It aims to understand the socio-political origins of the Movement, to analyse its key figures and strategies, to assess its impact on Indian nationalism, and to evaluate its global impact and enduring legacy. The study employs a historical and analytical methodology, using primary and secondary sources to gather data, which is then interpreted and contextualised. In-depth examination of archival documents revealed the influences of colonial oppression, global events, and the sentiments of the Indian diaspora in igniting the Ghadar Movement. The study identifies key figures, their motivations and the strategies they employed, such as direct revolts and protests, as well as indirect approaches like propaganda and international networking. The research finds that the Ghadar Movement significantly influenced the rise of Indian nationalism and other revolutionary movements, shaping the course of India's freedom struggle. It also managed to garner notable international support, leaving a lasting impact beyond India's borders. It finds that the movement though unsuccessful in its immediate goals, left an indelible legacy in post-independence India, influencing its socio-political fabric and contributing to the narrative of India's struggle for independence.
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Fernandes, Leela. „Unsettled Territories: State, Civil Society, and the Politics of Religious Conversion in India“. Politics and Religion 4, Nr. 1 (01.11.2010): 108–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048310000490.
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AbstractThe article argues that the secular Indian state and the Hindu nationalist movement are invested in restricting changes in religious membership in ways that intensify religious and caste-based inequalities. The secular state and the Hindu nationalist movement attempt to enforce a shared model of religion that takes the form of a fixed territory. In this model, changes in religious membership through conversion are restricted. An analysis of state-civil society interactions in India must therefore move away from a presumed opposition between state secularism on the one hand and religious nationalism and conflict within civil society on the other. The article draws on three cases: (1) nationalist debates over caste and religious conversion, (2) Hindu nationalist mobilization against religious conversion, and (3) state caste-based affirmative action policies that restrict benefits based on religious conversion.
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LUDDEN, DAVID. „Spatial Inequity and National Territory: Remapping 1905 in Bengal and Assam“. Modern Asian Studies 46, Nr. 3 (20.06.2011): 483–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000357.
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AbstractIn 1905, Viceroy Nathaniel Curzon applied well-worn principles of imperial order to reorganize northeastern regions of British India, bringing the entire Meghna-Brahmaputra river basin into one new administrative territory: the province of Eastern Bengal and Assam. He thereby launched modern territorial politics in South Asia by provoking an expansive and ultimately victorious nationalist agitation to unify Bengal and protect India's territorial integrity. This movement and its economic programme (swadeshi) expressed Indian nationalist opposition to imperial inequity. It established a permanent spatial frame for Indian national thought. It also expressed and naturalized spatial inequity inside India, which was increasing at the time under economic globalization. Spatial inequities in the political economy of uneven development have animated territorial politics in South Asia ever since. A century later, another acceleration of globalization is again increasing spatial inequity, again destabilizing territorial order, as nationalists naturalize spatial inequity in national territory and conflicts erupt from the experience of living in disadvantaged places. Remapping 1905 in the long twentieth century which connects these two periods of globalization, spanning eras of empire and nation, reveals spatial dynamics of modernity concealed by national maps and brings to light a transnational history of spatial inequity shared by Bangladesh and Northeast India.
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Et al., Bisma Butt. „An Analysis of Kanthapura by Raja Rao: A Postcolonial Study“. Psychology and Education Journal 58, Nr. 1 (15.01.2021): 4701–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1629.
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This study focuses the ‘Kanthapura’ to analyze the construction of historical consciousness in narratives and this fiction is used as literary aspect of nationalist ideology. Particularly, this work examines the political representation of women in Indian national movement in 1930 by using the theory of nationalism by Bhabha (1990). The study demystifies this novel to find out challenges of stereotypical Indian women and how they become solidified in the building process of Indian national identity. Kanthapura (Delhi Orient) is very much concerned to focus on the construction of Vedic Hindu ideal for women and the reason of writing true and authentic history to investigate the women’s issues they face during the colonial period of India. The study sheds light on imagined and true nature of nationalist discourse and its effect on women in postcolonial India. It is not concerned with those doctrines of nationalist sentiments which are generalized through religious stereotypes rather it is paradoxical in nature that begins to assume identification with European accounts of India so it explores the idea of political desirability that shapes and constructs the ideology and as well as it allows for the presentation of unified identity of India.
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Sukma, Feby Melati, und Muh Asy’ari. „Pengaruh Gerakan Hindutva terhadap Hubungan Bilateral India-Pakistan Era Kepemimpinan Narendra Modi (2014-2022)“. JILS (Journal of International and Local Studies) 8, Nr. 1 (31.01.2024): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.56326/jils.v8i1.3485.
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Abstract: Hindutva is a political ideology that supports Hindu supremacy in India which aims to transform India as a secular state into an ethno-Nationalist State (ethnic nationalism). The revival of Hindutva politics in India began since the Bharatiya janata Party (BJP) which embraced the Hindutva ideology took over the central government of India in 2014. As an ideology, Hindu nationalism (Hindutva) has dramatically changed Indian politics and its relations with other countries, especially Pakistan with the help of Narendra Modi. Therefore, this study aims to find out the influence of the Hindutva movement on India-Pakistan bilateral relations during the era of Narendra Modi's leadership. This study used descriptive qualitative research methods with library research data collection techniques. The analysis in this study uses two concepts, namely the concept of bilateral relations and the concept of political ideology. The results of this study indicate that the emergence of the Hindutva movement as a political ideology in India has brought more serious strains on the bilateral relations between India and Pakistan. Keywords: India, Pakistan, Hindutva, Political Ideology, Bilateral relations.
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Frederiksen, Bodil Folke. „PRINT, NEWSPAPERS AND AUDIENCES IN COLONIAL KENYA: AFRICAN AND INDIAN IMPROVEMENT, PROTEST AND CONNECTIONS“. Africa 81, Nr. 1 (24.01.2011): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972010000082.
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ABSTRACTThe article addresses African and Indian newspaper networks in Kenya in the late 1940s in an Indian Ocean perspective. Newspapers were important parts of a printing culture that was sustained by Indian and African nationalist politics and economic enterprise. In this period new intermediary groups of African and Indian entrepreneurs, activists and publicists, collaborating around newspaper production, captured fairly large and significant non-European audiences (some papers had print runs of around ten thousand) and engaged them in new ways, incorporating their aspirations, writings and points of view in newspapers. They depended on voluntary and political associations and anti-colonial struggles in Kenya and on links to nationalists in India and the passive resistance movement in South Africa. They sidestepped the European-dominated print culture and created an anti-colonial counter-voice. Editors insisted on the right to write freely and be heard, and traditions of freedom of speech put a brake on censorship. Furthermore, the shifting networks of financial, editorial and journalistic collaboration, and the newspapers’ language choice – African vernaculars, Gujarati, Swahili and English – made intervention difficult for the authorities. With time, the politics and ideologies sustaining the newspapers pulled in different directions, with African nationalism gaining the upper hand among the forces that shaped the future independent Kenyan nation.
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Bhargav, Vanya Vaidehi. „The Hinduism and Hindu Nationalism of Lala Lajpat Rai“. Religions 14, Nr. 6 (05.06.2023): 744. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14060744.
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Lala Lajpat Rai was a prominent figure of the Arya Samaj, the influential nineteenth-century Hindu socio-religious reform movement. He is also seen as having sown the seeds of Hindu nationalism in the first decade of the twentieth century. Exploring Lajpat Rai’s thought between the 1880s and 1915, this article traces how felt imperatives of Hindu nation-building impelled him to regularly re-define Hinduism. These first prompted Rai to articulate a ‘thin’ Hinduism, defined less in terms of an insistence on a complex set of beliefs and more in broad, simple terms. They then induced him to culturalise Hinduism and make a distinction between ‘Hinduism’ and ‘Hindu culture’. The article ends by comparing the Hinduism and Hindu nationalism of Lajpat Rai and V.D. Savarkar, the chief ideologue of the Hindutva ideology, which is considered the main influence on India’s Hindu nationalist movement. It argues that while formulations of a thin and culturalised Hinduism enabled both men to articulate a ‘Hindu nationalism’, their nationalisms in fact remained qualitatively different. By scrutinizing intellectual trends and processes occurring in Rai’s thought, the article demonstrates that the modern ideology of Hindu nationalism impacted how Hindu religion was defined and re-defined and how such re-definitions can still produce distinct forms of Hindu nationalism.
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Sadria, Modj-ta-ba. „L’Indonésie : Interactions et conflits idéologiques avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale“. Études internationales 17, Nr. 1 (12.04.2005): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701963ar.
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Since the dawn of the 20th century, three ideologies have been constantly interacting in the Indonesian society, namely Islam, Marxism, and nationalism. Each has played a striking role in the evolution of the movement for independence - which led to independence in 1945. And today each of them wonders to what extent it has been responsible for the coup d'État by General Suharto in 1965. Since in the current situation, the relations which exist between these three trends of thought, in many respects, are reminiscent of those which prevailed during the interwar years, a study of that period may shed new light on an important moment of the history of political thought in Indonesia. The question of relations between Islamic, nationalist, and Marxist thought is a prevalent issue in a country where a population of Muslim creed is held in subordination, and where there exist s an important leftist intellectual movement, with or without a significant working class. Through the history of the anti-Dutch nationalist movements, through the rise of various Islamic movements (Pan-Islamism, the moderen, the "laity") and that of the Islamic parties linked to them (Sarekat Dagang Islam, Sarekat Islam), through the expansion of the social-democratic, socialist and communist parties (ISDU - Indian Social Democratic Union ; PKI - Perserikaten Kommunist de India ; Sarekat Rakjat - People's Association), and finally, through Sukarno's efforts to conciliate all these movements with a view to independence, an attempt is made to show that, in the evolution of the nationalist movement in Indonesia, there are two inherent elements, namely the socialist ideology and Islam. In the light of the case of Indonesia, it is therefore tempting to consider religion and politics as being symbiotic ideologies.
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Patel, Ganeshkumar Sumanbhai. „Exploring Nation and History: An Analysis of Chaman Nahal’s Selected Novels“. International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 8, Nr. 3 (2023): 520–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.83.78.
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The struggle for Indian independence spanned nearly a century and was an epic endeavor. The winds of change that swept across the Indian subcontinent after the 'Sepoy' Mutiny in 1857 left lasting imprints on the political and social landscape. The Indian nation had to overcome centuries of lethargy, transcend religious, caste, and provincial divisions, and move forward on the path of progress. This transformation occurred with the onset of the Gandhian movement, which disrupted established political and social norms, introducing innovative ideas and methods. Mahatma Gandhi's relentless pursuit of freedom marked significant milestones such as the non-violent non-cooperation movement of 1920-22, the civil disobedience movement of 1930-31, and the Quit India movement of 1942. The non-violent non-cooperation movement triggered an unparalleled awakening, shifting Indian nationalism from a "middle-class movement" to a widespread emotional movement. An exploration of Nahal's fiction reveals his alignment with the humanistic tradition pioneered by Anand in the thirties and carried forward by Bhabani Bhattacharya and Kamala Markandaya in the fifties and sixties. Nahal's themes encompass tradition versus Westernization, spousal relationships, internationalism, East-West interactions, satire on anglicized Indians, the three phases of India's epic struggle for freedom, the partition of India into India and Muslim Pakistan, and the resulting agony for millions on both sides of the border.
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Oak, Alok. „Saving Indian Villages: British Empire, the Great Depression and Gandhi’s Civil Disobedience Movement“. Studies in Indian Politics 10, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2022): 227–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23210230221135834.
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This article traces an intricate relationship between Mahatma Gandhi’s call for Civil Disobedience (1930–1933) and the global economic slump of the 1920s experienced by Britain and colonial India. I argue that the economic hardships faced by Indians (particularly the peasant classes) forced Gandhi to revisit his sociopolitical approach to India’s nationalist movement. Despite the chronological overlap of the Great Depression (1929–1931) with Gandhi’s Civil Disobedience Movement (1930–1933), the relation between these two major events has not been adequately explored in recent scholarship. I propose to contextualize the changes in Gandhi’s economic ideas and political strategy (often against contending ideological trends) leading to his defence of Indian peasant interests during the Gandhi–Irwin Pact and the Second Round Table Conference. Gandhi’s increasing awareness of the economic crises and Britain’s severe opposition to granting financial autonomy to India pushed Gandhi in the direction of charting a new path for economic self-reliance. This, I suggest, resulted in his nation-wide popular movement for reviving the Indian village economy in the form of the ‘Constructive Programme’ (1934–1948) in subsequent years.
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Munhanif, Ali, und Yuli Yasin. „RELIGION AND THE POLITICS OF NATIONALIST THOUGHT: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF HINDU NATIONALISM IN INDIA AND MUSLIM NATIONALISM IN INDONESIA“. ILMU USHULUDDIN 9, Nr. 1 (29.04.2023): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/iu.v9i1.32065.
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The rise of religious nationalism in recent decades in developing countries has sparked attention among scholars. This article seeks to explore the political and cultural dynamics of the contemporary resurgence of religious nationalism, many of them reflected in Hindu nationalist in India and Muslim nationalist in Indonesia. We address the following question: What are the likely factors for religious-nationalist movements coming to the center stage of nation-state politics? Using the historical-institutional approach to religious politics, we argue that the forces that have driven the resurgence of religious nationalist were the interaction between the institutional design of the nation-state and the considerable opportunities for change – in a certain period of political crisis. Embedded in the issues of the institutional challenge is another series of questions that this article will address. There are variations in how and when religious-nationalist politics emerged. Why, for example, did the rise of religious politics occur in such varying ways, for instance, through a political party in India and civil society movements in Indonesia? Why did regimes or governments that promoted secular ideologies in India and Indonesia lose their hegemonic position? The answers to these questions are also largely historical-institutional. By focusing on how political institutions shape political dynamics, we suggest that institutions shape social and political outcomes, they necessarily affect people’s behavior as reflected in the politics of religious nationalism.
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Talbot, Cynthia. „Inscribing the Other, Inscribing the Self: Hindu-Muslim Identities in Pre-Colonial India“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1995): 692–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019927.
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The nature of medieval Hindu-Muslim relations is an issue of great relevance in contemporary India. Prior to the 200 years of colonial subjection to the British that ended in 1947, large portions of the Indian subcontinent were under Muslim political control. An upsurge of Hindu nationalism over the past decade has led to demands that the state rectify past wrongs on behalf of India's majority religion.' In the nationalist view, Hindu beliefs were continually suppressed and its institutions repeatedly violated during the many centuries of Muslim rule from 1200 C.E. onward. The focal point of nationalist sentiment is the most visible symbol of Hinduism, its temples. As many as 60,000 Hindu temples are said to have been torn down by Muslim rulers, and mosques built on 3,000 of those temples' foundations. The most famous of these alleged former temple sites is at Ayodhya in North India, long considered the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama. The movement to liberate this sacred spot, supposedly defiled in the sixteenth century when the Babri Masjid mosque was erected on the ruins of a Rama temple, was one of the hottest political issues of the late 1980s and early 1990s. Tensions reached a peak in December 1992, when Hindu militants succeeded in demolishing the mosque.
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CHACKO, PRIYA. „MarketizingHindutva: The state, society, and markets in Hindu nationalism“. Modern Asian Studies 53, Nr. 2 (26.10.2018): 377–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000051.
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AbstractThe embrace of markets and globalization by radical political parties is often taken as reflecting and facilitating the moderation of their ideologies. This article considers the case of Hindu nationalism, orHindutva, in India. It is argued that, rather than resulting in the moderation of Hindu nationalism, mainstream economic ideas are adopted and adapted by its proponents to further theHindutvaproject. Hence, until the 1990s, the Hindu nationalist political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), its earlier incarnation, the Jana Sangh, and the grass-roots organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), adopted and adapted mainstream ideas by emphasizing the state as the protector of (Hindu) society against markets and as a tool of societal transformation for its Hindu nationalist support base. Since the 1990s, Indian bureaucratic and political elites, including in the BJP, have adopted a view of the market as the main driver of societal transformations. Under the leadership of Narendra Modi, in particular, the BJP has sought to consolidate a broader support base and stimulate economic growth and job creation by bolstering the corporate sector and recreating the middle and ‘neo-middle’ classes as ‘virtuous market citizens’ who view themselves as entrepreneurs and consumers but whose behaviour is regulated by the framework of Hindu nationalism. These policies, however, remain contested within the Hindu nationalist movement and in Indian society generally. The BJP's discourse against ‘anti-nationals’ and the use of legal sanctions against dissent is an attempt to curb these challenges.
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Henley, David E. F. „Ethnogeographic Integration and Exclusion in Anticolonial Nationalism: Indonesia and Indochina“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, Nr. 2 (April 1995): 286–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019678.
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In one chapter of Imagined Communities, Benedict Anderson draws attention to an obvious, yet seldom remarked, contrast between the anticolonial nationalist movements in the prewar Dutch East Indies and French Indochina. This contrast concerns not class, ideology, or politics but ethnicity and geography. In the Dutch colony, the Indonesian nationalist movement sought to unite all of the scattered islands and diverse ethnic groups into a single Indonesian nation based upon the ambiguous principle of unity in diversity. In Indochina, by contrast, existing ethnogeographic divisions were not abridged by the common reaction against French colonialism; and the colony ultimately disintegrated into the separate nations of Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. The Indonesian and Indochinese responses to colonialism represent examples of what I will call integrative and exclusive nationalism, respectively.
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Chakravartty, Aryendra. „Understanding India: Bhadralok, Modernity and Colonial India“. Indian Historical Review 45, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2018): 257–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617747999.
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This article explores the understandings of mid-nineteenth-century colonial India through the perceptions of Bholanauth Chunder, an anglicised Bengali bhadralok and his early attempt at seeing and experiencing a historical entity called India. The role played by the middle class in forging a sense of anti-colonial nationalism has received significant attention, but this focuses on late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By focusing on the perceptions and visions of an Indian middle class during the mid-nineteenth century, I provide an early articulation of nationalism which preceded the later nationalist movement by several decades. The ambiguous nature of the colonial middle class demonstrates that although they were concerned with articulating an incipient sense of nationalism, this did not involve a complete repudiation of the British. The influence of Western education is evident in Chunder’s strong desire for progress and modernity; his appreciation and use of history as an instrument in forging a common national past, although it is largely an imagination of a ‘Hindu’ past; and his critique of religious orthodoxy, which is inimical to progress. However, Chunder’s ethnographic observations demonstrate that his perceptions of Indian society were not entirely predetermined by colonial knowledge.
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Field, Garrett M. „Music for Inner Domains: Sinhala Song and the Arya and Hela Schools of Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Sri Lanka“. Journal of Asian Studies 73, Nr. 4 (November 2014): 1043–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814001028.
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In this article, I juxtapose the ways the “father of modern Sinhala drama,” John De Silva, and the Sinhala language reformer, Munidasa Cumaratunga, utilized music for different nationalist projects. First, I explore how De Silva created musicals that articulated Arya-Sinhala nationalism to support the Buddhist Revival. Second, I investigate how Cumaratunga, who spearheaded the Hela-Sinhala movement, asserted that genuine Sinhala song should be rid of North Indian influence but full of lyrics composed in “pure” Sinhala. The purpose of this comparison is to critique Partha Chatterjee's notion of the inner domain. Chatterjee focused on Bengali cultural nationalism and its complex relation to Western hegemony. He considered Bengal, the metropolis of the British Raj, to be representative of colonized nations. This article reveals that elsewhere in South Asia—Sri Lanka—one cultural movement sought to define the nation not in relation to the West but in opposition to North India.
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Royyani, Muh Arif, und Muhammad Shobaruddin. „Islam, State, and Nationalism in Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, and Malaysia: A Comparative Perspective“. International Journal Ihya' 'Ulum al-Din 21, Nr. 2 (16.02.2020): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ihya.21.2.4832.
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<p><span lang="EN-US">Islam has comprehensive roles in some aspects of human activity. It enlarged from theological aspect to political aspects. Some former colonized countries where Islam was coexisted, this religion became an embryo of nationalist movements during colonization era. This essay scrutinizes the role of Islam in escalating nationalism during colonization era and it relation with the states in post colonization era in four former colonized countries namely Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, and Malaysia. By using comparative method, the essay researched some main literature (library research) related to Islam and nationalism. It was founded that Islam has significant roles in nationalist movement in the four analyzed countries through several channels. Meanwhile, in the post-independence era, the relation between Islam and state system are variably. In India, Islam is separated from state system (secular). In contrast, Islamic ideology became the main sources of state system in Brunei Darussalam (adopted entirely) and Malaysia (adopted partially). Then, Islam in Indonesia seems like “a gray zone” because the country does not using Islamic law but still adopting Islamic thoughts in several cases. </span></p>
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AI LIN, CHUA. „Nation, Race, and Language: Discussing transnational identities in colonial Singapore, circa 1930“. Modern Asian Studies 46, Nr. 2 (13.02.2012): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000801.
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AbstractAround 1930, at a time of rising nationalisms in China and India, English-educated Chinese and Indians in the British colony of Singapore debated with great intensity the issue of national identity. They sought to clarify their own position as members of ethnic communities of immigrant origin, while remaining individuals who identified the territory of British Malaya as their home. Readers' letters published in the Malaya Tribune, an English-medium newspaper founded to serve the interests of Anglophone Asians, questioned prevailing assumptions of how to define a nation from the perspectives of territory, political loyalty, race, and language. Lived circumstances in Malaya proved that being Chinese or Indian could encompass a range of political, cultural, and linguistic characteristics, rather than a homogenous identity as promoted by nationalist movements of the time. Through these debates, Chinese and Indians in Malaya found ways to simultaneously reaffirm their ethnic pride as well as their sense of being ‘Malayan’.
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Romo Morales, Gerardo. „Nation, nationalism and nationalist movements: a theoretical review of the myth institutionalization“. Investigación & Desarrollo 22, Nr. 2 (01.07.2014): 331–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/indes.22.2.5689.
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Dharamsare, Dr Luleshwar C. „Impact of Britishs East India Company on Indian Education Policy“. International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 12, Nr. 3 (31.03.2024): 2639–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2024.59437.
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Abstract: The 19th century witnessed a profound transformation in the political landscape of many regions, characterized by the rise of nationalism and the subsequent formation of nation-states. This research work delves into the historical context, key drivers, and consequences of this significant historical phenomenon. The research offers light on a crucial time in global history by investigating the causes of nationalism and its effects on the formation of nation-state.Employing a multidisciplinary approach, the research draws from historical, political, and sociocultural perspectives to analyze the rise of nationalism. It delves at how many peoples inside established empires and territories felt a feeling of commonality due to their shared cultural, linguistic, and historical identities. The work delves into the influence of Enlightenment ideas, Romanticism, and intellectual movements that fueled the concept of self-determination and the sovereignty of distinct nations. The study also scrutinizes the role of key historical events and figures that catalyzed the nationalist fervor. From the unification of Italy led by Giuseppe Garibaldi to the German unification orchestrated by Otto von Bismarck, the work examines the strategies employed to consolidate fragmented territories into cohesive nation-states. It also considers the implications of these transformations on regional stability, diplomacy, and balance of power.
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SINGH, JOGINDER. „Mahatma Gandhi’s Contribution To Indian Nationalism“. History Research Journal 5, Nr. 5 (26.09.2019): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/hrj.v5i5.7857.
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Mahatma Gandhi has given a significant contribution to grow the ‘Nationalism’ in India. In order to inculcate the spirit of ‘Nationalism’ within himself, an experience of stay in South Africa, has given rise to take initiate of the ‘Nationalism spirit.’ Subsequently, his views on politics, the truth, the ‘Satyagrah’ and secular views on religious faith have given rise to ‘cementing force’ to develop ‘Nationalism’ in India. The other views on women’s right, decentralized democracy by empowering the Gram Panchayats, the rural development and the vision on ‘Ram Rajaya’ have cumulatively, have been proved conducive to grow the ‘Nationalism’ in India. The factors like Gandian philosophy on non-cooperative movement and the mode of boycotting the British discriminative policy against Indians, an active participation of the people, different strata of society have given rise to grow ‘Nationalism’ among the people, belonged to different strata of Indian societies, pressure groups and religious leaders of India.
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Wani, Kena. „Trustees of the nation? Business, philanthropy and changing modes of legitimacy in colonial and postcolonial western India“. Indian Economic & Social History Review 59, Nr. 1 (Januar 2022): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00194646211064591.
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This article presents a historical account of the public lives of philanthropic endeavours that involved business actors in western India, from the late nineteenth century till early decades of the post-independence period. Two cases—that of the traditionally maintained animal shelter-homes called ‘pinjrapoles’ and that of the Tilak Swaraj Fund Trust, founded to aid the nationalist movement in early twentieth century India—are analysed. The article scrutinises through the case of the pinjrapoles how traditionally practiced religious forms of charity came to obtain a wider purchase within the colonial order since the late nineteenth century as public-oriented philanthropic actions and institutions. In considering the history of the Swaraj Fund, the article traces how the politics of accountability interrupted philanthropic institutions and in turn the social standing of business patrons within the fold of Gandhian nationalism and its accompanying models of ‘trusteeship’. In studying these two cases, the article tries to understand how the relationship of western Indian business actors with colonial rule as well as the nationalist movement remained mediated by changing forms of philanthropic endeavours serving emerging modes of legitimacy and their accompanying mandates of publicity.
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Larcher-Goscha, Agathe, und Kareem James Abu-Zeid. „Bùi Quang Chiêu in Calcutta (1928)“. Journal of Vietnamese Studies 9, Nr. 4 (2014): 67–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2014.9.4.67.
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This article studies the trip to India in late 1928 by Bùi Quang Chiêu and Dương Văn Giáo. These two Vietnamese leaders of the Constitutionalist Party had been invited to participate in the Forty-third Indian National Congress as the “delegates from Annam.” On this occasion, they solemnly affirmed Vietnamese solidarity with the Indian anticolonial cause. Using Bùi Quang Chiêu’s long travelogue published upon his return to Cochinchina, this article seeks to underline a paradox: the Indian non-cooperation movement was discovered and described enthusiastically by the leader of the main Vietnamese nationalist movement who was himself in favor of colonial collaboration with the French in Indochina during the interwar period. This essay analyzes this paradox and presents a mirror-like reflection on the internal breakdown of colonial nationalism in Indochina in the 1920s and how French colonizers undermined it from the outside in a never ending quest for docile Vietnamese interlocutors.
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Sandhu, Tanroop. „Interwar India through Bhimrao Ambedkar’s Eyes“. Canadian Journal of History 56, Nr. 1 (April 2021): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-56-1-2020-0062.
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This article is an analysis of the political thought of Bhimrao Ambedkar, anti-caste activist, author of the Indian constitution and first law minister of independent India. His personal writings are analyzed, and the origins of his ideas are situated within larger contexts- both national and international. He was representative of the increased radicalism of the Indian nationalist movement in the 1920s and 30s, but he stood apart from the mainstream of the movement on key issues. Above all, the most formative influence on his political philosophy was the fact that his experience of interwar India was mediated through his position at the lower rungs of the caste hierarchy. He brought his unique perspective to bear on some of the most pressing topics that radical nationalists were debating in the interwar period: communism and political economy, defining nationhood, and the caste system. A discussion of Ambedkar’s views on these three key subjects forms the analytical basis of this article, with an eye towards the continued relevance of his thought.
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Lone, Suhail-ul-Rehman. „The princely states and the national movement: The case of Kashmir (1931–39)“. Studies in People's History 4, Nr. 2 (23.10.2017): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917725855.
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The British created an invisible wall between ‘British India’ and the ‘Princely India’ by governing the latter indirectly through hereditary princes, who were supposedly fully autonomous, but for British ‘paramountcy’. The Indian National Congress had from the beginning adopted a policy of non-interference in the states’ affairs, which Mahatma Gandhi too upheld. However, nationalism began to cast its influence in the states despite this policy of non-interference. In Kashmir the opposition to the Maharaja took, first, the form of a Muslim agitation against the ruler’s oppressive measures. But in time as the movement against the Dogra Raj obtained increasing support from the nationalist leaders, notably Jawaharlal Nehru, the Muslim Conference (later named National Conference) leadership headed by Sheikh Abdullah gravitated towards the All-India States Peoples Conference and its spiritual parent, the Congress. The Congress too abandoned its policy of non-interference fully by 1939. This shift ultimately caused a rift in the valley, with Ch. Ghulam Abbas forming the Muslim Conference in opposition to Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference in 1941.
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CHAKRABARTI, MANALI. „Why Did Indian Big Business Pursue a Policy of Economic Nationalism in the Interwar Years? A New Window to an Old Debate“. Modern Asian Studies 43, Nr. 4 (Juli 2009): 979–1038. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x08003703.
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AbstractIndian big business campaigned for economically nationalistic policies during the interwar period. Existing scholarship is sharply divided as to the reason for the same. One group of scholars claim that Indian big business as a class rose above its economic interests and actively joined and even led the anti-imperial nationalist movement during the period. The other group contests the above view and proposes that Indian big business was guided by business interests while rallying for economic nationalism. Significantly the interwar period is also marked by a growing antagonism between Indian big business and European commercial class apparently on racial lines, and they held diametrically opposite positions on most issues of commercial relevance. This development is cited as evidence in support of the former view. In this paper I present data of the European business collective of Kanpur, that exhibited almost identical positions as Indian big business, on several significant economic and political issues during the interwar period. From a detailed analysis of the nature of this collective (that had interests in cotton textiles, leather and sugar, amongst others) I have tried to re-configure the debate on the character of Indian big business during the interwar period.
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Gupta, Swarupa. „The Idea of Freedom in Bengali Nationalist Discourse“. Studies in History 29, Nr. 1 (Februar 2013): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643013496685.
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While the concept of freedom in India has mainly been seen through the lens of the freedom struggle/movement, this article conjoins the idea (concept) and practice (movement) of freedom as reflected in the Bengali nationalist discourse during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. It argues that freedom was a multidimensional concept and contained many connotative strands. Indigenous lineages were linked to the political idea of freedom, expressed as swaraj. But this political term was not seen in terms of politics alone. Rather, it was an evocation and extension of the older idea of freedom in India (as a category of the spiritual, emphasizing identity with the universal). This strand symbolized the indigeneity of freedom by highlighting aspects of personal and social freedom. To understand the nature of freedom as woven into the texture of the freedom movement in India—pioneered by the Indian National Congress, I explore how indigenous origins were refracted through a critical internalization and rearticulation of Western concepts of freedom in India’s own terms. This developed through a discourse on freedom on the site of samaj or social collectivity. It evolved within a grid, in which two principles— dharma and cultural Aryan-ness—set apart Indian society from the West and also underpinned the imagination of the nation. This emblematized the ‘independence’ of the subjugated through contestation of certain basic tenets of colonial power-knowledge. This shows that there was an interpenetration of different related freedoms, in the site of a harmonious social order ( samaj), and this crucially influenced ways of rethinking Indianness and nationhood.
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Walker, Lydia. „Jayaprakash Narayan and the politics of reconciliation for the postcolonial state and its imperial fragments“. Indian Economic & Social History Review 56, Nr. 2 (April 2019): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464619835659.
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Jayaprakash (JP) Narayan was an activist, politician and political thinker who attempted to use peace negotiations on India’s borders to renegotiate the postcolonial Indian state. This article tracks JP’s efforts to find non-national vehicles for regional nationalist demands through his positions on the contentious political questions of a Nagaland in India, and a Tibet in China. It locates JP within the Anglophone international peace movement that transitioned from support of Indian independence to a critique of the state violence of the Indian government, and traces JP’s thinking and work in support of some degree of autonomy for Tibet and Nagaland. Finally, this article connects these projects to JP’s non-statist critique of Indian state sovereignty, arguing that through a more decentralised and inclusively organised India, JP sought to re-organise what decolonisation had wrought.
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Ahmed, Manzoor. „The Dynamics of (Ethno)Nationalism and Federalism in Postcolonial Balochistan, Pakistan“. Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, Nr. 7 (28.01.2020): 979–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619900216.
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The paper examines how an (ethno)nationalist movement developed and took shape in Balochistan in relation to a broader national question that ranges from seeking provincial autonomy within the federation of Pakistan to gaining independence and formation of a separate state of Balochistan. The paper also analyses the estranged relationship of Balochistan with the state of Pakistan against the background of the failure of the state in accommodating the Baloch national aspirations for economic, social and political rights, while adhering to the basic tenets of federalism. The Baloch, who sporadically engaged in armed conflicts with the state after the British left the Indian Subcontinent in 1947, were not merely the pawns of geopolitics. The conflict in Balochistan must also be seen in a greater context of nationalism as an effort of the Baloch elite to achieve more autonomy within the federal structure of Pakistan. The movement for more national autonomy under the slogan of nationalism may be understood as a tool to further consolidate the social, economic and political strengths of the traditional tribal structure of Balochistan, instead of a struggle for economic and political empowerment of the people of Balochistan. The genuine economic and political aspirations of the people were doubly constrained. On the one hand, the centuries old tribal-centric social structure impeded any social and political evolution in the province and, on the other hand, the limitations of the federal structure in Pakistan restrained Balochistan’s integration into the mainstream national polity and economy. The paper argues that the emergence of nationalism is shaped, firstly by the historical legacy of the colonial era, the identity politics of Baloch nationalists, resource-grabbing and hegemonic approach of the Baloch Sardars or tribal chieftains, and secondly by Pakistan’s failure in adhering to the principles of federalism. Extreme centralization or quasi federalism with its authoritarian nature has promoted regionalism and centrifugal tendencies. Balochistan being a periphery happened to be a fertile ground for the emergence and development of a nationalist movement against the attitudes of the state of Pakistan, which led towards a conflict situation between Balochistan and the state of Pakistan.
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JAFFE, JAMES. „Gandhi, Lawyers, and the Courts' Boycott during the Non-Cooperation Movement“. Modern Asian Studies 51, Nr. 5 (22.06.2017): 1340–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1600024x.
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AbstractThis article analyses the role of the legal profession and the evolution of aspects of Indian nationalist ideology during the Non-Cooperation Movement of 1920–22. Very few legal professionals responded to Gandhi's call to boycott the British courts despite significant efforts to establish alternative institutions dedicated to resolving disputes. First identified by leading legal professionals in the movement as courts of arbitration, these alternative sites of justice quickly assumed the name ‘panchayats’. Ultimately, this panchayat experiment failed due to a combination of apathy, repression, and internal opposition. However, the introduction of the panchayat into the discourse of Indian nationalism ultimately had profound effects, including the much later adoption of constitutional panchayati raj. Yet this discourse was then and remains today a contested one. This is largely a legacy of Gandhi himself, who, during the Non-Cooperation Movement, imagined the panchayat as a judicial institution based upon arbitration and mediation. Yet, after the movement's failure, he came to believe the panchayat was best suited to functioning as a unit of village governance and administration.
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Naseemullah, Adnan. „The Political Economy of Economic Conservatism in India: From Moral Economy to Pro-business Nationalism“. Studies in Indian Politics 5, Nr. 2 (15.10.2017): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023017727981.
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Economic conservatism in India today is associated with the BJP’s embrace of markets and competition. This article argues that conservatism within the nationalist movement was founded on rejecting both the market and the planned economy, embracing instead ‘moral economy’ principles of economic life guided by social norms, and development founded on small-scale craft production. After independence, conservative nationalists, while acknowledging the need to enhance state power through industrial growth, protected the moral economies of craft-based and agrarian production. But as the Congress party fractured, farmers’ movements asserted interests in market-based agricultural transformation and liberalization shifted the issue space of economic debate, new pro-business conservatives presented a new vision based on enhancing national wealth and strength through capitalist enterprise.
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Vanderbok, William, und Richard Sisson. „Parties and Electorates from Raj to Swaraj: An Historical Analysis of Electoral Behavior in Late Colonial and Early Independent India“. Social Science History 12, Nr. 2 (1988): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016084.
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Fascination with elite recruitment, ideology, and political strategy in the Indian nationalist movement has given rise to a wide range of scholarly studies about these phenomena. An extraordinarily rich literature has also developed dealing with provincial political movements during both the nationalist and postindependence periods. More recently a literature concerning local, “peoples’” history has started to develop and flourish, the most influential genre being the self-styled subaltern studies (see Guha, 1984–86; also Guha, 1983). Missing in the historiography of this vast and complex region are studies of those institutions that constituted the core of successive nationalist demands made for political reform—elections and representative institutions. Our study is a preliminary venture into the world of elections to provincial legislative institutions in late colonial and early independent India. The place of elections is not only important in understanding the decolonization process in India; it is of broad comparative interest in enhancing understanding of the democratization of regimes.
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Low, D. A. „VI. Counterpart Experiences: Indian and Indonesian Nationalisms 1920s–1950s“. Itinerario 10, Nr. 1 (März 1986): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009013.
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India's national day is 26 January; Indonesia's 17 August. They point to a difference. 26 January derives from the Indian National Congress' decision at its Lahore Congress in December 1929 to launch a Civil Disobedience movement against the British Government in India. Jawaharlal Nehru as Congress' President arranged that the first step would be for thousands of Congress rank and file to join together on 26 January 1930 to take the Independence Pledge. This declared that since ‘it is the inalienable right of the Indian people […] to have freedom, […] if any government deprives a people of those rights […] the people have a […] right to […] abolish it […]. We recognise, however, that the most effective way of gaining freedom is not through violence. We will, therefore, prepare ourselves by withdrawing, so far as we can, all voluntary association from the British Government and will prepare for Civil Disobedience.’ From that moment onwards 26 January has been India's Independence Day, though when it was first held India's independence still stood 17 years away. The celebrations have thus come to link post-independent India with the feats of the Indian national movement which for so many years pursued the strategy of civil disobedience, and which, despite a series of intervening fits and starts, is seen to have been crucial to its success. For India the heroics of its freedom struggle lie, that is, in its elon-gated pre-independence past, of long years of humiliating harassment and costly commitment. They are not much associated with the final run up to independence. With the emphasis rather upon the earlier, principally Gandhian years, of protests and processions, of proscriptions and prison, the final transfer of power is not seen, moreover, as comprising a traumatic break with the past, but as the logical climax to all that had gone before. The direct continuities between the pre- and post-independence periodes in India in these respects are accepted as a central part of its national heritage.
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Doss, M. Christhu. „Indian Christians and The Making of Composite Culture in South India“. South Asia Research 38, Nr. 3 (28.09.2018): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728018798982.
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While North India erupted in rebellion in 1857, South India was experiencing a range of cross-cultural contests between missionary Christianity and local converts, who protested against Indian culture being dismissed as a work of the devil. Converts in the emerging Christian communities, particularly in South India, made efforts to retain their indigenous cultural ethos as part of their lived experience. Early attempts to balance Indian identity with Christian beliefs and practices were later replicated in a second anti-hegemonic movement by claims of Indian Christians for respectful inclusion into the new composite nation of postcolonial India. This article brings out how these two processes of asserting hybridity and equity developed. The initial impact of hegemonising Christianity created a chasm between missionaries and converts, which especially the latter addressed constructively. After 1857, emboldened British hegemonic and missionary activities sparked further divisive identity politics, feeding fresh rebellious ambitions that needed to be pacified to maintain the empire. As more culturally conscious Indian Christians realised that missionary Christianity was antithetical to their lived experiences as part of an emerging Indian nation, they used educational strategies to strengthen the formation of India’s composite culture, so that India’s Christians could now (re)assert their rightful place within the postcolonial nationalist framework, despite contentions from majoritarian forces.
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VAHED, GOOLAM. „CONSTRUCTIONS OF COMMUNITY AND IDENTITY AMONG INDIANS IN COLONIAL NATAL, 1860–1910: THE ROLE OF THE MUHARRAM FESTIVAL“. Journal of African History 43, Nr. 1 (März 2002): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008010.
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This article is concerned with the historical construction of communities, cultures and identities in colonial Natal, in this case an Indian grouping that emerged from the heterogeneous collection of indentured workers imported between 1860 and 1911. Despite the difficulties of indenture, Indians set about re-establishing their culture and religion in Durban. The most visible and public expression of ritual was the festival of Muhurram, which played an important role in forging a pan-Indian ‘Indianness’ within a white and African colonial society. This was significant when one considers that the nationalist movement was in its formative stages and there was no national identity when indentured workers had left India.
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Llewellyn, J. E. „“A Victory for Secular India”? Hindu Nationalism in the 2004 Election“. Politics and Religion 4, Nr. 1 (02.11.2010): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048310000520.
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AbstractAt least since the last decade of the 20th century, there has been strong scholarly interest in a perceived global wave of religious nationalism. Critical to that movement was the most important recent development in Indian politics, the rise of the Hindu right. Commentators lamented a fundamental change in the Indian body politic, the demise of India's celebrated secularism. However, others predicted that the Hindu nationalists would be forced to move to the center to gain votes, jettisoning much of their peculiar ideology in the process. The 2004 national parliamentary election was a crucial test of these contending interpretations. Would the Bharatiya Janata Party rely on its established arsenal of communally controversial issues? Would it emphasize themes designed to appeal to a broader audience? Analyzing reports published in national newspapers and news magazines, I will reach the surprising conclusion that the answer to both of these questions is yes.
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Paleri, Dayal. „Crisis as Opportunity: The Politics of ‘Seva’ and the Hindu Nationalist Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Kerala, South India“. Religions 14, Nr. 6 (16.06.2023): 799. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14060799.
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The paper examines how Hindu nationalist social service organizations, specifically the Deseeya Seva Bharathi (DSB), reconfigured the religious conception of ‘Seva’ to advance the project of constructing a Hindu social identity during the COVID-19 pandemic in the state of Kerala. The southern Indian state of Kerala has remained an exception in the story of the rise of the Hindu nationalist movement in contemporary India, which has repeatedly failed to make any considerable political inroads in the state. However, the disastrous economic consequences and livelihood challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic in the state, which was heavily dependent on foreign remittance and service industries, have opened up new spaces of engagement for Hindu nationalists. Drawing on the fieldwork conducted in central Kerala during the pandemic, this paper will elaborate on how the DSB used the crisis moment of the pandemic to reach out to economically and socially disadvantaged communities using the language of ‘Seva’ to build a Hindu social identity, which imbues the influence of majoritarian Hindu nationalist politics. The paper argues that the DSB’s articulation of ‘Seva’ as a distinct and superior form of social service that is ‘self-less’, ‘non-instrumental’ and ‘non-reciprocal’ is significant in understanding the growing appeal of Hindu nationalist social service in the contested political sphere of Kerala, which is marked by competing social provisions by the state as well as other secular and religious groups. The paper notes that the reconfiguration of ‘Seva’ as a continuous religious concept enables Hindu nationalists to attain greater acceptance and legitimacy that even the secular state welfare could not achieve, while also concealing the inherent instrumental nature of its social service towards the construction of a Hindu social identity in the region.
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Sethi, Devika. „The Ban Formula“. Indian Historical Review 45, Nr. 1 (Juni 2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983618768934.
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In a colonial context, and against the backdrop of an anti-colonial movement, it is all too easy to see censorship of publications operating along racial lines and to assume that only publications by Indian authors were subject to censorship. However, non-Indian authors—former colonial officials and soldiers, journalists and missionaries—writing in English on matters concerning India commanded audiences in their home countries in addition to being read by an influential section of the Indian population. Precisely because they escaped colonial stereotyping about ‘seditious natives’, non-Indian authors’ words carried a greater illusion of neutrality and sometimes more weight. Their criticism of the colonial state or excessive approbation of nationalist leaders could less easily be dismissed as biased than that by Indians. By reconstructing the question of, and the controversy over, the possible banning of seven such books by the colonial state in the 1920s–30s, this article will question commonly held assumptions about the conduct of the censorship of publications in late colonial India.
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Jain, Dhruv. „Maia Ramnath and the Search for a Decolonised Antiauthoritarian Marxism“. Historical Materialism 25, Nr. 2 (03.08.2017): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12301270.
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In her two books, Maia Ramnath attempts to construct an antiauthoritarian/anarchist anti-colonialist politics through an analysis of India’s freedom struggle. Ramnath reconstructs a history of Indian anti-colonial movements from an anarchist perspective, while seeking to locate forgotten possibilities such as the ‘libertarian Marxism’ of the Ghadar party and its successors. Haj to Utopia is an important addition to the literature on early communism in India inasmuch as it allows us to revisit said history in India in a renewed and critical manner. On the other hand, Decolonizing Anarchism is an ambitious book that seeks to unearth an antiauthoritarian account of India’s struggle for independence, but falls far short of its intended goal because of Ramnath’s inattentiveness to the implications of Hindu revivalism on caste and gender in India. Thus, she reproduces many of the characteristics of mainstream nationalist narratives.
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Dhulipala, Venkat. „Parties and Politics in the ‘Parting of Ways’ Narrative: Reevaluating Congress-Muslim League Negotiations in Late Colonial India“. Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 74, Nr. 2 (01.05.2020): 269–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2019-0060.
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Abstract Historians trying to understand the processes that led to India’s Partition in 1947 have often asseverated that a progressively widening gap between the Indian Muslims and the Congress led nationalist movement ultimately led to the division of the subcontinent. Within this narrative, one strand of opinion has argued that the Congress failed to attract any appreciable Muslim support right from its inception, and that Muslim aloofness from the Congress was of a much longer vintage than most historians often like to acknowledge.1 A second perspective holds that Muslim alienation became marked after the collapse of the Khilafat movement in the early 1920s that saw Hindu-Muslims riots breaking out in many parts of India.2 A third view sees an irreversible ‘parting of ways’ with the rejection of 1928 Nehru Report that was viewed by almost all shades of Indian Muslim opinion as providing insufficient safeguards for India’s Muslim minority.3 But even if there are differences regarding the origins of this rupture, there is consensus that relations between the Congress and the Muslims finally broke down and became irreparable in the aftermath of the 1935 Government of India (GOI) Act, especially after Congress governments were formed in the provinces that excluded the Muslim League.