Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: Indian Political Process.
Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Indian Political Process“
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Zeitschriftenartikel für die Forschung zum Thema "Indian Political Process" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Zeitschriftenartikel für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Morinis, E. Alan. „Skid Row Indians and the Politics of Self“. Culture 2, Nr. 3 (17.06.2021): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1078115ar.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
At the same time as native Indians have been increasing their political lobbying and organizational activity in Canada, the slum neighbourhoods of the inner cities have been witnessing a steady growth in Indian residents. Based on a study of the “Skid Row” Indian community in Vancouver, this paper seeks to link these two apparently disparate phenomena. It is argued that the underlying theme of Indian life on Skid Row is also political. The self-neglect, violence and other disvalued behaviours of Skid Row are seen as the political statements of a group who sees itself as powerless. Acting out the political process of the rejection of society on the stages of their own personal minds and bodies, Indians engage in “the politics of self”.
2
Hiralal, Kalpana. „JOSEPH DEVASAYAGEM ROYEPPEN (1871-1960): THE ANGLICAN, COLONIAL BORN POLITICAL ACTIVIST“. Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, Nr. 2 (08.12.2016): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1083.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article documents the contributions of Joseph Royeppen, a colonial born Christian activist in South Africa at the turn of the century. Royeppen was a barrister, passive resister and a devout Christian. He was the first colonial born Indian to study law at Cambridge and played an important role in mobilising support for Indian grievances whilst in England. He participated in the first satyagraha campaign in South Africa and endured imprisonment. Yet in the vast corpus of historical literature on South Africans of Indian descent he is given minimal recognition. This paper seeks to rectify this omission by documenting his contributions to the first satyagraha campaign that occurred in the Transvaal between 1907-1911. Royeppen, in his fight against oppression and inequality, embraced multiple roles: an eloquent student, barrister, devout Christian, hawker, passive resister and labourer. He mediated among these varying roles and in the process highlighted not only strength in character but dignity in protest action. A colonial born Indian, he was highly critical of the colonial and British governments and challenged their attempts to deny citizenship rights to South Africans of Indian descent. Joseph Royeppen’s narrative is significant because it highlights the role and contributions of colonial born Indians, in particular the educated elite, to the early political struggles in South Africa. In many ways, they were an important, influential and active constituency in South Africa’s road to democracy.
3
Barron, Nicholas. „Ideology, Agency, and the Federal Acknowledgement Process“. NEXUS: The Canadian Student Journal of Anthropology 22 (11.11.2014): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15173/nexus.v22i1.9.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In June of 2013, the Assistant Secretary-Indian Affairs, Kevin Washburn, began holding tribal consultations in an attempt to reform the Federal Acknowledgement Process (FAP) with the input of recognized and unrecognized indigenous peoples. Between June and September of 2013, unacknowledged Californian Indian groups, including the Amah Mustun Tribal Band of Ohlone/Costanoan Indians (Amah Mutsun), the Ohlone/Costanoan Esselen Nation (Esselen), and the Muwekma Ohlone Indian Tribe (Muwekma), submitted separate letters in an attempt to voice their concerns and recommendations. This situation offers a useful case study for anthropologists attempting to study the role of ideology within the context of federal recognition. Using Phil Abrams theorization of the state as a historically determined and processual formation in conjunction with Louis Althusser’s discussion of ideology and Sherry Ortner’s conceptualization of agency, I discursively analyze each comment letter with special attention paid to discourses of history. With this approach, I make three interrelated arguments. First, the FAP is an inherently contradictory ideological project of the state that produces a paradoxical narrative of indigenous history. Second, the historical narratives within these letters reflect an incomplete and contested process of interpellation that seeks to reify state power through the reproduction of hegemonic ideas. Third, these historical discourses reflect the different political strategies of representation that unacknowledged peoples formulate to contest the process of interpellation as they navigate a paradoxical state ideology. Ultimately, these conclusions point towards the incomplete, dialectical, and contested nature of state ideology within the system of federal recognition.
4
FISHER, MICHAEL H. „Indian Political Representations in Britain during the Transition to Colonialism“. Modern Asian Studies 38, Nr. 3 (Juli 2004): 649–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03001161.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
During the transition to colonialism, over thirty Indian political missions ventured to London. Representing the interests of Indian royalty directly in British public discourse, these Indian diplomats strove to reshape colonial policies. They also gathered first-hand intelligence, unmediated by Britons, for their Indian audiences; some later Indian diplomats evidently learned from their precursors. Nonetheless, they increasingly struggled against spreading British colonialism, with its expanding surveillance and control over political communication, growing colonial archives, ever more dominant military force, and cultural assertions. Nor did their relatively isolated efforts accumulate into unified Indian policies. The dynamics of these unequal contests reveal how multi-centered, conflicted, and contingent was political intercourse over this period, in Britain and in India. This article analyzes these Indian missions, concentrating on two: one from early in the transition to colonialism when all parties were exploring the nature of such interactions, and the other late in that process when some Indian diplomats and, even more so, the Company's Directors, had learned to deploy more sophisticated tactics against each other. The 1857 conflict, which ended the Company's rule and established British royal authority over India, altered imperial relations with India's ‘princes’ profoundly, ushering in high colonial rule.
5
He, Zhizhou. „The Integration of Indian Christians into India Leading up to the Partition of 1947“. Communications in Humanities Research 2, Nr. 1 (28.02.2023): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/2/2022391.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
As one of Great Britains main oversea assets going into the 1900s and with its rich traditions and diversity, India and its road to independence have drawn much scholarly interest. Studies of pre-independence modern India have always centered around the development of Indian nationalism that became the backbone of the Quit India movement, eventually leading to the establishment of a new nation and exit of its colonizer. Almost inseparable from Indias independence is the Partition of 1947 that witnessed the formation of two sovereigns which, in existing works and research, features the culmination of religious conflicts between the two largest religious groups in the peninsula. This hyper-focus on the main players has led to gaps in comprehending the roles of other minority groups that shared the stage alongside Hindus and Muslims. While these groups did not and could not become as politically influential as the political triangle among Hindus, Muslims, and the British, their struggles and mere existence helped shape the political landscape within the region and paved the foundation to Indias path in becoming a secular state. This paper explores the discourse of Indian Christians, the nations third largest religious community, leading up to the fateful summer day in 1947. Using primary sources as evidence and secondary sources as guidance, it examines the majority vs. minority dichotomy within pre-independence India under a hypersensitive religious context and how Indian Christians maneuvered the political waters to achieve social integration. In doing so, it attempts to explore the prospect and methodology of achieving religious coexistence between a religious majority and religious minorities in the nation-building process.
6
Duran, Valeria. „Diferentes interpretaciones sobre el katarismo. Discusiones desde una perspectiva indianista“. Pelícano 4 (28.08.2018): 044. http://dx.doi.org/10.22529/p.2018.4.03.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Different Interpretations about Katarismo. Discussions from an Indianist PerspectiveResumenKatarismo e indianismo son dos expresiones políticas indias que emergen en Bolivia a principios de la década del '60 (indianismo) y del '70 (katarismo). Su peculiaridad consiste en que se constituyen como dos corrientes políticas creadas específicamente por indios aymaras y quechuas –con mayor participación de los primeros respecto de los segundos–. Son varios los autores que coinciden en afirmar que el surgimiento de ambas corrientes se encuentra vinculado a un proceso de resistencia y lucha india, cuyo origen data de la dominación colonial y se extiende hasta la actualidad (Mamani, 2017; Mamani y Cruz, 2011; Portugal y Macusaya, 2016; Reinaga, 2012[1970a]; Velásquez, 2016).Las interpretaciones del katarismo relacionadas a la figura del líder indio Tupak Katari, son las más numerosas y conocidas. Sin embargo, esto no significa que haya claridad a la hora de distinguir entre las diferentes perspectivas ideológico-políticas que asumen el nombre de Katari como referente de lucha. Por este motivo, propongo dialogar con algunas perspectivas que estudian el katarismo, con el fin de mostrar la diversidad de interpretaciones difundidas sobre esta corriente.El objetivo de esta investigación apunta a analizar, desde una perspectiva crítica, algunas interpretaciones históricas sobre el katarismo que tienden a encubrir o invisibilizar la influencia del indianismo dentro del proceso político del katarismo. En este sentido, considero importante indicar que realizaré un abordaje de la temática propuesta desde una perspectiva indianista.AbstractKatarism and Indianism are two Indian political expressions that emerge in Bolivia at the beginning of the 1960s (Indianism) and the 70s (Katarism). Its peculiarity is that they are constituted as two political currents created specifically by Aymara and Quechua Indians -with more participation of the first ones than the second ones-. There are several authors who agree that the emergence of both traditions is related to a process of Indian resistance and struggle, whose origin dates from colonial domination and extends to the present (Mamani 2017, Mamani and Cruz, 2011; Portugal and Macusaya, 2016; Reinaga, 2012[1970a]; Velásquez, 2016).The intepretations of Katarism related to the indian leader Tupak Katari figure, are the most numerous and known. However, this doesn‟t mean that there is clarity when it comes to distinguish between the different ideological-political perspectives that assume the name of Katari as a reference of fight. For this reason, I propose to dialogue with some perspectives that study katarism, in order to show the diversity of interpretations spread about this tradition.The objective of this research aims to analyse, from a critical perspective, some historical interpretations about Katarism that tend to cover up or hide the influence of Indianism within the political process of Katarism. In this way, I believe it‟s important to indicate that I will approach the proposed topic from an Indianist perspective.Key words: Katarism, Indianism, Indian political thought.
7
Toye, John. „Political Economy and the Analysis of Indian Development“. Modern Asian Studies 22, Nr. 1 (Februar 1988): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009422.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The purpose of this paper is to review recent analyses of the process of development in India which have used the concept of ‘political economy’ as their principle of intellectual organization. The focus will be primarily on studies which have been published in the 1980s. Some of these make explicit their reliance on political economy as their analytical framework (e.g. Jha, 1980; Rubin, 1982; Bardhan, 1984). For others it remains more implicit but the underlying concern to fuse economic with political analysis is much the same.
8
Soni, Amit. „Status and Empowerment ofCentral Indian Tribal Women“. Indian Journal of Research in Anthropology 5, Nr. 1 (15.06.2019): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21088/ijra.2454.9118.5119.1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Empowerment is an active and multidimensional process. Empowerment involves awareness; enhancement of ability and involvement in decision making; possession of assets and power and a state of proper execution of rights and responsibilities. Thus, empowerment may be in various fields, such as, social, economic, political, religious, etc. State of empowerment reflects the stage of developmental process in a particular field or overall development. In tribal communities, the role of women is substantial and crucial. Tribal women in India amply contribute in livelihood activities along with performing household chores and family responsibilities. Despite several economic, political and social changes, tribal women are still far behind. This paper assess and reviews the status of empowerment of tribal women in central India through her role and status in social, economic, religious and political spheres along with status of her education, liberty, authority and possess rights.
9
Jatin, Garg, und Garg Kashish. „ChatGPT as an empowering catalyst: Unveiling the impact on political awareness and civic education“. i-manager's Journal on School Educational Technology 19, Nr. 2 (2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26634/jsch.19.2.20149.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study explores the role of education in a democracy in order to create informed people, advance democratic values, and enable active participation in the political process. It provides a comprehensive overview of the Indian political landscape, highlighting the political framework, important parties, hot button issues, and challenges to Indian democracy. The work looks into the potential of using ChatGPT, an interactive learning platform, to engage students in talks about Indian politics and foster a better understanding of political ideas, institutions, and procedures. Additionally, it examines potential biases, fact-checking techniques, and the responsibility of AI models to spread accurate political data while examining the accuracy and quality of the political information generated by ChatGPT. The study also looks at ChatGPT's potential to improve civic education by teaching students about their civic duties, democratic principles, political freedoms, and the significance of citizen participation in Indian politics. The research intends to showcase ChatGPT's revolutionary potential as a catalyst for building informed citizenship, critical thinking, and political dialogue in the Indian democracy by fusing these characteristics together.
10
Peyton, John T. „"The Land We Have We Wish to Keep": Miami Autonomy and Resistance to Removal in Indiana, 1812–1826“. Indiana Magazine of History 119, Nr. 2 (Juni 2023): 139–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899498.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
ABSTRACT: The ability of Indiana tribes to resist removal, compel Euro-Americans to their terms, and maintain a land base was best exemplified by the Miamis in the years after the War of 1812 to 1826. Rather than become victims of dispossession, the Miamis reconstructed an identity riven by intratribal divisions that both ignited conflict between Euro-Americans and Indians and brought destruction to the Miami homeland. The Miamis used the memory of their divisions to regain political cohesion under the autonomous leadership of Jean Baptiste Richardville. In the process, they confronted the threat of Indian removal by using strategies based on their cultural customs, while also mixing these ideas with understandings of Euro-American landholding practices, racial constructions of Indians, and devices of Indigenous subjugation. Ultimately, the Miamis' efforts equipped them with resistance strategies that they utilized to conditionally prevent their displacement from their native homeland.
11
Kanjilal, Tanmay. „The Indian—Americans in The United States: Participation in the U.S. Political Process“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 52, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1996): 85–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849605200404.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
12
Shah, Ghanshyam. „Education and Process of Inclusion Under Neo-liberal Political Economy“. Journal of Social Inclusion Studies 4, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2018): 214–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2394481118809208.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Theoretically, modern formal education develops not only critical questioning mind and skills but also inculcates universalistic values leading to humane social relationships. For attaining such objective, the education system needs to evolve institutions, curricula, competent committed teachers and pedagogies. Though the architects of the Indian Constitution and the First Education Commission emphasised importance of education for national integration, and egalitarian secular social order, rigorous institutional mechanism, modules and pedagogies have not developed in the last six decades to attain the objective. This has not been on political agenda. Education policy and governance have been lopsided and piecemeal. Colonial educational ethos has continued. Education has spread widely across all social strata with increasing enrolment at all levels; the system segregates and discriminates students from the primary stage. Only miniscule section of society gets good quality education enabling them to occupy higher positions in different sectors. The system has failed in inculcating plural secular egalitarian values. Hegemonic values of dominant strata embedded in hierarchical ethos are reinforced and legitimised.
13
Palsetia, Jesse S. „Mad Dogs and Parsis: The Bombay Dog Riots of 1832“. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 11, Nr. 1 (26.01.2001): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186301000128.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThe article details the events and themes surrounding a strike and riot that transpired in colonial Bombay in 1832, led by a segment of the Parsi community and joined by other Indians, in reaction to the British cull of stray pariah dogs in the streets. The strike and riot demonstrated the commercial power of the Parsis to disrupt the daily routine of Bombay and exert their influence in hostility to colonial interference and incursions against Parsi (Indian) religious sensibilities. The Bombay dog riots of 1832 exposed the vulnerability of early British-Indian socio-political relations in Bombay and Western India in the face of popular disturbances against British authority and was in marked contrast to the state of Parsi-British relations that developed in the nineteenth century, as the Parsis led the process of Indian accommodation to British rule, tempered only by overt threats to their religious identity.
14
Chandrashekar, Kolapuri. „Extensive changes in the electoral system of India for legitimacy and responsible representatives in politics“. International Journal of Scientific Research and Management (IJSRM) 5, Nr. 7 (20.07.2017): 6486–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v5i7.86.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article introduces the election commission of India (ECI) constitutional status and importance and role of the Indian political system. In addition, analyzing the elections in 70 years independent state in India. This article explains the major issues and problems of Indian freedom and fair election process. Mainly this article exposing the “how good representatives are contesting elections and coming to political power”. In addition, analyzing the “criminalizing the politics” and suggesting the how to eliminate it. Recent times, many commissions suggesting changes in the election process, these changes are accepting and implementing the ECI. This article mainly focuses "Money Effect in Indian Electoral System" and Reducing Election Cost. When Shrink the money in elections and encouraging the free and fire elections in India politics automatically democracy run successfully. These changes were "TV and electronic media and print media" and in the 21st century as many people as part of life and "social websites" (like Facebook), WhatsApp etc.). This article explains “citizen participation” of fire elections and the significant role of the election commission successful of Indian democracy through the comprehensive changes in coming elections. Article concluding some suggestions of radical changes in Indian electoral process for best democracy in the world.
15
Sahista, Sazmeen Taqvi, Preeti Sharma, Tushar Sharma und Shivam Verma. „"Decoding Democracy: An In-depth Analysis of Indian Election Results"“. Industrial Engineering Journal 52, Nr. 05 (2023): 1535–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.36893/iej.2023.v52i5.1535-1542.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
India's elections are contested and crucial to its future. This extensive study examines voter turnout, party campaign tactics, and Indian government effects towards election. First, the article briefly covers India's electoral process from independence to the present date. After that, it examines how caste, religion, regionalism, and socioeconomic status affect Indian voting. This study examines how political parties use media, social media, and grassroots organizing to affect voters. Popular leaders and political alliances are examined. The study also examines coalition administrations, policy revisions, and elected officials' reactions to the election results in India. This study details the Indian voting system using quantitative and qualitative data. This study illuminates India's layered democracy, providing policymakers, scholars, and others interested in its diverse political system with valuable insights.
16
Anger, Dorothy C. „The Micmacs of Newfoundland: A Resurgent Culture“. I. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT / DÉVELOPPEMENT POLITIQUE ET SOCIAL 1, Nr. 1 (19.05.2021): 78–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1077277ar.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Over the past decade, following the loss of their traditional systems of social organization and lack of recognition as a native people, the Micmac Indians of Newfoundland have been engaged in a process of cultural revitalization. Utilizing their history in the re-creation of a cultural identity, an important symbol has been the land and their relationship to it. In this paper, the significance of the land provides a basis for the understanding of this political and cultural resurgence of Indian resurgence.
17
Wang, Kejie. „Indian Nationalism and its China Policy“. Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 24 (31.12.2023): 222–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/cn7x2t52.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
T In 1994, Dutch scholar Peter van der Veer published Religious Nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India, which explored the role of religious nationalism in Indian politics. Before that, religious nationalism was widely seen as a secular, religion-based mobilisation of communities, rather than a trend of thought with broad political implications. India's religious nationalism is politicized, and Modi describes himself more as a religious leader than a political leader in the process of governing and propaganda. After Modi became Prime minister, Indian religious nationalism has become the main political trend in India, and this top-down approach to Indian nationalism has also influenced India's diplomatic strategy towards China. The core question discussed in this paper is whether India's diplomatic attitude towards China will lead to a deadlock in Sino-Indian relations and bring security crisis to the two countries. This article will discuss India's new challenges to peace from a number of perspectives. What are the roots of Indian nationalism, what problems does Indian nationalism bring to Sino-Indian relations, and the future of Sino-Indian relations? India's religious nationalism has a profound impact on its foreign policy. Instead of secularization, Indian nationalism largely combines theocracy with nationalism, and gives birth to Hindu nationalism centered on Hinduism. The rise of such religious nationalism and the implementation of such policies will push China-India relations to a dangerous edge.
18
Kotwal, Ashok, Milind Murugkar und Bharat Ramaswami. „The Political Economy of Food Subsidy in India“. Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 30, Nr. 2 (21.02.2014): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v30i2.4244.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Indian parliament is getting ready to debate the National Food Security Bill that would be the single biggest poverty alleviation programme, costing about 1.5 per cent of India's gross domestic product. There has been a fierce debate
leading up to the drafting of the bill and subsequent modifications. This article first points out the salient features of the Indian economy to give context to assess the current debate. In particular, it gives a detailed picture of the grain
market in India and the important role played in it by the central government. It traces the path of the bill from its genesis through the subsequent debate and political process. The article identifies the key players in the debate and the
role they have played in shaping the provisions in the latest draft of the bill. At the end, the authors speculate about likely food security outcomes in India.
19
Singh, Shweta. „Historical, Political and Cultural Consciousness in the Autobiographies of Nirad C. Chaudhuri“. YMER Digital 21, Nr. 08 (05.08.2022): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37896/ymer21.08/14.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The proposed research paper seeks to trace the public, political, historical and cultural cognizance in two autobiographies of Nirad C. Chaudhuri. Nirad C Chaudhuri is one of the few Indian English writers who have used English language for non-fictional purpose alone. The Autobiography of an Unknown Indian (1951) and Thy Hand, Great Anarch! (1987) remained his best works. The Autobiography of an Unknown Indian gave an account of Chaudhuri’s childhood and student days till 1921. Thy Hand, Great Anarch! takes the account up to 1952.Both the autobiographies give a portrait of the slow but triumphant self-discovery of a powerful writer. During this process Nirad C Chaudhuri was in the grip of dramatic public events in India. Independence and partition of the continent in 1948 were widely hailed as statesmanship and the reparation of imperial wrongdoings, but Chaudhuri drew quite another conclusion- that his country had no future. Nirad C. Chaudhuri’s both autobiographies are more of a national than personal history as it reveals precedence to the environment over the product. And it is more of an exercise in descriptive anthology than autobiographies. Keywords: Autobiography, Indian Independence, character delineation, culture, British Empire
20
Kupriyanov, A. V. „Postcolonial History in the Service of Anticolonial Politics: Critical Historiography and National Myth in Contemporary India“. Journal of International Analytics 14, Nr. 2 (03.08.2023): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-35-48.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article examines the relationship between the shaping of Indian foreign policy discourse, macro-historical processes that influence the formation of Indian political elites, and the development of historical knowledge about the Indian Ocean region. Its purpose is to ascertain the factors that influenced the specific perception of India’s place in the region by Indian elites and how this perception evolved within the framework of foreign policy discourse. Additionally, the role of historians who have studied the past of the Indian Ocean is explored. The author concludes that the changes in global political discourse following the First World War played a crucial role in shaping the ideas of India’s position in the world among the elites. These elites adopted the stance that the nation-state, with its own industrial base, was the only viable option. From the early stages of independent India, its political elites, influenced by British or Anglicized upbringing and education, rejected the notion of continuity between the new Indian state and the British Raj and the possessions of the East India Company. Instead, they attempted to establish historical continuity with pre-British Indian polities. Indian and foreign historians supported them in this endeavor. The author demonstrates how India’s political elites utilized the findings of scholars to serve their own purposes, selectively adopting suitable historical narratives while discarding others. This process gradually drew the community of historians into the production of discourse. During the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi, the Mughal Empire received the most attention as the last pre-British Indian polity. However, with the Bharatiya Janata Party coming into power, research on Hindu polities and personalities is now encouraged.
21
Ranganathan, Maya. „Indian elections 2014: The ‘alternative’ and ‘critical’ online“. Media International Australia 159, Nr. 1 (03.04.2016): 118–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x16638895.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The Indian national election in 2014 marked the emergence of social media as a significant site of political campaigning. The sweeping of the polls by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), led by the party’s prime ministerial candidate, Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi, who employed social media extensively in his campaign, has drawn further attention to the hitherto ‘alternative media’ space. ‘Alternative media’ has been positioned and studied in relation to mainstream media. This article illustrates the ways in which the perceptions of mainstream media in a liberalised economy contoured the ‘alternative media’ space, limiting its potential to lead to radical and transformative processes of communication. In the process, the article interrogates the online space occupied by political parties and activists in the context of theoretical understandings of ‘alternative’ and ‘critical’ media. The article flags the need for, and the significance of, sustained study of the emerging new media space to understand the process of reconstitution of the Indian public space.
22
Singh, Ujjwal Kumar, und Anupama Roy. „‘Persistent Centrism’ and Its Explanations“. Studies in Indian Politics 4, Nr. 2 (10.10.2016): 260–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023016665547.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Susanne Rudolph and Lloyd Rudolph believed that ‘situated knowledge’ could be realized through area studies, which they argued was consonant with epistemic pluralism and comparative generalization. Their writings reflect a critical relationship with their field as well as the American Political Science academia particularly in the way they envisaged area studies of ‘a different kind’. The Rudolphs proposed that the Indian state and political process could be comprehended through analytical categories ‘adapted’ to capture its particularity. They found ‘a persistent centrism’ to be the most striking feature of Indian politics with the Indian National Congress crucial to the arrival at ‘centrism’. In their later writings, the Rudolphs addressed the contests that emerged in the domain of the state, particularly in the context of the diminished ‘interventionist state’, grappling with contests over political power, the institutional matrix of the state and constitutional design.
23
Kuenzli, E. Gabrielle. „Acting Inca: The Parameters of National Belonging in Early Twentieth-Century Bolivia“. Hispanic American Historical Review 90, Nr. 2 (01.05.2010): 247–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-134.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract This article focuses on the connection between Aymara indigenous communities, Liberal intellectuals, and the nation-building process in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Bolivia. The Liberal intellectuals’ designs of nation in early twentieth-century Bolivia were shaped in part by the actions and political initiatives of the very “Indians” the intellectuals sought to categorize, define, and contain. Somewhat paradoxically, the national intellectuals and the local Aymara elite unwittingly collaborated in the construction of a preferred Indian identity, the Inca, to create a noble and progressive past for the nation and to marginalize the undesirable, non-elite Aymara indigenous population in the wake of the 1899 Civil War between Liberals and Conservatives. The process of narrating the native past was of importance to national intellectuals as well as to native peoples. Several types of sources inform these late nineteenth and early twentieth-century discourses of nation building, including judicial court cases, archival documentation, and theatrical performance. The narrative of the indigenous past and the role of the actual Indian population within the Bolivian nation in the early twentieth century was a site of negotiation located at the center of national politics, establishing the foundation for a nation that would maintain differentiated constructions of Indian identity at its core.
24
KARAK, ANIRBAN. „What was ‘Indian’ Political Economy? On the separation of the ‘social’, the ‘economic’, and the ‘ethical’ in Indian nationalist thought, 1892–1948“. Modern Asian Studies 55, Nr. 1 (13.03.2020): 75–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x19000118.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis article argues that to gauge the significance of state planning in mid-twentieth century India, it is necessary to study the trajectory of what was called ‘Indian political economy’ during the late nineteenth century and first half of the twentieth. Through a close reading of selected texts, I demonstrate that the transmutation of Indian political economy into an abstract science of economics was a function of Indian nationalists’ inability to hold together the ‘social’, ‘economic’, and ‘ethical’ spheres within a single conceptual framework. The separation of these three spheres was the enabling factor behind the conceptualization of planning as a purely technical process of economic management. Further, the article contends that these conceptual developments cannot be adequately explained with reference to either ‘elite’ interests or the insidious effects of ‘colonial’ discourses. Rather, the narrative demonstrates that economic abstractions can—and must—be grounded in the historical development of capitalist social forms that transformed the internal fabric of Indian society. Drawing on a theory of capitalism as a historically specific form of social mediation, I argue that a Marxian social history of Indian state planning can overcome certain limitations inherent in extant approaches. Finally, the interpretation proposed here opens up the possibility of putting Indian history in conversation with a broader development during the first half of the twentieth century, namely the separation of political economy into economics and sociology.
25
Butler, Mary, und J. R. Ward. „British West Indian Slavery, 1750-1834: The Process of Amelioration“. Journal of the Early Republic 9, Nr. 4 (1989): 559. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3123759.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
26
Kupriyanov, Alexey V. „Armed forces and military-industrial complex of India in the era of global turbulence“. USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, Nr. 11 (15.12.2023): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673023110056.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article is devoted to the problems of modernization of the armed forces of India and its military-industrial complex. Analyzing the ties between the military-industrial complex and the armed forces of India, the author concludes that the size of the Indian armed forces, coupled with the system of their recruitment, hinders the process of modernization. At the same time, the Indian leadership cannot agree to a reduction in the army, both for political and social and for military-strategic reasons, relying on limited reforms designed to change the process of recruiting.
27
Muhammad Tasleem Ashraf, Dr. Ali Shan Shah und Dr. Zil-e-Huma Rafique. „Impact of Security Issues on Pakistan-India Relations: Remedies and Political Advantages“. sjesr 4, Nr. 1 (08.03.2021): 315–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol4-iss1-2021(315-323).
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The history of Pak-India relations has presented sound evidences that both states harvested distrust and uncertain conditions with each other after the end of British colonial rule in the sub-continent. Since the partition, both states have contentious issues which added more fuel to both sides' relations. Kashmir issue is a dominant factor that has created more unrest as both states strained into three full-scale wars in this connection. Mutual disputes have also created issues of security and cross-border terrorism which put obstacles during the peace process between India and Pakistan. Concerns about security and cross-border terrorism are counted as a serious constant threat to peace in the South Asian region as both countries have the capability of nuclear war. Pakistan is blamed for Cross border terrorism which is a big matter of concern by the Indian side. India claimed that through cross-border terrorism, Kashmir and the Indian Parliament were attacked with the backing of Pakistan. Mumbai attacks were also engineered in the same pattern to create unrest and security issues in India. On the other hand, Pakistan denied Indian allegations and has bourse concerns about India's involvement in Baluchistan and different suicide attacks in Pakistan. The study tries to explore the involvement of non-state actors in cross-border terrorism and its aftershock in both sides' relations. The study also explores the impacts of cross-border activities and the peace process between Pakistan and India. It examines the different measures taken by Pakistan to stop terrorism in the region for developing sustainable ties with India.
28
Ghosh, Durba. „Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War“. Journal of Asian Studies 78, Nr. 2 (Mai 2019): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000044.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the Allied powers allowed Indian moderates to represent India in Paris; during the war, Indian subjects had contributed over one million soldiers and suffered influenza, plague, and famine. The possibility of a new relationship between those governing and those being governed led many Indians to demand an adherence to the rule of law, a guarantee of civil liberties, and the foundations of a government that was for and by the Indian people. In a time of revolution in Russia, and assassinations by anarchists in Italy and France, it seemed foolhardy to repress radicals by censoring the press, preventing the right of individuals to assemble, or detaining suspects before they had committed any crimes. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian political activist who had been part of the progressive wing of the Indian National Congress, wrote from the United States, “India is a part of the world and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it by repression and suppression is futile, unwise, and stupid.”
29
M S, Glint John, und Bhuvaneswari G. „Reconstructing Gender Roles using Collective Memory (Process) through Select Indian Commercials“. Studies in Media and Communication 11, Nr. 4 (15.03.2023): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v11i4.6006.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Collective memory as a process implies that social groups' collective memory in society, changes and develops over time. The paper adopts a phenomenological study using Yadin Dudai’s ‘collective memory as a process’, in the interest of assessing how shifting collective memory (process) of gender roles in society influences the depiction of gender roles in Indian television commercials. Further, it goes on to explain how such advertisements can also impact society's collective memory of gender roles. The study investigates the issue of whether or not there has been a shift in how gender roles are portrayed in commercials in association with the collective memory (process) of society. Studying this change in the portrayal of gender roles in television advertising does indeed have broader implications as to how society perceives gender roles, emphasizing the significance of this study. The research findings show that there has been a noticeable change in how women are portrayed in television commercials as sporting champions, motorists, successful politicians, and business personnel in relation to the changing collective memory of society. The study ultimately determines that the influence of commercials on modifying society's collective memory of gender roles and the influence of collective memory on the evolution of gender role depictions in commercials are reciprocal in nature.
30
Jenkins, Rob. „How Federalism Influences India's Domestic Politics of WTO Engagement (And Is Itself Affected in the Process)“. Asian Survey 43, Nr. 4 (Juli 2003): 598–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.4.598.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
India's federal system has significantly influenced the way in which domestic political forces have reacted to the "multilateralization" (via World Trade Organization agreements) of key areas of policymaking, particularly agriculture. State-level politicians tend to view World Trade Organization-related matters through regional lenses. In the process, Indian federalism itself has been subjected to certain, sometimes contradictory, changes.
31
Houbert, Jean. „The Indian Ocean Creole Islands: Geo-politics and Decolonisation“. Journal of Modern African Studies 30, Nr. 3 (September 1992): 465–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010843.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Decolonisation was a policy of the West, as well as a process reflecting the radical transformation of the configuration of power in the international system. The Soviet Union, perceived as poised to dominate Eurasia, had to be ‘contained’ lest it expanded into the Rimland and challenged the West at sea. This geo-political obsession was reinforced by the ‘loss of China’ and the outbreak of the bitter struggle between North and South Korea. But the cold war was about ideology as well as military power, and containment was therefore not just a question of building pacts but of fostering the ‘right’ kind of political régimes.
32
Staniszewska, Anna. „Status społeczno-polityczny kobiety w Indiach na przełomie XX i XXI wieku – konflikt tradycji i prawa“. Świat Idei i Polityki 12, Nr. 1 (2013): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201303.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Recent media reports about the loud process men accused of the brutal rape of a student started a new discussion about the position of women in Indian society. This status at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first to a large extent still is the result of tensions caused by the clash of tradition and modernity. The aim of this research work is to show the rank of the issue of socio-political women in India at the turn of the century. Article focuses on the determinants that have shaped the contemporary Indian political system and the description of the contemporary Indian society and discuss the major social problems of India. Moreover, analyzes the determinants of religious and regulating the position of women in society. The article seeks to discuss contemporary media events, and analyze the development of problem in the future
33
Singh, Rajkumar, und Chandra Singh Prakash. „GENESIS OF COALITION POLITICS IN INDIA: A REVIEW OF EARLY TO PRESENT“. Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 58, Nr. 2 (31.12.2019): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v58i2.24.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the election of 17th Lok Sabha held in mid-2019, the Indian political parties tried hard to be a tie-up with each other against the present Modi-led NDA dispensation. In independent India, first, such attempt was made early in 1974 and started a new process of consolidation of opposition forces by the merger. In line, the Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD) was formed by the merger of seven political parties and in this process, the constituent units lost their identity in the BLD. At the time although Congress (O) and the Jana Sangh were ready to cooperate but refused to lose their existence. Their experiences of emergency proved a blessing for them and they came together and formed an alliance called Janata Party, to challenge the Congress leadership of the time. Likewise, as of today in 2018-19 the Bharatiya Janata Party is the country’s largest political party in terms of representation in the national parliament and state assemblies and all political parties of present-day India with Indian National Congress as forerunner with the help of regional party try a futile attempt first to challenge and then to defeat the BJP in various elections. Although with a great difference in the situation the motto of opposition parties has been one and only to give weighty protest to turn the events in their favour. This ups and downs of Indian politics may prove a path-breaking for other developing countries where political parties are struggling hard to gain power but did not succeed on account of causes best known to them.
34
Garver, John. „Across the Himalayan Gap: An Indian Quest for Understanding China. Edited by Tan Chung. [New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts and Gyan Publishing House, 1998. ISBN 81-212-0585-9.]“. China Quarterly 170 (Juni 2002): 477–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902310283.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This is a fascinating book essential for anyone seeking to understand contemporary China–India relations. It presents in considerable detail and from a number of different perspectives the strategic vision of a coalition of China and India struggling in common to create a new world economic–political order in greater comport with the interests and values of the peoples of the non-Western world. This vision of Sino-Indian co-operation in building a new world order was posited as the desirable end-goal of the process of Sino-Indian rapprochement presided over by Indian Congress Party and Chinese leaders beginning in 1988.
35
Langdon, Esther Jean, und Isabel Santana de Rose. „(Neo)Shamanic Dialogues“. Nova Religio 15, Nr. 4 (01.05.2012): 36–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2012.15.4.36.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper is a reflection on the ritual incorporation of ayahuasca, an Amazonian psychoactive ritual substance, by members of a Guarani Indian village on the Atlantic coast of the state of Santa Catarina, Brazil. Their shamanic leaders have adapted the use of this beverage into their ritual practices and recognize it as part of their culture and tradition. This process of appropriation is a result of the formation of a network that involves various actors, among them the Guarani Indians, members of Sacred Fire of Itzachilatlan, followers of the Brazilian ayahuasca religion Santo Daime, and a health team employed to provide primary attention to Indian communities. Based on this case study, we demonstrate that shamanisms today emerge out of specific political and historic contexts. If the concept of shamanism is useful as an analytical paradigm, it must be thought of as a dialogical category constructed through interaction between actors with diverse origins, discourses, and interests.
36
Atwal, Jyoti. „Widowhood and Motherhood in Cinematic Imagination in the Historical Context“. Past and Present: Representation, Heritage and Spirituality in Modern India 4, Special Issue (25.12.2021): 01–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/crjssh.4.special-issue.01.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article engages with the question of how Hindi cinema sought to synergize and imagine the nation, community and land in independent India as the embodiment of widowhood. I suggest that this process of embodiment was the culmination of a long historical-political process. The focus of this chapter is a 1957 Hindi film by Mehboob Khan named Mother India. The film stands out as a powerful emotional drama. On the one hand, this film marked continuity with the Indian literature, painting, theatre and cinema of the colonial period,1 on the other, Mother India influenced the culture of a new Indian nation after 1947. Within a decade after India attained independence from Britain, the Indian cinema became an undisputed site where the cultural engineering of a new nation could be enacted.2
37
Krishna, Vipin. „From the Nation’s ‘Steel Frame’ to Insubordinate Workers: Tracing Changes in the Figure of the Post-colonial Civil Servant from 1947 to 1966“. Studies in Indian Politics 11, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2023): 170–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23210230231203772.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The Indian Civil Service, and consequently, the Indian bureaucracy, was reformed periodically, starting in 1854, then in 1966, and then later in 2007. Each process of reform generated a set of reports known as the Administrative Reforms Commission reports which provide us with an analytical picture of the mode of historical state-rationality espoused at that time. While, usually, these reports were aimed at reforming the bureaucracy, they also betrayed the anxieties of the Indian state itself. Primarily using these reports from the 1966 period, this article examines the post-colonial Indian bureaucracy through three facets, namely, aesthetic imagery, Public Administration, and the notion of the public. Ultimately, it attempts to track changes in state-ideology from 1947 to 1966, through the figure of the civil servant.
38
CHOUDHURY, D. K. LAHIRI. „Sinews of Panic and the Nerves of Empire: the Imagined State's Entanglement with Information Panic, India c.1880–1912“. Modern Asian Studies 38, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2004): 965–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0400126x.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This is a narrative of events and panics in India in 1907: the fiftieth anniversary of 1857. After the East India Company's political ascendancy in 1757, the uprisings and insurrections of 1857 shook the very foundations of British rule in India. In the summer of 1907, several different strands of protest came together: the nearly all-India telegraph strike was barely over when a revolutionary terrorist network was unearthed, bringing the simmering political cauldron to the boil. The burgeoning swadeshi and boycott movement splintered, partly through the experience of Government repression, into political extremism within the Indian National Congress and revolutionary terrorism via secret societies. The growing radicalism within nationalist politics culminated in the split of the Congress at the meeting at Surat in 1907. Through this process the Indian National Congress changed from its constitutional and elite politics of reform into a more popular and mass-oriented organization. Though much has been written about this period of Indian politics, this paper delineates the larger international technological and informational entanglement through a case study of India, and in particular, Bengal.
39
TRAVERS, ROBERT. „Indian Petitioning and Colonial State-Formation in Eighteenth-Century Bengal“. Modern Asian Studies 53, Nr. 1 (Januar 2019): 89–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000841.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis article explores the role of Indian petitioning in the process of consolidating British power after the East India Company's military conquest of Bengal in the late eighteenth century. The presentation of written petitions (often termed‘arziin Persian) was a pervasive form of state-subject interaction in early modern South Asia that carried over, in modified forms, into the colonial era. The article examines the varied uses of petitioning as a technology of colonial state-formation that worked to establish the East India Company's headquarters in Calcutta as the political capital of Bengal and the Company as a sovereign source of authority and justice. It also shows how petitioning became a site of anxiety for both colonial rulers and Indian subjects, as British officials struggled to respond to a mass of Indian ‘complaints’ and to satisfy the expectations and norms of justice expressed by petitioners. It suggests that British rulers tried to defuse the perceived political threat of Indian petitioning by redirecting petitioners into the newly regulated spaces of an emergent colonial judiciary.
40
Yimchunger, Jasmine. „Naga youth engagement with Korean popular culture: An alternative avenue“. International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, Nr. 2 (01.06.2020): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00026_1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Based on ethnographic research in Nagaland, a north-eastern state in India, this article critically examines the engagement of Naga youth with Korean media focusing on its popularity, meaning-creation and negotiation, against the larger context of Indo-Naga political issues. Naga youth, denied time and space by the Indian mainstream media, have found in Korean media an alternative way to engage themselves. It also examines the complex process of reception of Korean media by the Nagas to re-negotiate the broader terrains of modernity, identity and national culture. The reception process also illuminates the political tensions between the centre and periphery and reflects the political status and identity of the Naga vis-à-vis the mainstream Indian identity. The tension between Naga nationalistic sentiments and de-indianization comes out in this transnational media engagement. And as they carve out an identity in this complex matrix from the local across the global, it is an expanded identity that is highly mediated with remnants of the memories of past injustices and struggles, an identity that goes beyond the borders of Nagaland.
41
Adams, Richard N. „Guatemalan Ladinization and History“. Americas 50, Nr. 4 (April 1994): 527–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007895.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Recent years have seen a significant increase in the use of history by social scientists. It is less and less common that studies in anthropology, sociology, and political science evaluate variables without attention to their antecedents. There still survive, however, concepts and theories built originally on synchronic assumptions. One of these theories, ladinization, has been the subject of considerable contention.“Ladinization” derives from “Ladino,” a term used in Guatemala and adjacent areas of Mexico, El Salvador, and Honduras to refer to the non-Indian natives of those countries. I am not sure when “ladinization” entered the social science vocabulary, but it may have been with the work of North American anthropologists in the 1930s and 1940s. It described what observers thought of as a process whereby Indians were becoming Ladinos or more Ladino-like. The term was not favored by Guatemalan Ladinos, who generally spoke of “civilizing” the Indians, by which they meant that Indian customs should be discarded in favor of Ladino. In espousing this theme, Guatemalan indigenistas of the “generation of the 20s” often blurred the relation of race to culture; some argued that Indians were capable of being “civilized,” others that such changes could only be secured by introducing Europeans to interbreeding.
42
Dar, Farooq Ahmad, Muhammad Sajid Khan und Muhammad Abrar Zahoor. „Mass Mobilization in Indian Politics: A Case Study of Non-Cooperation Movement“. Journal of History Culture and Art Research 10, Nr. 2 (30.06.2021): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v10i2.3076.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for spreading any political agenda. The involvement of the masses always plays an important role in a process of bringing change anywhere and at any time. The history of South Asia, however, witnessed that in the struggle against the colonial rulers, to begin with, started by the elite alone. Politics was considered as the domain of a selected few and the common men were considered as ignorant and perhaps irrelevant and thus were kept at a distance. It was only after the beginning of the twentieth century and especially after the entrance of Gandhi on the political screen that the masses gained importance and were directly involved in political affairs. They not only became part of the Non-Cooperation Movement but also played an important role in spreading the movement all across India. In this paper, an attempt has been made to highlight Gandhi’s efforts to mobilize Indian masses during the Non-Cooperation Movement and its impact on the future politics of the region. The paper also discusses in detail different groups of society that actively participated in the process of mass-mobilization.
43
Sahoo, Ajaya K., und Anindita Shome. „Diaspora and Transnationalism: the Changing Contours of Ethnonational Identity of Indian Diaspora“. Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 19, Nr. 3 (08.09.2020): 383–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341561.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract Diasporic communities have historically maintained—either actively or passively—their ethnonational identities, be it in the case of classical diasporas such as the Jews or Armenians or the case of more modern diasporas such as the Indians or other South Asians. However, the ethnonational identities of diasporic communities have strengthened significantly in recent times as a result of the global forces such as the Internet that created and recreated the existing and newer ways of transnationalism and ethnonationalism. The study of the Indian diaspora is inherent because of the fact that these global forces have drastically changed the ethnonational identity of Indians in the diaspora. There are a plethora of factors that played an important role in this process of transformation. This article tries to examine two of the most significant factors that strengthened the ethnonational identity, such as the dynamic changes in the Indian government policy towards diaspora and the role of the Internet that facilitates the youth to play a prominent role in this neo-diaspora.
44
SHARMA, SHALINI. „‘Yeh azaadi jhooti hai!’: The shaping of the opposition in the first year of the Congress raj“. Modern Asian Studies 48, Nr. 5 (05.12.2013): 1358–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000693.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractWithin a year of Indian independence, the Communist Party of India declared independence to be a false dawn and the whole Socialist bloc within the ruling Indian National Congress cut its ties with the national government. The speed with which the left disengaged from what had been a patriotic alliance under colonialism surprised many at the time and has perplexed historians ever since. Some have looked to the wider context of the Cold War to explain the onset of dissent within the Indian left. This paper points instead to the neglected domestic context, examining the lines of inclusion and exclusion that were drawn up in the process of the making of the new Indian constitution. Once in power, Congress leaders recalibrated their relationship with their former friends at the radical end of the political spectrum. Despite some of the well-known differences among leading Congress personalities, they spoke as one on industrial labour and the illegitimacy of strikes as a political weapon in the first year of national rule and declared advocates of class politics to be enemies of the Indian state. Congress thus attempted to sideline the Socialists and Communists and brand them as unacceptable in the new regime. This paper focuses on this first year of independence, emphasizing how rapidly the limits of Indian democracy were set in place.
45
Haque, Ziaul. „Krishna Bharadwaj. Accumulation, Exchange, and Development: Essays on the Indian Economy. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1994. 395 pages and Index. Hardbound. Indian Rs 350.00. Paperback. Indian Rs 195.00“. Pakistan Development Review 34, Nr. 2 (01.06.1995): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v34i2pp.165-167.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Before her death in 1992, Professor Krishna Bharadwaj had reached the prime of her intellectual growth so that her mature thought on classical political economy and her ideas on development paradigms had begun to coalesce into a single whole. As the title of the book under review implies, this work of the late Indian economist comprises a study of the general problems of economic growth, accumulation, exchange, distribution, and development based on the theory of surplus, including its generation, appropriation, and distribution in society. The author applies classical theory to the complex development process in the developing economies, and to the specific problems of the Indian economy in the industrial, agricultural, and commercial sectors.
46
Peroff, Nicholas C. „Indian Policy as an Emergent Property of the American Policy Making Process“. Social Science Journal 44, Nr. 2 (01.06.2007): 319–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2007.03.016.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
47
Tipnis, Aishwarya, und Mandeep Singh. „Defining Industrial Heritage in the Indian Context“. Journal of Heritage Management 6, Nr. 2 (14.10.2021): 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/24559296211045302.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The narrative of Indian industrialization is unique, a country that is both industrializing and de-industrializing simultaneously and that is struggling in the discovery of its own identity within the myriad political, ethnic, social and economic discourses. The massive push given to industry in this contemporary era has a definitive impact on the urban landscape. The contemporary political economy is in the process of disinvestment of State assets, which are cornerstones of the narratives of Indian industrialization, their loss and comprehensive redevelopment have a significant impact on place identity in urban areas. While the idea of urban heritage conservation is very nascent, the concept of industrial heritage conservation is largely non-existent in India. The industrial timeline of India is different from the global timeline; the lack of an official definition, and therefore a lack of an official legislation, for recognition and legal protection of industrial sites in India has an impact on the perception of what constitutes Indian industrial heritage. Most industrial heritage sites are vulnerable to loss or replacement on the pretext of being considered too ordinary to be preserved. This article presents a chronological narrative of industrialization and defines a framework for identifying typologies of industrial heritage sites in the Indian context, building a case for recognizing, protecting and sustainable development.
48
Verma, Ravindra Kumar. „Indian Politics: Haunted by Spectre of Post-democracy?“ Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, Nr. 4 (22.11.2017): 631–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117726843.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The dawn of 21st century has witnessed some new features of democratic politics that seem to be shifting away from what we call democratic. The impact of globalisation has created such a nexus among elites of politics–corporates–media that has made political regimes to ignore the democratic norms and well-being of common masses and overemphasise economic growth and corporate-friendly policy priorities. Besides, the approach of the political actors (parties and politicians), in the process of power-seeking, has shown unconventional trends. These features do not resemble either dictatorship or totalitarianism; rather they depict trends of aristocratic mode of decision-making by using democratic framework and institutions. Such trends have been termed as ‘post-democracy’ by recent Western scholarship. Indian politics is not an exception. These trends have created an imbalance between interest of social classes and corporative interests which has prompted political regimes to take tough decisions, in despotic ways. Though the present article does not posit that Indian democracy is on the brink, it attempts to underline the post-democratic features visible in Indian politics through examination of (a) party politics in terms of democratic framework, ideology, policy initiations and reforms, electioneering, etc.; (b) politicians–corporates–media nexus; and (c) modes and trends of politicians in communicating and relating with the electorate.
49
Balaban, Milan, Jan Herman und Dalibor Savic´. „The early decades of the Bata Shoe Company in India: From establishment to economic and social integration“. Indian Economic & Social History Review 58, Nr. 3 (27.06.2021): 297–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00194646211020303.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The study presents a historical and sociological interpretation of the events that marked the gradual integration of the Bata Company into the Indian economy and society from the mid-1920s to the early 1960s. Within this context, in addition to the general economic, political and cultural developments, particular attention has been devoted to the everyday life of Indian and Czech workers in the Bata company town of Batanagar. The study is based on a comparative-historical analysis of available archival sources and a secondary analysis of the relevant academic literature. The results of the research indicate that during this period, Bata was forced to adapt continuously to the cultural specifics of Indian society, that is, the process of its integration into the Indian economy and society had pronounced glocal characteristics.
50
SHERMAN, TAYLOR C. „Migration, Citizenship and Belonging in Hyderabad (Deccan), 1946–1956“. Modern Asian Studies 45, Nr. 1 (09.12.2010): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x10000326.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractWhilst the history of the Indian diaspora after independence has been the subject of much scholarly attention, very little is known about non-Indian migrants in India. This paper traces the fate of Arabs, Afghans and other Muslim migrants after the forcible integration of the princely state of Hyderabad into the Indian Union in 1948. Because these non-Indian Muslims were doubly marked as outsiders by virtue of their foreign birth and their religious affiliation, the government of India wished to deport these men and their families. But the attempt to repatriate these people floundered on both political and legal shoals. In the process, many were left legally stateless. Nonetheless, migrants were able to creatively change the way they self-identified both to circumvent immigration controls and to secure greater privileges within India.