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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Indian Political Process"
1
Morinis, E. Alan. „Skid Row Indians and the Politics of Self“. Culture 2, Nr. 3 (17.06.2021): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1078115ar.
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At the same time as native Indians have been increasing their political lobbying and organizational activity in Canada, the slum neighbourhoods of the inner cities have been witnessing a steady growth in Indian residents. Based on a study of the “Skid Row” Indian community in Vancouver, this paper seeks to link these two apparently disparate phenomena. It is argued that the underlying theme of Indian life on Skid Row is also political. The self-neglect, violence and other disvalued behaviours of Skid Row are seen as the political statements of a group who sees itself as powerless. Acting out the political process of the rejection of society on the stages of their own personal minds and bodies, Indians engage in “the politics of self”.
2
Hiralal, Kalpana. „JOSEPH DEVASAYAGEM ROYEPPEN (1871-1960): THE ANGLICAN, COLONIAL BORN POLITICAL ACTIVIST“. Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, Nr. 2 (08.12.2016): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1083.
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This article documents the contributions of Joseph Royeppen, a colonial born Christian activist in South Africa at the turn of the century. Royeppen was a barrister, passive resister and a devout Christian. He was the first colonial born Indian to study law at Cambridge and played an important role in mobilising support for Indian grievances whilst in England. He participated in the first satyagraha campaign in South Africa and endured imprisonment. Yet in the vast corpus of historical literature on South Africans of Indian descent he is given minimal recognition. This paper seeks to rectify this omission by documenting his contributions to the first satyagraha campaign that occurred in the Transvaal between 1907-1911. Royeppen, in his fight against oppression and inequality, embraced multiple roles: an eloquent student, barrister, devout Christian, hawker, passive resister and labourer. He mediated among these varying roles and in the process highlighted not only strength in character but dignity in protest action. A colonial born Indian, he was highly critical of the colonial and British governments and challenged their attempts to deny citizenship rights to South Africans of Indian descent. Joseph Royeppen’s narrative is significant because it highlights the role and contributions of colonial born Indians, in particular the educated elite, to the early political struggles in South Africa. In many ways, they were an important, influential and active constituency in South Africa’s road to democracy.
3
Barron, Nicholas. „Ideology, Agency, and the Federal Acknowledgement Process“. NEXUS: The Canadian Student Journal of Anthropology 22 (11.11.2014): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15173/nexus.v22i1.9.
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In June of 2013, the Assistant Secretary-Indian Affairs, Kevin Washburn, began holding tribal consultations in an attempt to reform the Federal Acknowledgement Process (FAP) with the input of recognized and unrecognized indigenous peoples. Between June and September of 2013, unacknowledged Californian Indian groups, including the Amah Mustun Tribal Band of Ohlone/Costanoan Indians (Amah Mutsun), the Ohlone/Costanoan Esselen Nation (Esselen), and the Muwekma Ohlone Indian Tribe (Muwekma), submitted separate letters in an attempt to voice their concerns and recommendations. This situation offers a useful case study for anthropologists attempting to study the role of ideology within the context of federal recognition. Using Phil Abrams theorization of the state as a historically determined and processual formation in conjunction with Louis Althusser’s discussion of ideology and Sherry Ortner’s conceptualization of agency, I discursively analyze each comment letter with special attention paid to discourses of history. With this approach, I make three interrelated arguments. First, the FAP is an inherently contradictory ideological project of the state that produces a paradoxical narrative of indigenous history. Second, the historical narratives within these letters reflect an incomplete and contested process of interpellation that seeks to reify state power through the reproduction of hegemonic ideas. Third, these historical discourses reflect the different political strategies of representation that unacknowledged peoples formulate to contest the process of interpellation as they navigate a paradoxical state ideology. Ultimately, these conclusions point towards the incomplete, dialectical, and contested nature of state ideology within the system of federal recognition.
4
FISHER, MICHAEL H. „Indian Political Representations in Britain during the Transition to Colonialism“. Modern Asian Studies 38, Nr. 3 (Juli 2004): 649–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03001161.
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During the transition to colonialism, over thirty Indian political missions ventured to London. Representing the interests of Indian royalty directly in British public discourse, these Indian diplomats strove to reshape colonial policies. They also gathered first-hand intelligence, unmediated by Britons, for their Indian audiences; some later Indian diplomats evidently learned from their precursors. Nonetheless, they increasingly struggled against spreading British colonialism, with its expanding surveillance and control over political communication, growing colonial archives, ever more dominant military force, and cultural assertions. Nor did their relatively isolated efforts accumulate into unified Indian policies. The dynamics of these unequal contests reveal how multi-centered, conflicted, and contingent was political intercourse over this period, in Britain and in India. This article analyzes these Indian missions, concentrating on two: one from early in the transition to colonialism when all parties were exploring the nature of such interactions, and the other late in that process when some Indian diplomats and, even more so, the Company's Directors, had learned to deploy more sophisticated tactics against each other. The 1857 conflict, which ended the Company's rule and established British royal authority over India, altered imperial relations with India's ‘princes’ profoundly, ushering in high colonial rule.
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He, Zhizhou. „The Integration of Indian Christians into India Leading up to the Partition of 1947“. Communications in Humanities Research 2, Nr. 1 (28.02.2023): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/2/2022391.
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As one of Great Britains main oversea assets going into the 1900s and with its rich traditions and diversity, India and its road to independence have drawn much scholarly interest. Studies of pre-independence modern India have always centered around the development of Indian nationalism that became the backbone of the Quit India movement, eventually leading to the establishment of a new nation and exit of its colonizer. Almost inseparable from Indias independence is the Partition of 1947 that witnessed the formation of two sovereigns which, in existing works and research, features the culmination of religious conflicts between the two largest religious groups in the peninsula. This hyper-focus on the main players has led to gaps in comprehending the roles of other minority groups that shared the stage alongside Hindus and Muslims. While these groups did not and could not become as politically influential as the political triangle among Hindus, Muslims, and the British, their struggles and mere existence helped shape the political landscape within the region and paved the foundation to Indias path in becoming a secular state. This paper explores the discourse of Indian Christians, the nations third largest religious community, leading up to the fateful summer day in 1947. Using primary sources as evidence and secondary sources as guidance, it examines the majority vs. minority dichotomy within pre-independence India under a hypersensitive religious context and how Indian Christians maneuvered the political waters to achieve social integration. In doing so, it attempts to explore the prospect and methodology of achieving religious coexistence between a religious majority and religious minorities in the nation-building process.
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Duran, Valeria. „Diferentes interpretaciones sobre el katarismo. Discusiones desde una perspectiva indianista“. Pelícano 4 (28.08.2018): 044. http://dx.doi.org/10.22529/p.2018.4.03.
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Different Interpretations about Katarismo. Discussions from an Indianist PerspectiveResumenKatarismo e indianismo son dos expresiones políticas indias que emergen en Bolivia a principios de la década del '60 (indianismo) y del '70 (katarismo). Su peculiaridad consiste en que se constituyen como dos corrientes políticas creadas específicamente por indios aymaras y quechuas –con mayor participación de los primeros respecto de los segundos–. Son varios los autores que coinciden en afirmar que el surgimiento de ambas corrientes se encuentra vinculado a un proceso de resistencia y lucha india, cuyo origen data de la dominación colonial y se extiende hasta la actualidad (Mamani, 2017; Mamani y Cruz, 2011; Portugal y Macusaya, 2016; Reinaga, 2012[1970a]; Velásquez, 2016).Las interpretaciones del katarismo relacionadas a la figura del líder indio Tupak Katari, son las más numerosas y conocidas. Sin embargo, esto no significa que haya claridad a la hora de distinguir entre las diferentes perspectivas ideológico-políticas que asumen el nombre de Katari como referente de lucha. Por este motivo, propongo dialogar con algunas perspectivas que estudian el katarismo, con el fin de mostrar la diversidad de interpretaciones difundidas sobre esta corriente.El objetivo de esta investigación apunta a analizar, desde una perspectiva crítica, algunas interpretaciones históricas sobre el katarismo que tienden a encubrir o invisibilizar la influencia del indianismo dentro del proceso político del katarismo. En este sentido, considero importante indicar que realizaré un abordaje de la temática propuesta desde una perspectiva indianista.AbstractKatarism and Indianism are two Indian political expressions that emerge in Bolivia at the beginning of the 1960s (Indianism) and the 70s (Katarism). Its peculiarity is that they are constituted as two political currents created specifically by Aymara and Quechua Indians -with more participation of the first ones than the second ones-. There are several authors who agree that the emergence of both traditions is related to a process of Indian resistance and struggle, whose origin dates from colonial domination and extends to the present (Mamani 2017, Mamani and Cruz, 2011; Portugal and Macusaya, 2016; Reinaga, 2012[1970a]; Velásquez, 2016).The intepretations of Katarism related to the indian leader Tupak Katari figure, are the most numerous and known. However, this doesn‟t mean that there is clarity when it comes to distinguish between the different ideological-political perspectives that assume the name of Katari as a reference of fight. For this reason, I propose to dialogue with some perspectives that study katarism, in order to show the diversity of interpretations spread about this tradition.The objective of this research aims to analyse, from a critical perspective, some historical interpretations about Katarism that tend to cover up or hide the influence of Indianism within the political process of Katarism. In this way, I believe it‟s important to indicate that I will approach the proposed topic from an Indianist perspective.Key words: Katarism, Indianism, Indian political thought.
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Toye, John. „Political Economy and the Analysis of Indian Development“. Modern Asian Studies 22, Nr. 1 (Februar 1988): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009422.
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The purpose of this paper is to review recent analyses of the process of development in India which have used the concept of ‘political economy’ as their principle of intellectual organization. The focus will be primarily on studies which have been published in the 1980s. Some of these make explicit their reliance on political economy as their analytical framework (e.g. Jha, 1980; Rubin, 1982; Bardhan, 1984). For others it remains more implicit but the underlying concern to fuse economic with political analysis is much the same.
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Soni, Amit. „Status and Empowerment ofCentral Indian Tribal Women“. Indian Journal of Research in Anthropology 5, Nr. 1 (15.06.2019): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21088/ijra.2454.9118.5119.1.
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Empowerment is an active and multidimensional process. Empowerment involves awareness; enhancement of ability and involvement in decision making; possession of assets and power and a state of proper execution of rights and responsibilities. Thus, empowerment may be in various fields, such as, social, economic, political, religious, etc. State of empowerment reflects the stage of developmental process in a particular field or overall development. In tribal communities, the role of women is substantial and crucial. Tribal women in India amply contribute in livelihood activities along with performing household chores and family responsibilities. Despite several economic, political and social changes, tribal women are still far behind. This paper assess and reviews the status of empowerment of tribal women in central India through her role and status in social, economic, religious and political spheres along with status of her education, liberty, authority and possess rights.
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Jatin, Garg, und Garg Kashish. „ChatGPT as an empowering catalyst: Unveiling the impact on political awareness and civic education“. i-manager's Journal on School Educational Technology 19, Nr. 2 (2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26634/jsch.19.2.20149.
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This study explores the role of education in a democracy in order to create informed people, advance democratic values, and enable active participation in the political process. It provides a comprehensive overview of the Indian political landscape, highlighting the political framework, important parties, hot button issues, and challenges to Indian democracy. The work looks into the potential of using ChatGPT, an interactive learning platform, to engage students in talks about Indian politics and foster a better understanding of political ideas, institutions, and procedures. Additionally, it examines potential biases, fact-checking techniques, and the responsibility of AI models to spread accurate political data while examining the accuracy and quality of the political information generated by ChatGPT. The study also looks at ChatGPT's potential to improve civic education by teaching students about their civic duties, democratic principles, political freedoms, and the significance of citizen participation in Indian politics. The research intends to showcase ChatGPT's revolutionary potential as a catalyst for building informed citizenship, critical thinking, and political dialogue in the Indian democracy by fusing these characteristics together.
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Peyton, John T. „"The Land We Have We Wish to Keep": Miami Autonomy and Resistance to Removal in Indiana, 1812–1826“. Indiana Magazine of History 119, Nr. 2 (Juni 2023): 139–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899498.
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ABSTRACT: The ability of Indiana tribes to resist removal, compel Euro-Americans to their terms, and maintain a land base was best exemplified by the Miamis in the years after the War of 1812 to 1826. Rather than become victims of dispossession, the Miamis reconstructed an identity riven by intratribal divisions that both ignited conflict between Euro-Americans and Indians and brought destruction to the Miami homeland. The Miamis used the memory of their divisions to regain political cohesion under the autonomous leadership of Jean Baptiste Richardville. In the process, they confronted the threat of Indian removal by using strategies based on their cultural customs, while also mixing these ideas with understandings of Euro-American landholding practices, racial constructions of Indians, and devices of Indigenous subjugation. Ultimately, the Miamis' efforts equipped them with resistance strategies that they utilized to conditionally prevent their displacement from their native homeland.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Indian Political Process"
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Banerjee, Swati. „Regional movements and federal governance in India : study of their impact on the Indian political process since 1977“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2020. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/4239.
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McCoy, Leila M. (Leila Melanie). „Agenda-Setting by Minority Political Groups: A Case Study of American Indian Tribes“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331286/.
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This study tested theoretical propositions concerning agenda-setting by minority political groups in the United States to see if they had the scope to be applicable to American Indian tribes or if there were alternative explanations for how this group places its agenda items on the formal agenda and resolves them. Indian tribes were chosen as the case study because they are of significantly different legal and political status than other minority groups upon which much of the previous research has been done.
The study showed that many of the theoretical propositions regarding agenda-setting by minority groups were explanatory for agenda-setting by Indian tribes. The analyses seemed to demonstrate that Indian tribes use a closed policy subsystem to place tribal agenda items on the formal agenda. The analyses demonstrated that most tribal agenda items resolved by Congress involve no major policy changes but rather incremental changes in existing policies. The analyses also demonstrated that most federal court decisions involving Indian tribes have no broad impact or significance to all Indian tribes. The analyses showed that both Congress and the federal courts significantly influence the tribal agenda but the relationship between the courts and Congress in agenda-setting in this area of policy are unclear.
Another finding of the study was that tribal leaders have no significant influence in setting the formal agendas of either Congress or the federal courts. However, they do have some success in the resolution of significant tribal agenda items as a result of their unique legal and political status.
This study also contributed to the literature concerning agenda-setting by Indian tribes and tribal politics and study results have many practical implications for tribal leaders.
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Dutta, Debasis. „Politics of reservation policy and its impact on the political process in India“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/198.
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Pool, Carolyn Garrett. „The process of dependency : an ethnohistorical study of the political economy of the Wichita Reservation, 1867-1901 /“. Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1987.
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Miller, Mark Edwin. „Ambiguous tribalism: Unrecognized Indians and the federal acknowledgement process“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/279824.
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There are currently over two hundred Indian groups seeking recognition by Congress or the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Every month, articles appear detailing recently acknowledged tribes such as the Pequot opening high stakes gaming enterprises. This study examines several once unrecognized Indian communities and their efforts to gain federal sanction through the BIA's Branch of Acknowledgment and Research or Congress. By focusing on four Indian communities, the Pascua Yaquis, the Timbisha Shoshone, the Tiguas of Ysleta del Sur Pueblo, and the United Houma Nation, this work explores the strategies groups pursue to gain acknowledgment and the different outcomes that result. In its details, the work reveals ethnic identity in relation to the state bureaucracy while also demonstrating that groups must "play Indian" to both Indians and non-Indians to prove their racial and cultural identity. The case studies examine ethnic resurgence and cultural survival, the effects of the civil rights movement and Great Society social programs on these entities, and the historical impact of non-recognition on groups in several regions of the United States. This study also takes a broader look at federal acknowledgment policy. By analyzing the historical development of the policy and the administration of the BIA program, it ultimately concludes that the program has succeeded. While the new emphasis on recognizing tribes clearly represented a rejection of anti-tribal agendas of the past, its reliance upon written documentation and skepticism towards petitioners represents continuity in federal Indian affairs by maintaining the restrictive polices of earlier eras. Because it reflects the interest of many reservation tribes, the BIA process works as it was intended: in a slow and exacting manner, to limit the number of groups entering the federal circle. The recognition arena is thus a complicated amalgamation of modern Indian issues. Parties entering the process must maneuver complex terrain and deal with issues of scholarship and advocacy, concerns over gaming and motivations, and issues of racial and cultural authenticity. In the end, however, it is these complexities that make this study a multidimensional portrait of Indian policy, ethnic identity, and tribal politics in the post-termination era.
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Vicente, Tainá Dias 1990. „A aproximação entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia e o processo de negociação do acordo nuclear civil (2008)“. [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279376.
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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e CruzDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil
Abstract: This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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Vicente, Tainá Dias [UNESP]. „A aproximação entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia e o processo de negociação do acordo nuclear civil (2008)“. Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/128174.
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Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil
This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred
8
Tuke, Victoria. „Japan’s foreign policy towards India : a neoclassical realist analysis of the policymaking process“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49539/.
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This thesis analyses the formation of Japanese foreign policy through the case study of relations with India. The study concentrates on three streams of Japanese diplomacy; namely economic relations, nuclear policy and security issues through the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism (NCR). This approach, considered the ‘third generation’ of the mainstream paradigm, utilises neo-realism’s focus on structural factors and ultimately places primacy on systemic forces. Yet NCR seeks a more nuanced appraisal of foreign policy and incorporates internal structures into analysis. The dissertation argues that structural factors including India’s economic growth, the rise of China and facilitation provided by the US, initiated interest in India and continues to shape the development of policy. ‘China-hedging’ does not provide the only rationale. Furthermore, whilst structure is vital, with differing influential weight dependent on policy, it is unable alone to explain the exact nature and timing of policy decisions. In order to achieve this, the domestic ‘black box’ needs to be explored through analysis of unit-level variables such as policymakers’ perceptions, business interests, public opinion and norms. Elites in Japan have been particularly slow to appreciate India’s strategic worth despite favourable environmental conditions. The business community is noted as an important influence but whilst public opinion plays a minimal role overall, the prevalence of norms is able to dictate how policy is framed. The scope of the research project is confined to approximately the past two decades, though attention is given to historical relations to place contemporary analysis in context. Empirical data was sourced from academic, government and media outlets in addition to extensive interview fieldwork in Tokyo, Delhi, London and Washington DC. This thesis contributes to a nascent literature on an increasingly important area of not only Japan’s diplomacy but the regional dynamics of region no scholar of international relations can ignore.
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Vicente, Tainá Dias. „A aproximação entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia e o processo de negociação do acordo nuclear civil (2008) /“. Campinas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/128174.
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Orientador: Sebastião C. Velasco e CruzBanca: Oliver Stuenkel
Banca: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil
Abstract: This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred
Mestre
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Fu, Zuochao. „Miglioramento del processo di pianificazione della produzione e delle politiche di stoccaggio: il caso Sherwin Williams (Parte A)“. Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2020.
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La tesi affronta le problematiche di un caso aziendale quella della Sherwin Williams. Lo scopo è quello di migliorare il processo di pianificazione della produzione e la gestione dei magazzini. Verranno illustrate metodi e strategie per gestire il contesto dei warehouse. L'utilizzo di strumenti di supporto come Analisi di Pareto e Matrice Incrociata riveleranno le criticità interne all'azienda. Allo stesso tempo si cercherà di suggerire miglioramenti soprattutto per la gestione delle risorse impiegate per i magazzini. Illustrazioni di grafici e matrici saranno il punto centrale della tesi con risultati derivati da essi.
Bücher zum Thema "Indian Political Process"
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The Indian state and political process. Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2007.
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Kanjilal, Tanmay. Indian-Americans: Participation in the American domestic political process. Calcutta: Anuradha Kanjilal, 2000.
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Indian politics, 2001-2004: Political process and change of government. Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2005.
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Kasturi, Leela. Development, patriarchy, and politics: Indian women in the political process, 1947-1992. New Delhi: Centre for Women's Development Studies, 1995.
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Wake up call for Indian republic. New Delhi: Gyan Pub. House, 2010.
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Centre for Public Affairs (New Delhi, India) und Heinrich Böll Foundation-India, Hrsg. Emerging trends in Indian politics: The 15th general election. New Delhi: Routledge, 2010.
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The state and governance in India: The Congress ideal. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, [England]: Routledge, 2010.
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Bhambhri, C. P. Political process in India, 1947-1991. New Delhi: Vikas, 1991.
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Krosenbrink-Gelissen, Lilianne Ernestine. Sexual equality as an aboriginal right: The Native Women's Association of Canada and the constitutional process on aboriginal matters, 1982-1987. Saarbrücken: Verlag Breitenbach, 1991.
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Verinder, Grover, Hrsg. Political process and role of courts. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1997.
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Chakrabarty, Bidyut, und Rajendra K. Pandey. „Electoral Process in India“. In Indian Political System, 219–34. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434726-15.
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Gehlot, N. S. „Role and Performance of Indian Parliament in the Process of Democratization“. In Handbook of Global Political Policy, 313–24. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429272004-16.
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Rahman, Andaleeb, und Prabhu Pingali. „Incommensurate Welfare Gains: The Role of Ideas, Institutions, and Interests“. In The Future of India's Social Safety Nets, 245–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-50747-2_8.
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AbstractDespite the presence of various social safety net programs, Indian households are not resilient to daily risks and exogenous shocks. To understand the incommensurate success of Indian social welfare programs in improving resilience, we focus on key elements of the policymaking process—ideas, interests, and institutions—in this chapter. We deliberate upon the ideas which motivate social welfare programs, the institutions responsible for delivering welfare benefits, and the political interests which shape program design and effectiveness in the country. Building upon arguments around policymaking process and the implementational hurdles, we highlight the importance of citizen-state social contract, local institutions, subnational politics, civil society activism, and state capacity in shaping the focus, form, and scope of social welfare policies.
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Jha, Indrajeet Kumar. „Indian Judiciary“. In Indian Politics and Political Processes, 131–55. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434443-9.
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Gogoi, Meenakshi, und Mithilesh Kumar Jha. „Indian Parliament“. In Indian Politics and Political Processes, 156–73. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434443-10.
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Prakash, Om. „Indian Constitution“. In Indian Politics and Political Processes, 35–52. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434443-3.
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Gopi, Rashmi. „Gender and Indian Politics“. In Indian Politics and Political Processes, 342–63. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434443-20.
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Choubey, Kamal Nayan. „Understanding Tribal India“. In Indian Politics and Political Processes, 318–41. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434443-19.
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Pandey, Anurag. „Secularism in India“. In Indian Politics and Political Processes, 364–86. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434443-21.
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Gogoi, Meenakshi. „Discourse on the Environment and Development in India“. In Indian Politics and Political Processes, 463–79. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434443-26.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "Indian Political Process"
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Timiri, Sai Chandra Mouli. „Rise and Decline of Languages: A Struggle for Survival“. In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2020. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2020.3-3.
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Shifts in language presence are often predicated on the political and economic power of its users, where power level correlates with the longevity of the language. Further, during language contact, any resistance between the communities may lead to political and social conflict. The dominant language usually prevails, subjugating the weaker speech communities to the point where they adapt in various ways, processes which effect hegemonies. Language contact also motivates bilingualism, which takes effect over years. This paper suggests that, observing colonization through certain Asian countries, and centrally India, phonological influences have become conspicuous. Postcolonial contexts have selected language identities to assert local linguistic and sociocultural identities through specifying phonetic uniqueness. The study notes that economic trends alter this process, as do political factors. The study investigates how the role of English as an official language and lingua franca in India predicates the selection of certain phonetic patterns so as to legitimize identities of language communities. As such, Indian Englishes have developed their own unique varieties of language, through this process.
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Locatelli, Giorgio, Mauro Mancini und Pietro Belloni. „Assessing the Attractiveness of SMR: An Application of INCAS Model to India“. In 2013 21st International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone21-15932.
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Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) have the potential to be an important component of the worldwide nuclear renaissance. Whilst requiring more diluted investment than Large Reactors (LRs), SMRs are simpler build and operate as well as being suitable for deployment in harsh environmental conditions. In addition, useful by-products such as desalinated water and process heat are generated. The economic competitiveness of SMRs with respect to LRs must be carefully evaluated since the economies of scale label these reactors as not economically competitive. As such, a variety of financial and economic models have been developed by the scientific community in order to assess the competitiveness of SMRs. One of these, the INCAS model (Integrated model for the Competitiveness Assessment of SMRs), performs an investment project simulation and assessment of SMR and LR deployment scenarios, providing monetary indicators (e.g. IRR, LUEC, total equity invested) and not-monetary indicators (e.g. design robustness, required spinning reserve). The work in this paper investigates the attractiveness of SMRs for a given scenario, the Indian state, through application of the INCAS model. India is the second most populated country in the world with rapid economic growth and a huge requirement for energy. There is also both good public acceptance and political support for nuclear power in India, important factors favoring the deployment SMRs in particular. India seems particularly suitable for SMR deployment because (i) its energy intensive industrial sites are located far from existing grids, (ii) rapid growth in the region and (iii) the requirement for plants to provide fresh water for the population, as well as for agriculture and industry. The results show that SMRs have roughly the same financial performance of LRs, however they have a competitive advantage as a result of non-financial factors such as co-generation application, higher local content and better management of the spinning reserves in a country with an electricity deficit.
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Shroff, Meherzad B., und Amit Srivastava. „Hotel Australia to Oberoi Adelaide: The Transnational History of an Adelaide Hotel“. In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a3996p40wb.
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In the decades following the war, the spread of international luxury chain hotels was instrumental in shaping the global image of modernity. It was not simply the export of modernist architecture as a style, but rather a process which brought about an overall transformation of the industry and culture surrounding modern domesticity. For Adelaide, well before the arrival of large brand hotel chains like Hilton and Hyatt, this process was initiated by the construction of its first international style hotel in 1960 – Australia Hotel. The proposed paper traces the history of this structure and its impact not only on local design and construction industries but also on domestic culture and lifestyle after the shadow period of recovery after the war. This paper looks at three specific enduring legacies of this structure that went well beyond the modernist aesthetics employed by its original designers, the local firm of Lucas, Parker and Partners. The hotel was one of the first to employ the new technology of lift-slab construction and was recognised by the Head of Architecture at the University of Adelaide, Professor Jensen, as the outstanding building of 1960. It is argued that it was the engagement with such technological and process innovations that has allowed the building to endure through several renovation attempts. In her study of Hilton International hotels, Annabelle Wharton argues how architecture was used for America’s expansion to global economic and political power. Following on from her arguments, this paper explores the implications of the acquisition of the Australia Hotel by the Indian hotel chain Oberoi Hotels in the late 1970s when it became Oberoi Adelaide. The patronage of Indian hotelier Mohan Singh Oberoi came alongside the parallel acquisition of Hotel Windsor in Melbourne, heralding a new era of engagement with Asia. Finally, the paper also highlights the broader impact of this hotel, as a leisure venue for the burgeoning middle class, on the evolving domestic culture of Adelaide.
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Campos, João. „The superb Brazilian Fortresses of Macapá and Príncipe da Beira“. In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11520.
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During the eighteenth century Portugal developed a large military construction process in the Ultramarine possessions, in order to compete with the new born colonial trading empires, mainly Great Britain, Netherlands and France. The Portuguese colonial seashores of the Atlantic Ocean (since the middle of the sixteenth century) and of the Indian Ocean (from the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century) were repeatedly coveted, and the huge Portuguese colony of Brazil was also harassed in the south during the eighteenth century –here due to problems in a diplomatic and military dispute with Spain, related with the global frontiers’ design of the Iberian colonies. The Treaty of Madrid (1750) had specifically abrogated the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) between Portugal and Spain, and the limits of Brazil began to be defined on the field. Macapá is situated in the western branch of Amazonas delta, in the singular cross-point of the Equator with Tordesillas Meridian, and the construction of a big fortress began in the year of 1764 under direction of Enrico Antonio Galluzzi, an Italian engineer contracted by Portuguese administration to the Commission of Delimitation, which arrived in Brazil in 1753. In consequence of the political panorama in Europe after the Seven Years War (1756-1763), a new agreement between Portugal and Spain was negotiated (after the regional conflict in South America), achieved to the Treaty of San Idefonso (1777), which warranted the integration of the Amazonas basin. It was strategic the decision to build, one year before, the huge fortress of Príncipe da Beira, arduously realized in the most interior of the sub-continent, 2000 km from the sea throughout the only possible connection by rivers navigation. Domingos Sambucetti, another Italian engineer, was the designer and conductor of the jobs held on the right bank of Guaporé River, future frontier’s line with Bolivia. São José de Macapá and Príncipe da Beira are two big fortresses Vauban’ style, built under very similar projects by two Italian engineers (each one dead with malaria in the course of building), with the observance of the most exigent rules of the treaties of military architecture.
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Aggarwal, Vaishali. „Spaces of becoming - Space shapes public and public (re)shapes their own spaces“. In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/ncih2289.
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Fights over the ‘right to the city’ have emphasized the interests of the four main actors within the city development of India since the first cases of revolting social movements in Delhi. The four actors can be classified as the social movements, the public, media and the government. The case of India Gate in Delhi is illustrative not only of how the differences between the actors come into surface, but of also of how these actors change their priorities, their stance and their tools, in order to secure their position in the city. Many scholars have analysed the role of social movements and how it evolves in the process. But what about the role of government as an entity that is in between the interests of social movements, public and media? How and why do they change their stance when a movement takes place? What are their limitations? The India Gate case can give the answers to these questions, as it examines the multiple transformations of this space over time. This paper emphasizes on the idea of Space. How space shapes public and public (re)shape their own spaces. India gate. This space has been stuck between the idea of being a space or a branded space. It was assumed that media plays a prominent role in acting like a watchdog in democracies, but this paper looks at how media if used rightfully can be forced for a good in oppressive regimes and therefore, a vigilant and alert media can act as an external trigger or an emergency- wake up call for the youth of India to take the cause of freedom seriously. Rightfully as put up by Ritish (2012), an external event or issue may allow for the manifestation of a flash fandom in the form of flash activism. Since, social movement’s needs mass media attention for amplification of their claims, the media also join the movements too create the news. Lastly, the consequences of the media coverage for social movements, in terms of organisation, reaching political change and obtaining favourable public opinion is comprehended in three different case studies.
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Destefani de Sousa, Cora, Eduarda Vieira Florindo, Isadora Imthon, Nadine Martignago Saleh und Maria Inês Sugai. „DESIGUALDADES E SEGREGAÇÃO SOCIOESPACIAL EM CIDADES MÉDIAS. O caso de Blumenau, SC“. In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Grup de Recerca en Urbanisme, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.12216.
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Seeking to contribute to the understanding of inequalities present in medium-sized Brazilian cities, this article reports partial results of a research that aimed to analyze the process of consolidation of socio-spatial segregation in Blumenau, an industrial municipality in Santa Catarina. We sought to identify the socio-spatial dynamics by income extremes, as well as the environmental, economic, political, social and significant public investments involved in territorial disputes. The investigation focused between the 1980s and 2020s, when changes in economic policies and in the productive structure increased socio-spatial inequalities. The investigations showed changes in socio-spatial dynamics, with a significant increase in informality and displacement of the poorest strata to peripheral and precarious areas, and the concentration of the highest strata in central neighborhoods with better infrastructure. The conclusions indicate that the consolidation of spatial segregation in the conurbated area of Blumenau had a significant influence on the previous location of the industries, the frequent environmental disasters and the unequal distribution of public investments. This study aims to understand the dynamics of spatial inequalities in medium-sized cities, considering their historical and socioeconomic specificities, as well as the challenges and actions necessary to ensure their reduction, territorial inclusion and social justice. Keywords: urban segregation, medium-sized cities, intra-urban dynamics, socio-spatial inequalities Buscando contribuir para a compreensão das desigualdades presentes nas cidades médias brasileiras, este artigo relata resultados parciais de pesquisa que teve como objetivo analisar o processo de consolidação da segregação socioespacial em Blumenau, município industrial catarinense. Buscou-se identificar a dinâmica socioespacial por extremos de rendimento, assim como os fatores ambientais, econômicos, políticos, sociais e investimentos públicos significativos envolvidos nas disputas territoriais. A investigação centrou-se entre os anos 1980 a 2020, quando mudanças nas políticas econômicas e na estrutura produtiva ampliaram as desigualdades socioespaciais. As investigações apontaram alterações na dinâmica socioespacial, com expressivo aumento da informalidade e deslocamento das camadas mais pobres para áreas periféricas e precárias, e a concentração das camadas de mais alta nos bairros centrais e com melhor infraestrutura. As conclusões indicam que a consolidação da segregação espacial na área conurbada de Blumenau teve significativa influência da localização pregressa das indústrias, dos frequentes desastres ambientais e da desigual distribuição dos investimentos públicos. Este estudo visa compreender a dinâmica das desigualdades espaciais nas cidades médias, considerando suas especificidades históricas e socioeconômicas, assim como os desafios e as ações necessárias para garantir a sua redução, a inclusão territorial e a justiça social. Palavras-chave: segregação urbana, cidades médias, dinâmica intraurbana, desigualdades socioespaciais.
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Cruz, Raquel Rocha, Kevin Moura Cerqueira und Cleverson Alves de Lima. „Diagnóstico de maturidade“. In IV ENCONTRO NACIONAL SOBRE O ENSINO DE BIM. ANTAC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46421/enebim.v4i00.1895.
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A indústria 4.0 tem como propósito compartilhar informações através da tecnologia da informação, comunicação, aumento da produtividade, flexibilidade, gerenciamento e outros fatores qualitativos. No contexto da Construção, este compartilhamento e gerenciamento da informação vem por meio do BIM (Building Information Modeling) por meio da integração de dados e geração de sinergias no processo de gerência da informação. Neste sentido, faz-se necessário que as instituições de ensino acompanhem as novas tecnologias e processos a fim de preparar os futuros profissionais para o mercado. Com isso, é preciso entender o contexto curricular dos cursos de engenharia e arquitetura no país de forma a propor reformulações que aproximem o clássico com o moderno. Partindo-se desta premissa, propõe-se neste trabalho avaliar o plano pedagógico de curso da Engenharia Civil da UESC para identificar o grau de maturidade frente aos novos desafios decorrentes da implementação da filosofia BIM. A avaliação do atual programa curricular foi realizada por consultas aos docentes com intuito de diagnosticar os aspectos políticos da iniciativa BIM na instituição, as ações ligadas as atividades acadêmicas desenvolvidas, e, o parque tecnológico existente, a partir da percepção destes. Para isso, aplicou-se a métrica proposta por BÖES et al. (2021)[1] por meio de uma matriz de maturidade BIM em uma planilha eletrônica. Esta seguiu alguns critérios e fatores descritos pelo autor que categorizavam e pontuavam os aspectos relativos ao curso, que, por sua vez, era relacionado a um índice de maturidade que representa o grau de imersão do curso dentro da filosofia de trabalho BIM. As categorias possuem descrições específicas para cada cenário avaliado, que indicam como aquele tópico se enquadra com o BIM, buscando retratar o estado do curso frente as necessidades exigidas para o desenvolvimento da filosofia BIM na instituição. Os resultados das consultas e analises da métrica aplicada forneceu uma análise da conjuntura no curso. Nota-se que há um baixo desempenho das politicas internas do curso e da instituição, mostrando que há uma necessidade de promover uma mudança filosófica na concepção das disciplinas e na integração com as novas tecnologias, por parte docente e institucional. Constatou-se que os processos internos tem baixa capilaridade ou baixa compreensão dentro do curso, carecendo de estímulos que permitam a inserção de ferramentas ou metodologias BIM no conteúdo programático das disciplinas. Por fim, na avaliação tecnológica, que considera a infraestrutura física de ensino instalada. Ao apurar os resultados obtidos, obteve-se a soma de 206 pontos e uma média de 12,87, apontando para um índice de maturidade de 26%, conforme a métrica proposta por BÖES et al. (2021). Este valor é considerado regular, pois indica uma baixa maturidade BIM no curso de Engenharia Civil da instituição. Tal situação reflete na deficiência de uma abordagem contínua BIM efetiva, ficando a cargo de iniciativas pontuais e de pouco alcance. Quanto aos espaços BIM dedicados, identificou-se apenas uma disciplina opcional, que reforça o baixo desempenho matural BIM. Somente o critério tecnológico apresentou resultados satisfatórios, embora dependam da disponibilidade de recursos financeiros para investimento. Por fim, conclui-se que os recursos humanos precisam de estímulos, tempo, espaço e condições para aperfeiçoamento contínuo, de forma a criar uma cultura BIM no curso.
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Gurbuz, Mustafa. „PERFORMING MORAL OPPOSITION: MUSINGS ON THE STRATEGY AND IDENTITY IN THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/hzit2119.
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This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.
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Fatima Hajizada, Fatima Hajizada. „SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN VERSION OF THE BRITISH LANGUAGE“. In THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC – PRACTICAL VIRTUAL CONFERENCE IN MODERN & SOCIAL SCIENCES: NEW DIMENSIONS, APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES. IRETC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/mssndac-01-10.
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English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Indian Political Process"
1
Panwar, Nalin Singh. Decentralized Political Institution in Madhya Pradesh (India). Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2017.23.
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The change through grassroots democratic processes in the Indian political system is the result of a growing conviction that the big government cannot achieve growth and development in a society without people's direct participation and initiative. The decentralized political institutions have been more participatory and inclusive ensuring equality of political opportunity. Social exclusion in India is not a new phenomenon. History bears witness to exclusion of social groups on the bases of caste, class, gender and religion. Most notable is the category of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Women who were denied the access and control over economic and social opportunities as a result they were relegated to the categories of excluded groups. It is true that the problems of the excluded classes were addressed by the state through the enactment of anti-discriminatory laws and policies to foster their social inclusion and empowerment. Despite these provisions, exclusion and discrimination of these excluded groups continued. Therefore, there was a need to address issues of ‘inclusion’ in a more direct manner. Madhya Pradesh has made a big headway in the working for the inclusion of these excluded groups. The leadership role played by the under privileged, poor and the marginalized people of the society at the grassroots level is indeed remarkable because two decade earlier these people were excluded from public life and political participation for them was a distant dream. Against this backdrop, the paper attempts to unfold the changes that have taken place in the rural power structure after 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act. To what extent the decentralized political institutions have been successful in the inclusion of the marginalized section of the society in the state of Madhya Pradesh [India].
2
Levy, Brian. How Political Contexts Influence Education Systems: Patterns, Constraints, Entry Points. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), Dezember 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2022/pe04.
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This paper synthesises the findings of a set of country studies commissioned by the RISE Programme to explore the influence of politics and power on education sector policymaking and implementation. The synthesis groups the countries into three political-institutional contexts: Dominant contexts, where power is centred around a political leader and a hierarchical governance structure. As the Vietnam case details, top-down leadership potentially can provide a robust platform for improving learning outcomes. However, as the case studies of Ethiopia, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Tanzania illustrate, all-too-often dominant leaders’ goals vis-à-vis the education sector can veer in other directions. In impersonal competitive contexts, a combination of strong formal institutions and effective processes of resolving disagreements can, on occasion, result in a shared commitment among powerful interests to improve learning outcomes—but in none of the case studies is this outcome evident. In Peru, substantial learning gains have been achieved despite messy top-level politics. But the Chilean, Indian, and South African case studies suggest that the all-too-common result of rule-boundedness plus unresolved political contestation over the education sector’s goals is some combination of exaggerated rule compliance and/or performative isomorphic mimicry. Personalised competitive contexts (Bangladesh, Ghana, and Kenya for example) lack the seeming strengths of either their dominant or their impersonal competitive contexts; there are multiple politically-influential groups and multiple, competing goals—but no credible framework of rules to bring coherence either to political competition or to the education bureaucracy. The case studies show that political and institutional constraints can render ineffective many specialised sectoral interventions intended to improve learning outcomes. But they also point to the possibility that ‘soft governance’ entry points might open up some context-aligned opportunities for improving learning outcomes. In dominant contexts, the focus might usefully be on trying to influence the goals and strategies of top-level leadership. In impersonal competitive contexts, it might be on strengthening alliances between mission-oriented public officials and other developmentally-oriented stakeholders. In personalised competitive contexts, gains are more likely to come from the bottom-up—via a combination of local-level initiatives plus a broader effort to inculcate a shared sense among a country’s citizenry of ‘all for education’.
3
Levy, Brian. How Political Contexts Influence Education Systems: Patterns, Constraints, Entry Points. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), Dezember 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/122.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper synthesises the findings of a set of country studies commissioned by the RISE Programme to explore the influence of politics and power on education sector policymaking and implementation. The synthesis groups the countries into three political-institutional contexts: Dominant contexts, where power is centred around a political leader and a hierarchical governance structure. As the Vietnam case details, top-down leadership potentially can provide a robust platform for improving learning outcomes. However, as the case studies of Ethiopia, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Tanzania illustrate, all-too-often dominant leaders’ goals vis-à-vis the education sector can veer in other directions. In impersonal competitive contexts, a combination of strong formal institutions and effective processes of resolving disagreements can, on occasion, result in a shared commitment among powerful interests to improve learning outcomes—but in none of the case studies is this outcome evident. In Peru, substantial learning gains have been achieved despite messy top-level politics. But the Chilean, Indian, and South African case studies suggest that the all-too-common result of rule-boundedness plus unresolved political contestation over the education sector’s goals is some combination of exaggerated rule compliance and/or performative isomorphic mimicry. Personalised competitive contexts (Bangladesh, Ghana, and Kenya for example) lack the seeming strengths of either their dominant or their impersonal competitive contexts; there are multiple politically-influential groups and multiple, competing goals—but no credible framework of rules to bring coherence either to political competition or to the education bureaucracy. The case studies show that political and institutional constraints can render ineffective many specialised sectoral interventions intended to improve learning outcomes. But they also point to the possibility that ‘soft governance’ entry points might open up some context-aligned opportunities for improving learning outcomes. In dominant contexts, the focus might usefully be on trying to influence the goals and strategies of top-level leadership. In impersonal competitive contexts, it might be on strengthening alliances between mission-oriented public officials and other developmentally-oriented stakeholders. In personalised competitive contexts, gains are more likely to come from the bottom-up—via a combination of local-level initiatives plus a broader effort to inculcate a shared sense among a country’s citizenry of ‘all for education’.
4
Goswami, Amlanjyoti, Deepika Jha, Sudeshna Mitra, Sahil Sasidharan, Kaye Lushington und Mukesh Yadav. Land Records Modernisation in India: Gujarat. Indian Institute for Human Settlements, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24943/9788195489381.
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This work provides an institutional, legal and policy review of crucial aspects of land records modernisation systems in Gujarat. Recognising the significance of land and its management for the state economy, Gujarat was among the early states to computerise its land records and processes and integrate them. In 2009, the state introduced resurveys using modern technology, which resulted in promulgation of updated records in more than sixty percent of villages, before being paused in 2018. Apart from political leadership, administrative initiatives such as documenting procedures and operational guidelines, incentivising of regular progress and reporting, and regular capacity building helped the state in making a significant progress. Gujarat is among the most urbanised and industrialised states in the country, and this volume presents case studies on the state of land and property records in urban and industrial areas, and the attempts to modernise them.
5
Yilmaz, Ihsan, und Nicholas Morieson. Civilizational Populism Around the World. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Juli 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0012.
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This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.
6
Frohmann, Alicia, Jaume Ventura, Rainer Schweickert, Michel Fouquin, Omar Licandro, Jacques Ziller, Helen Wallace, Rolf J. Langhammer und Claudio Bravo Ortega. Euro-Latin Study Network on Integration and Trade (ELSNIT): 2nd Annual Conference. Inter-American Development Bank, Januar 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006622.
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The process of economic reform and trade liberalization in Latin America and the Caribbean, under way since the end of the 1980s, has brought about an increasing integration of the countries in the region into the world economy, both in terms of commercial and investment flows. At the same time, Latin American countries have been pursuing the process of deepening economic integration at the subregional level, negotiating trade liberalization at the regional and hemispheric level, as well as engaging in multilateral trade negotiations. Latin American countries are also negotiating cooperation and free trade agreements with other countries and regions of the world, both developing and industrial ones. These developments, as well the emergence of new powerful players on the international arena, such as China and India, represent opportunities but also enormous challenges for Latin America. In facing these challenges, the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean are open to ideas, experiences and good practices that may contribute to their successful integration into an increasingly open and competitive international economy. In this regard, the rich European experience in the process of regional integration over the last decades that has brought about not only mutual trade liberalization, but also the establishment of joint institutions, a common currency as well as political cooperation and a strong component of solidarity among member countries could be of benefit for the region. Moreover, Latin America is an important market for the European Union as it positions itself in global competition and seeks partners for economic as well as political cooperation. With this in mind, in 2002, the Inter-American Development Bank, through the Special Office in Europe and the Integration and Regional Programs Department, through the Institute for the Integration of Latin America and the Caribbean (INTAL), launched the Euro-Latin Study Network on Integration and Trade (ELSNIT). The Network operates with the collaboration of partner European centers, leaders in research in the area of integration and trade. ELSNIT represents a platform for an exchange of ideas between European and Latin American experts, and ultimately a source of support for policy makers on both sides of the Atlantic. This publication provides an account of the main findings of the second cycle of activities of the Network during 2004/2005.
7
Ventura, Jaume, Rainer Schweickert, Michel Fouquin, Omar Licandro, Jacques Ziller und Rolf J. Langhammer. Euro-Latin Study Network on Integration and Trade (ELSNIT): 3rd Annual Conference. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006623.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The process of economic reform and trade liberalization in Latin America and the Caribbean, under way since the end of the 1980s, has brought about an increasing integration of the countries in the region into the world economy, both in terms of commercial and investment flows. At the same time, Latin American countries have been pursuing the process of deepening economic integration at the subregional level, negotiating trade liberalization at the regional and hemispheric level, as well as engaging in multilateral trade negotiations. Latin American countries are also negotiating cooperation and free trade agreements with other countries and regions of the world, both developing and industrial ones. These developments, as well the emergence of new powerful players on the international arena, such as China and India, represent opportunities but also enormous challenges for Latin America. In facing these challenges, the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean are open to ideas, experiences and good practices that may contribute to their successful integration into an increasingly open and competitive international economy. In this regard, the rich European experience in the process of regional integration over the last decades that has brought about not only mutual trade liberalization, but also the establishment of joint institutions, a common currency as well as political cooperation and a strong component of solidarity among member countries could be of benefit for the region. Moreover, Latin America is an important market for the European Union as it positions itself in global competition and seeks partners for economic as well as political cooperation. With this in mind, in 2002, the Inter-American Development Bank, through the Special Office in Europe and the Integration and Regional Programs Department, through the Institute for the Integration of Latin America and the Caribbean (INTAL), launched the Euro-Latin Study Network on Integration and Trade (ELSNIT). The Network operates with the collaboration of partner European centers, leaders in research in the area of integration and trade. ELSNIT represents a platform for an exchange of ideas between European and Latin American experts, and ultimately a source of support for policy makers on both sides of the Atlantic. This publication provides an account of the main findings of the second cycle of activities of the Network during 2005/2006.
8
Tull, Kerina. Social Inclusion and Immunisation. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), Februar 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.025.
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The current COVID-19 epidemic is both a health and societal issue; therefore, groups historically excluded and marginalised in terms of healthcare will suffer if COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments are to be delivered equitably. This rapid review is exploring the social and cultural challenges related to the roll-out, distribution, and access of COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments. It highlights how these challenges impact certain marginalised groups. Case studies are taken from sub-Saharan Africa (the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa), with some focus on South East Asia (Indonesia, India) as they have different at-risk groups. Lessons on this issue can be learned from previous pandemics and vaccine roll-out in low- and mid-income countries (LMICs). Key points to highlight include successful COVID-19 vaccine roll-out will only be achieved by ensuring effective community engagement, building local vaccine acceptability and confidence, and overcoming cultural, socio-economic, and political barriers that lead to mistrust and hinder uptake of vaccines. However, the literature notes that a lot of lessons learned about roll-out involve communication - including that the government should under-promise what it can do and then over-deliver. Any campaign must aim to create trust, and involve local communities in planning processes.
9
Aiyar, Yamini, Vincy Davis, Gokulnath Govindan und Taanya Kapoor. Rewriting the Grammar of the Education System: Delhi’s Education Reform (A Tale of Creative Resistance and Creative Disruption). Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-misc_2021/01.
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The study was not designed to undertake an evaluation of the success or failure of reform. Nor was it specifically about the desirability or defects of the policy reform choices. It took these reform choices and the policy context as a given. It is important to note that the Delhi reforms had its share of criticisms (Kumar, 2016; Rampal, 2016). However, our goal was not to comment on whether these were the “right” reforms or have their appropriateness measured in terms of their technical capability. This study sought to understand the pathways through which policy formulations, designed and promoted by committed leaders (the sound and functional head of the flailing state), transmit their ideas and how these are understood, resisted, and adopted on the ground. In essence, this is a study that sought to illuminate the multifaceted challenges of introducing change and transition in low-capacity settings. Its focus was on documenting the process of implementing reforms and the dynamics of resistance, distortion, and acceptance of reform efforts on the ground. The provocative claim that this report makes is that the success and failure, and eventual institutionalisation, of reforms depend fundamentally on how the frontline of the system understands, interprets, and adapts to reform efforts. This, we shall argue, holds the key to upending the status quo of “pilot” burial grounds that characterise many education reform efforts in India. Reforms are never implemented in a vacuum. They inevitably intersect with the belief systems, cultures, values, and norms that shape the education ecosystem. The dynamics of this interaction, the frictions it creates, and reformers’ ability to negotiate these frictions are what ultimately shape outcomes. In the ultimate analysis, we argue that reforming deeply entrenched education systems (and, more broadly, public service delivery systems) is not merely a matter of political will and technical solutions (although both are critical). It is about identifying the points of reform friction in the ecosystem and experimenting with different ways of negotiating these. The narrative presented here does not have any clear answers for what needs to be done right. Instead, it seeks to make visible the intricacies and potential levers of change that tend to be ignored in the rush to “evaluate” reforms and declare success and failure. Moving beyond success to understand the dynamics of change and resistance is the primary contribution of this study.