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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Indian Party“

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Veröffentlicht am 18. Mai 2024

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1

Diwakar, Rekha. „Change and continuity in Indian politics and the Indian party system“. Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, Nr. 4 (25.11.2016): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116679309.

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The 2014 Indian general election was notable due to a single party – the Bharatiya Janata Party – winning a majority of seats in Lok Sabha for the first time since 1984. The Congress, the other main national party, suffered its worst ever defeat. This election was viewed by some as signalling the advent of a phase of a BIP-dominated party system in India. In this article, I revisit the results of this election, and of the subsequent state assembly elections, to analyse if they signal a substantial change in the political landscape and party system in India. I argue that although the Congress decline has continued, and the BJP has won many recent state assembly elections, it is premature to conclude that the Indian party system has shifted to a BJP-dominated one. Further, given India’s first-past-the-post electoral system and a diffused political environment, where state and regional parties continue to be strong in many parts of the country, achieving a legislative majority remains a difficult proposition for a single party.

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2

Chhibber, Pradeep K., und John R. Petrocik. „The Puzzle of Indian Politics: Social Cleavages and the Indian Party System“. British Journal of Political Science 19, Nr. 2 (April 1989): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005433.

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The social cleavage theory of parly systems has provided a major framework for the study of Western party systems. It has been quite unimportant in studying other party systems, especially those of developing countries, where comparative development, and not mass electoral politics, has been the focus of study. This article reports the results of an attempt to bridge these traditions by analysing popular support for the Congress Party of India in terms of the expectations of the social cleavage theory of parties. This analysis illustrates the degree to which Indian partisanship conforms to the expectations of the theory. More importantly, this social cleavage theory analysis offers some new perspectives on (1) the inability of the Indian political system to develop national parties other than the Congress and (2) the ‘disaggregation’ of the Congress party.

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3

Nikolenyi, Csaba. „The New Indian Party System“. Party Politics 4, Nr. 3 (Juli 1998): 367–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068898004003005.

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4

Webb, Martin. „Digital Politics in the Diaspora: U.K. Aam Aadmi Party Supporters Online and Offline“. Television & New Media 21, Nr. 4 (30.08.2019): 420–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476419871672.

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In 2012, the Aam Aadmi (common man) Party (AAP) made its debut on the Indian political scene on a platform promoting ethical politics, anticorruption action and active citizenship. Inspired by the AAP’s call to “change politics,” many nonresident Indians (NRIs) in the U.K. Indian diaspora joined an international network of groups that provided support for the party in subsequent successful election campaigns. This article follows the ways in which digital media played a key role in the formation of intense individual attachments to the party, and how, for some, it became the means through which disillusionment with the party and its project was expressed. By attending to digital politics in the Indian diaspora as it plays out in this relatively recent political formation, we can gain a new perspective on the circulations, connections, and class values through which postliberalization projects to reform the nation are worked on from beyond its borders.

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5

Ketaki, Kalinga. „Today's Party System in Indian Politics“. Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 10, Nr. 2 (2019): 729. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2321-5828.2019.00120.7.

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6

Herrick, Rebekah, und Jeanette Mendez. „American Indian party identification: why American Indians tend to be democrats“. Politics, Groups, and Identities 8, Nr. 2 (02.04.2018): 275–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2018.1457964.

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7

Norvell, John M. „Jonathan W. Warren, Racial Revolutions: Antiracism and Indian Resurgence in Brazil. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2001. 368 pp. $74.95 cloth; 22.95 paper“. International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 210–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904350131.

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Racial Revolutions comes at a crucial time for indigenist policy in Brazil. Newly elected president Luís Inácio Lula da Silva takes over with several orders for the permanent protection of Indian reserves on his desk, completed but left unsigned by outgoing president Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Lula's party, the Workers Party, has a strongly progressive social platform on issues of racial discrimination but no track record or firm positions on Indian issues. Fundamental changes in Brazilian Indian law have been proposed and may come before Congress early this year. Three fatal attacks on Indians occurred in January 2003, the first month of Lula's presidency. One of these cases, the murder by youths of a seventy-seven year-old Indian man in Porto Alegre, recalls the fatal 1997 immolation of a visiting Pataxó leader while sleeping at a bus stop in Brasília, a well-publicized case with which Jonathan Warren opens his book. Finally, anthropologists who work with Indians in Brazil are still dealing with the repercussions of serious ethical charges involving research among the Yanomami Indians raised against senior Amazonianists by journalist Patrick Tierney in his book Darkness in El Dorado (2000).

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8

Cooke, Robin. „Party Autonomy“. Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 30, Nr. 1 (01.06.1999): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v30i1.6022.

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This is an augmented version of a paper delivered at the International Centre for Alternative Dispute Resolution, New Delhi, in December 1998. Party autonomy describes the principle whereby the parties to a dispute have full autonomy when making their arbitration agreement. The author discusses the Arbitration and Conciliation Act 1996 of the Parliament of India, focusing on the principle of party autonomy. He describes his formative experiences to arbitration in cases like Wellington City v National Bank of New Zealand Properties Ltd, the Arbitration and Conciliation Act itself, Indian case law before the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, and a brief look at New Zealand's Arbitration Act 1996.

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9

Mitra, Subrata. „The 2008 Survey of Indian Third-Party Logistics (3PL) Service Providers“. International Journal of Applied Logistics 2, Nr. 1 (Januar 2011): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jal.2011010104.

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This paper presents a survey of Indian third-party logistics (3PL) providers and compares the state of the industry with that in 2004 based on an earlier survey. The 3PL industries of India and North America are also compared. The survey finds that the Indian 3PL industry lags behind North America in terms of global reach and breadth of service. Indian 3PL providers also underperform in key variables that determine performance levels. Other problems identified by the survey are the lack of awareness among Indian shippers, shortage of management talent, inadequate infrastructure, complex documentations, and multiple tax systems. Despite these limitations, the Indian 3PL industry is growing. Many global players are entering the Indian market through direct investments, acquisitions, and alliances. The Indian government is also improving the infrastructure, reducing paperwork, simplifying taxation systems, and implementing economic policies conducive to growth. This paper provides significant insights for logistics managers, government, and other stakeholders.

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10

Rehman, Sharaf N. „Om Puri: The man who presented the real faces of the subcontinent of India“. Asian Cinema 31, Nr. 2 (01.10.2020): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac_00028_7.

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The Indian film industry continues to turn out between 1600 and 2000 films every year, making it the largest movie-producing country in the world. Yet, it would be a challenge for an average European or American moviegoer to name a film actor from the Indian subcontinent. Naming the films may be easier. For instance, millennials may be able to name Slumdog Millionaire (2008), Generation X crowd may mention Gandhi (1982) and the older audiences may recall The Party (1968) and Ganga Din (1939) as movies about the Indians and India. It was not until the movie Gandhi that Indian actors were allowed to play as Indians. Sam Jaffe and Abner Biberman played as Indians in Ganga Din; Peter Sellers was the Indian actor in The Party, and Shirley MacLaine was the Princess Aouda in Around the World in 80 Days (1956). It is reasonable to assume that many film viewers may be unfamiliar with Om Puri, an actor who played in over 325 films in India, Pakistan, the United Kingdom and the United States, and made films in English, Bengali, Punjabi and Tamil languages. Om Puri passed away in 2017. His name may be unfamiliar, but his face and his work as an actor will remain unforgettable. Between Gandhi (1982) and Viceroy’s House (2017), Puri acted in two dozen films in the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States. This article discusses Puri’s work in popular Hindi cinema, in Indian Parallel Cinema, and European and North American films.

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Gupta, Omprakash K., S. Samar Ali und Rameshwar Dubey. „Third Party Logistics“. International Journal of Strategic Decision Sciences 2, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2011): 29–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jsds.2011100103.

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Third party logistics (3PL) has been gaining importance in most places in the world. In India the implementation of 3PL practices has made its beginning and it is emerging as one of the fastest growing sectors. It is still a relatively new concept and not well understood among industry or academic professionals in India. This paper examines the Indian 3PL Supply Chain Management and practices with respect to the key success factors and growth strategies. After identifying the critical success factors SERVQUAL is applied to reveal the gap between their achievement and expectation. Respondents to the survey are categorized based on their rating of the key growth strategies on the basis of AHP.

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12

Sharma, Bharti, und Ramesh K. Chauhan. „Indian Federalism: Party System, Ideology and Leadership Interplay“. Political Discourse 6, Nr. 2 (2020): 99–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2582-2691.2020.00009.7.

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13

OWEN, NICHOLAS. „THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND INDIAN INDEPENDENCE, 1945–1947“. Historical Journal 46, Nr. 2 (Juni 2003): 403–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03002991.

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The article examines the reasons for the failure of the Conservative party to offer effective opposition to the independence of India in 1947. It is argued that until the last moment the Conservative stance on Indian independence was much more hostile than is usually recognized. That this opposition did not evolve into a full-scale revolt is explained less by the conversion of Conservatives to acceptance of the Attlee government's Indian policy than by the party leaders' beliefs that it would be hard to sustain a coherent campaign against it. The inability of unreconciled Conservatives to challenge this tactical decision as they had done in the early 1930s resulted from the erosion and disappearance of many of the organizational advantages they had then enjoyed and of the rapid pace of events in India.

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14

Nath, Dr Abhishek. „Redefining the Indian Left: The AAP Way“. IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 1, Nr. 4 (14.06.2015): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v1i4.14.

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The spectacular success of BJP in the recent General Elections invited a mixed assessment from different positions. But mostly it was oversimplification and undermining of its success. On the other hand, the victory of AAP in assembly elections was taken as an alternative in making. For example along with other commenter’s in an article (published in The Indian Express, 26 May 2014, op-ed page) renowned lawyer and AAP leader Shri Shanti Bhushan analysed the electoral success of BJP and the future course for AAP that lacks in substance. It tried to under-assessed the BJP’s success and oversimplified the road ahead for AAP. As it like wait till BJP does the same blunders as Congress did. In this paper some light will be thrown on BJP’s success and legacy but will mainly discuss the AAP phenomena in Indian politics with a view to access the recent developments in party and as an emerging alternative that can also be an opportunity to capture the space vacated by the Left movement in India. First of all I would like to argue that considering the BJP after the failed Janta Party Experiment as a ‘faction of Janta Party’ (Shri Bhushan’s views) is not a correct judgment. Actually the Bhartiya Jan Sangha was the last party that remained as Janta Party coalition after the other four parties that came together without merging their distinctive identities to form Janta Party left the coalition at their will to pursue their own ambitions. Hence it was not just a matter of chance that the new party that emerged on the Indian political scene after the failed Janta experiment named Bhartiya Janta Party (Bhartiya Jana Sangha + Janta Party = Bhartiya Janta Party). The then leaders not only launched a new party with inheriting the name but also the legacy. As it was more moderate and reformed on many policy agendas by incorporating Gandhian- JP Legacy to fight against the ruling dispensation. That seed has now grown as a Banyan tree and shadowing the Indian political scene defying all ifs and buts. Although it is still to be tested that how will a full majority BJP will work in coming years as many scholars of Indian politics doubt the BJP’s course of action as a single full majority party (see Christophe Jaffrelot, 2003). It is also because the earlier BJP led government was a crippled and soft BJP as NDA coalition and also Atal Bihari Bajpai as its leader and was not able to pursue its core Hindutwa demands of building Ram temple, Uniform Civil Code and the abolition of Article 370 of the Constitution for the full merger of J&K into Indian Union.

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15

Yadav, Dharminder, Himani Maheshwari und Umesh Chandra. „Political Sentiment Analysis on Indian Perspective Using Twitter Data“. Journal of Computational and Theoretical Nanoscience 16, Nr. 10 (01.10.2019): 4224–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1166/jctn.2019.8504.

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This paper aims to analyse the opinion of Indian people on the bases of tweets about the supreme leaders of party 1 (present government of Indian) and president of the second-largest party or leader of the opposition party is party 2. Researchers used Twitter API using R to get the tweets. R is a language used for data analysis, data mining, sentiment analysis, and opinion mining. In this paper corpus-based and dictionary-based methods were used to explore the tweets. This paper tried to show the sentiments of Twitter users towards leader of party 1 and leader of party 2 individually and classified the same as positive, negative and neutral.

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16

Herrick, Rebekah. „The Gender Gaps in Identity and Political Attitudes among American Indians“. Politics & Gender 14, Nr. 2 (02.01.2018): 186–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000344.

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While there is much research examining gender gaps in political attitudes, there is less examining how gender gaps differ within social groups. This article helps fill that void by examining gender gaps among American Indians. Using two surveys, the initial findings suggest that among American Indians, women have a stronger American Indian identity, are more likely to support women's/compassion issues, and are more likely to be Democrats. It further finds that the gender gap in party is more likely the result of the gender gap in compassion issues than in American Indian identity. Additional analysis finds that among American Indians who prioritize their American Indian identity, the partisan gender gap is reversed, with men being significantly more likely to be Democrats. Although this study finds some similarities between the gaps among American Indians and whites, it also finds some unique gaps among American Indians. This suggests the need to look at the intersectionality of gender and social groups to fully understand the gender gaps.

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17

Verma, Rahul, und Pradeep K. Chhibber. „Economic Ideology in Indian Politics: Why Do Elite and Mass Politics Differ?“ Studies in Indian Politics 11, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2023): 274–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23210230231209450.

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A long line of scholarship has argued that ideological division structures party politics in many parts of the world. In India, however, there is a long-held consensus that the parties do not sort themselves ideologically, especially regarding economic policymaking. The paper analyses National Election Studies data between 1996 and 2019 by Lokniti-CSDS, and shows that voters cluster around the centre-left position on economic issues. Nevertheless, there are discernible ideological differences among the party members. The Bhartiya Janata Party members are more likely to favour privatisation, and members of Left parties prefer labour rights. These ideological differences are also evident in our analysis of the manifestos of political parties since 1952 and an expert survey conducted in 2022. We argue that these elite differences in economic policy do not translate into mass politics because all political parties present the State as the solution to economic deprivation. The rise of welfare populism in Indian politics in the past two decades, we suggest, is a result of centralisation within political parties in which the welfare promises are directly linked to the party leaders.

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18

Kushner, Daniel. „How Indian Parties Connect Voters to Leaders“. Asian Survey 55, Nr. 5 (01.10.2015): 969–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.5.969.

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How do political parties in developing countries, without access to accurate polling data, understand their voters? I examine the role that various sources of information play in political party platforms, and how the method of data collection affects parties’ policy and political efforts, primarily by using interview data from 2012 and 2013 with workers from four leading parties in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state. I theorize the role of party workers as a key conduit for information between party leaders and the voters they represent.

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19

Seshia, Shaila. „Divide and Rule in Indian Party Politics: The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party“. Asian Survey 38, Nr. 11 (01.11.1998): 1036–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645684.

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20

Seshia, Shaila. „Divide and Rule in Indian Party Politics: The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party“. Asian Survey 38, Nr. 11 (November 1998): 1036–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1998.38.11.01p0406o.

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21

Kumar, Rajesh. „‘Interlocalization’: Can India be a party to the process?“ Global Media and Communication 12, Nr. 3 (29.11.2016): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766516675650.

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‘Interlocalization’ has been witnessed as a new praxis in international communication which is all about horizontal flow of knowledge, culture, tradition, know-how and so on, among countries of the world, free from any form of hegemony and domination as against what has been observed in the case of ‘globalization’ and also in ‘glocalization’. This study is an attempt to understand and analyse this phenomenon in the Indian context, and it revolves around two possible broad catalysts of the interlocalization process: (1) India’s communication business alliances and (2) transnational networking among Indian diaspora communities. The article finds that India’s communication business alliances around the world have not yet reached a level to provide the desired impetus to the interlocalization process, although it is gaining momentum. But a highly encouraging scenario is presented in the case of Indian diaspora networking and its implications for the interlocalization process.

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22

Burakowski, Adam, und Krzysztof Iwanek. „India’s Aam Aadmi (Common Man’s) Party“. Asian Survey 57, Nr. 3 (Mai 2017): 528–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.3.528.

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The Aam Aadmi Party (Common Man’s Party, AAP) has taken over part of the program of the Indian National Congress. The AAP was able to include new solutions within the traditional political repertoire. In Delhi the AAP took over the traditional Congress electorate but was also able to reach out to the middle-class voter.

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23

Turner, Charles C. „Rhetorical Bipartisanship: National Party Platforms and American Indian Politics“. American Indian Culture and Research Journal 26, Nr. 1 (01.01.2002): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.26.1.0h2j522183856361.

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24

Balsekar, Ameya. „Seeking Offense: Censorship as Strategy in Indian Party Politics“. Comparative Politics 46, Nr. 2 (01.01.2014): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041514809387315.

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25

Poonia, R. K., P. S. Malik und Saroj Malik. „Indian Party System Towards Coalition Governance: Need for Introspection“. Indian Journal of Public Administration 52, Nr. 2 (April 2006): 183–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120060203.

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26

Brasted, Howard, und Carl Bridge. „The British labour party and Indian nationalism, 1907‐1947“. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 11, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1988): 69–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856408808723113.

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27

Jal, Murzban. „The Indian left and the Indian National Congress Party: what is to be done?“ Critique 47, Nr. 1 (02.01.2019): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2018.1554757.

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28

Wilkinson, Steven I. „Where’s the Party? The Decline of Party Institutionalization and What (if Anything) that Means for Democracy“. Government and Opposition 50, Nr. 3 (30.04.2015): 420–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.5.

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Strong institutionalized parties are often seen as vital for healthy democracies. The Indian case, therefore, represents a strange paradox: many parties are weak, corrupt and personalistic, yet democracy as a whole seems to be thriving, with increasing turnout and apparently strong popular support for democratic procedures and norms. This article explores some of the reasons for this strange outcome and suggests that the existing literature on party institutionalization might need some revision.

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Laveay, Fraser, Coy Callison und Ann Rodriguez. „Offensiveness of Native American Names, Mascots, and Logos in Sports: A Survey of Tribal Leaders and the General Population“. International Journal of Sport Communication 2, Nr. 1 (März 2009): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.2.1.81.

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The pervasiveness of media coverage of sports teams with American Indian names and imagery has arguably supported stereotypical beliefs of those referenced. Past research investigating opinions on sports teams using American Indian themes has been inconsistent in findings and drawn criticism for lacking valid samples of Native Americans. Through a survey of National Congress of American Indians leaders (n = 208) and random U.S. adults (n = 484), results reveal that Native Americans are more offended by sports teams employing American Indian imagery, as well as more supportive of change, than is the general public. Investigation of how demographic characteristics influenced perceptions show that although age and education level have little influence, political party affiliation does correlate with opinions, with those voting Democrat viewing the teams with American Indian names, logos, and mascots as most offensive and in need of change.

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Chhibber, Pradeep, und Irfan Nooruddin. „Do Party Systems Count?“ Comparative Political Studies 37, Nr. 2 (März 2004): 152–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414003260981.

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Delivery of public goods varies significantly across the Indian states. This article argues that differences in state government expenditures are largely the result of differences in their party systems. Using macroeconomic data from 1967 to 1997 as well as postelection voter surveys, we demonstrate that states with two-party competition provide more public goods than states with multiparty competition, which, we argue, reflects differing mobilization strategies. In two-party systems, political parties require support from many social groups and therefore provide public goods to win elections. In multiparty systems, needing only a plurality of votes to win, parties use club, rather than public, goods to mobilize smaller segments of the population. In stressing the impact of party systems on state government performance in India, this article differs from recent political economy research, which has stressed either the effect of particular political parties or ethnic divisions on government performance and public goods delivery.

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Sen, Ronojoy. „India's Changing Political Fortunes“. Current History 112, Nr. 751 (01.04.2014): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.762.131.

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32

Reddy, K. Siva. „Emergence of the BJP and Erosion of the Congress: A Critical Evaluation“. International Journal of Management and Development Studies 11, Nr. 09 (30.09.2022): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.53983/ijmds.v11n09.003.

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The historical scenario of Indian politics marked a period of One Party dominance, which pertained to the Indian National Congress' supremacy in the years following India's independence in 1947. This party played a crucial role in the struggle for freedom and garnered considerable backing throughout the nation. The waning of the Congress Party's control led to a more diversified political landscape in India, where numerous parties and coalitions competed for authority. Despite remaining a significant political entity, the Congress Party's influence became more localized, and it encountered opposition from both national and regional parties. It's worth noting that the concept of one-party dominance has evolved recently due to the emergence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as a predominant force in national politics, as discussed earlier.

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Soikham, Piyanat. „Revisiting a dominant party: Normative dynamics of the Indian National Congress“. Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, Nr. 1 (16.10.2018): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118805157.

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Previous scholarship has established that the Indian National Congress (INC) is widely regarded as India’s dominant party due to its consecutive victories in winning the majority of the vote share in elections, its ability to manage and embrace internal conflict through strong organizational structures and the dominant capacity to set the public agenda and political order. To deepen understanding of this party, this article adopts a norm-based framework to define norms, a social understanding of social groups, which determines and shapes actions and behaviour. Building upon this framework, despite the electoral setbacks and even decline in electoral fortunes of Congress after Indira Gandhi since 1977, the INC has been able to maintain a significant presence in Indian party politics due to certain key norms, allowing it to adapt to a changing context. This article concludes that the INC’s set of norms on self-autonomy, social and national inclusivity, nationwide organization, social justice and peaceful and democratic resolution has over time shaped the Congress’s aspirations and achievements to become a dominant party. Regardless of the relative decline of electoral performance, these norms continue to set the INC as India’s dominant party, with a strong organizational structure and the ability to frame India’s political order.

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Sumant Kolhe, Varad. „PASL V. GE: Indian Parties’ Fillip to Foreign-seated Arbitrations, but at What Cost?“ Asian International Arbitration Journal 17, Issue 2 (01.10.2021): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aiaj2021010.

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Can two Indian parties elect a foreign seat of arbitration? This question has been the epicentre of a long-standing divergence in judicial opinions across Indian courts. However, this divergence was put to rest by the Supreme Court of India in PASL Wind Solutions (P) Ltd. v. GE Power Conversion (India) (P) Ltd. (decision of 20 April 2021), ruling in favour of Indian-parties’ autonomy to elect a foreign-seat of arbitration. Recognizing party autonomy as the “brooding spirit” of arbitration, the Supreme Court overruled two judgments of the Bombay High Court (Seven Islands Shipping Ltd. v. Sah Petroleums Ltd and Addhar Mercantile Pvt. Ltd. v. Shree Jagdamba Agrico Exports Pvt. Ltd.) for not understanding the law (on foreign seated arbitrations between Indian parties) in its correct perspective. Further, it clarified that the term ‘international commercial arbitration’ (in the proviso to section 2(2) of Indian Arbitration and Conciliation Act, 1996) was ‘party-centric’, in the context of section 2(1)(f) of the Indian Arbitration and Conciliation Act, 1996. On the other hand, the same term, when seen in the context of section 44 of the Indian Arbitration and Conciliation Act, 1996, was qualified as ‘place-centric’. This note considers the ramifications of the Supreme Court’s approach in reaching these conclusions, identifying and addressing significant gaps and ambiguities that arise therefrom. Indian Parties, International Commercial Arbitration, Party Autonomy, Foreign Seat of Arbitration (International Chamber of Commerce), Place of Arbitration, Venue of Arbitration, Foreign Substantive Law, Foreign Awards, Enforceability of Foreign Awards, Public Policy, Overruling

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Steele, Ian K. „Hostage-taking 1754: Virginians vs Canadians1“. Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 16, Nr. 1 (07.05.2007): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/015727ar.

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Abstract When Virginians, Canadians, and Indians clashed, the Allegheny borderlands were a new ‘muddle ground’ of fateful cultural confusions rather than an established middle ground of recognized compromises. The taking of captives was an early, significant, and portentious part of the contest. Indians who were resettling the region were familiar with traditional panis slavery, with raiding for captives in long-range blood feuds, and with trading Indian captives to Europeans. Their capture of European traders, as diplomatic gifts, was a very recent development. Colonial trade rivalries became military, and the paltry forts became sites of negotiated surrender in 1754. Before European regulars arrived in numbers, or the Anglo-French war was formally declared, colonial intruders surrendered to their Indian and colonial rivals on three occasions. Virginians surrendered their incomplete stockade at the forks of the Ohio in April. In May, Virginians and Indians ambushed a Canadian party under Ensign Jumonville, and survivors of the initial skirmish sought quarter. Within five weeks, avenging Canadians and Indians forced Virginians to surrender their aptly-named Fort Necessity. In taking prisoners and hostages in the Allegheny borderlands, colonial officers adapted and violated both European and Indian conventions, and took different approaches in dealing with the independent actions of their Indian allies. On the eve of a major war, captives and their brethren learned what distinctions had been made, and that they might well be violated.

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Zafar, Muhammad Naeem. „India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) and BJP: A Comparative Study“. Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 12, Nr. 3 (04.02.2024): 819–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00133.

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This article focusses on the formation of a new alliance, namely the India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA). The Indian National Congress, which has long dominated Indian politics, leads the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance. Opposition parties formed the India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) to challenge the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. The coalition contends that the BJP is endangering India’s multiparty democracy and secular principles. The “Collective Resolve” campaign includes a pledge to preserve and uphold the idea of India as it is expressed in the Constitution of India. Efforts are being done to resist the claimed systemic conspiracy by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to target, punish, and suppress specific Indians and address polarization. Findings of the reveal that there have been instances of Hindu extremist groups initiating anti-Muslim operations, resulting in numerous casualties and injuries among the Muslim community, as well as other minority groups within the region. The BJP challenged the Indian National Congress, the Nehruvian state, and secular democracy. The policies implemented by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from 2014 to 2019 were highly detrimental to society, as they strategically employed the Hindutva ideology for political gain and suppressed minority groups through their uncompromising ideological stance. Contrarily, the policies implemented by Congress subsequent to 2009 exhibited a greater emphasis on principles such as freedom, economic growth, liberalism, and prioritization of the welfare of the populace.

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Sajjad, Nimra, Sara Batool und Tajjalla Munir. „Foreign Policy of India towards Pakistan: A Critical Analysis of BJP's Era“. Global Foreign Policies Review IV, Nr. III (30.09.2021): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(iv-iii).02.

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Since the Indian nationalist party Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP)’s leader took the charge of the state, bilateral relations between India and Pakistan became rigid. The period from 2014 to 2020 has been discussed in the study. In Prime Minister Modi’s era, the tension between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has escalated because, in the second term, Prime Minister Narendra Modi revoked articles 370 and 35A, which gave the special status to Indian administered Kashmir. This study examines the basis of Indian foreign policy under the BJP’s administration and how Prime Minister Modi’s policy towards Pakistan and provides policy recommendations for practitioners to improve the bilateral ties with India.

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Verma, Vijay. „The Changing Nature of the Indian Party System: ‘Congress System’ to ‘BJP Dominance’“. Research Expression 6, Nr. 8 (31.03.2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.61703/10.61703/vol-6vyt8_1.

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In the last 75 years, the Indian political system has gone through various changes and transition phases, the clear impact of which can be seen in the Indian party system. The existence of the Congress as an important national party after independence, both at the national and state levels, in what Rajni Kothari termed the 'Congress System' (1952-1967). Morris-Jones described the 1950–1967 phase in similar terms as "coexistence with competition but without a trace of alternative". 1977 marked the beginning of the end of the 'Congress system' by Rajni Kothari, which had been facing challenges since 1967, when Congress lost power in eight states for the first time. The main reasons behind this were the rise of opposition and regional parties, allegations of corruption and scams, preference for seniority and dynasty over talent, the dominance of the Nehru-Gandhi family, failure to attract youth and the Modi wave etc. Along with this, various parties and regional parties started emerging in the opposition, which changed the Indian party system towards a multi-party system. In this form, BJP emerged as an important national party, which completely changed the party system after winning the national elections in 2014 and 2019. Some thinkers argue that 2014 marks the beginning of India's fourth party system—the first three-party system in the Congress system (1950–77), the second transitional phase (1977–89) when the dominance of the Congress was challenged, Third, the emergence and new phase of a bipolar party system in the 1990s. Can we compare BJP dominance with the 'Congress System'? What are the similarities and dissimilarities in this? What are the reasons behind the decline of 'Congress System'? All these questions will be discussed in detail.

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Pai, Sudha. „The Indian Party System under Transformation: Lok Sabha Elections 1998“. Asian Survey 38, Nr. 9 (September 1998): 836–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645621.

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Ankit, Rakesh. „Jayaprakash Narayan, Indian National Congress and Party Politics, 1934–1954“. Studies in Indian Politics 3, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2015): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023015601739.

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Lakha, Salim. „The Bharatiya Janata Party and globalisation of the Indian economy“. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 17, sup001 (Januar 1994): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856409408723226.

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Bridge, Carl, und Howard Brasted. „The British Labour party ‘Nabobs’ and Indian reform, 1924–31“. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 17, Nr. 3 (Mai 1989): 396–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086538908582799.

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Kailash, K. K. „Why regional parties? Clientelism, elites, and the Indian party system“. Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 55, Nr. 4 (02.10.2017): 565–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2017.1374619.

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Singh, Rashmi. „Democratic dynasties: state, party and family in contemporary Indian politics“. Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 56, Nr. 2 (18.02.2018): 259–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2018.1435163.

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Pai, Sudha. „The Indian Party System under Transformation: Lok Sabha Elections 1998“. Asian Survey 38, Nr. 9 (September 1998): 836–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1998.38.9.01p0384b.

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Turner, Charles C. „American Indian Policy in Committee: Structure, Party, Ideology, and Salience“. Politics & Policy 29, Nr. 3 (September 2001): 400–448. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2001.tb00598.x.

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Diwakar, Rekha. „Duverger's Law and the Size of the Indian Party System“. Party Politics 13, Nr. 5 (September 2007): 539–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807080083.

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Spektor, Ilya. „Transformation of the Soviet Ties with Indian Communist Movement in the1960s: from the Struggle with “Pro-Chinese Sectarians” towards the Left Unification Politics“. Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, Nr. 1 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016330-0.

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The history of the Communist party of India is important due to the party’s activities during the struggle for the country’s independence and in virtue of its leading position in Indian politics during the period when the government of J. Nehru was in power. Differences between so-called “leftists” and “rightists” in the party lead to the split in the CPI and to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) which was founded by the leaders of the “leftist” faction. The main reasons of the split were the differences in the attitude of different groups of Indian communists towards the Indian National Congress and the politics of Indian government. At the same time the spit related to the foreign politics of India and with the international communist movement. At the first stage of the conflict within the party, the sympathies of the USSR were entirely on the side of the “rightist” faction and the current leadership of the CPI. The “leftist” and the CPI (M) were considered as anti-Soviet group and potential political allies of China. However, the electoral success of the CPI(M) and the neutral position of the party during the Sino-Soviet split changed the attitude of the Soviet government towards this political force. Since the second half of the 1960s the USSR tried to maintain relations with the two main communist parties in India. The key sources are the documents of the Soviet Embassy in Delhi, which are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.

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Ziegfeld, Adam, und Maya Tudor. „How opposition parties sustain single-party dominance“. Party Politics 23, Nr. 3 (13.07.2015): 262–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815593455.

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When elections are free and fair, why do some political parties rule for prolonged periods of time? Most explanations for single-party dominance focus on the dominant party’s origins, resources, or strategies. In this article, we show how opposition parties can undermine or sustain single-party dominance. Specifically, opposition parties should be central in explaining single-party dominance in countries with highly disproportional electoral systems and a dominant party whose vote share falls short of a popular majority. Employing a quantitative analysis of Indian legislative elections as well as a paired case study, we show that opposition coordination plays a crucial part in undermining single-party dominance.

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Banerjee, Saikat, und Bibek Ray Chaudhuri. „Factors responsible behind political brand preference: an empirical study on Indian voters“. Marketing Intelligence & Planning 34, Nr. 4 (06.06.2016): 559–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mip-05-2015-0095.

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Purpose – Political parties are continuously interested to gain knowledge about the factors that influence the voter to select political candidate of his/her choice. The purpose of this paper is to examine cumulative impact of sources of associations on voters’ preference of the political party and to investigate the type of causal relationship that exists among those sources. Design/methodology/approach – The authors have proposed five key sources of associations of the overall political party, namely, campaign effectiveness, image of its leaders, intensity of anti-incumbency effect, meaning and trust attached with the party. Here the authors have considered four important political parties relevant to the voters of West Bengal. Those are Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party, Communist Party of India (Marxist) and All India Trinamool Congress. The authors have used SEM method for estimating the model as the same is widely used for estimating a system of equations with latent variables. Findings – Out of the eight path coefficients six are found to be statistically significant. Political campaign impacts brand trust positively and brand trust in turn impacts party preference positively. Again political campaign’s direct impact on political party preference is found to be positive. However, the impact of political campaign on party preference also runs through brand meaning. Both the path coefficients are significantly negative showing that more the voters develop understanding about political parties through different independent sources lesser are the impact of political campaigns as they highlight positive aspects of the party and the candidate only, ignoring facts. Interestingly leadership is impacting party preference negatively. Thus individual leadership traits have negatively impacted party preference in the sample. Originality/value – In the paper, the authors have identified factors impacting political brand choice in an emerging country like India. This research explores the factors that need to be considered by the political parties to influence preference of voters for political brand. As far as the authors’ knowledge goes no such studies have been carried out in the Indian context and certainly not in the context of a regime change after three decades. Additionally, the theoretical model proposed is firmly grounded in theory and its estimation is based on well-developed scales. The approach is thus unique in this area of enquiry. Finally, application of SEM in political branding context is a significant contribution of this work.

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