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1
Nikolenyi, Csaba. „When the Central Player Fails: Constraints on Cabinet Formation in Contemporary India“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, Nr. 2 (Juni 2004): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040181.
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From the first post–independence election in 1952 until the general elections of 1989, the Indian National Congress party won a plurality of the votes and a majority of the legislative seats in every national parliamentary election except for the one that was held in 1977. Although the party maintained its dominant position in the national party system for almost four decades, starting in 1967 it gradually lost it at the subnational level. Finally, the 1989 national election brought Congress dominance to a definite end in the national party system as well. Since 1989, Congress has neither remained the consistently strongest electoral party nor has it won a parliamentary majority in any single election.
2
Diwakar, Rekha. „Change and continuity in Indian politics and the Indian party system“. Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, Nr. 4 (25.11.2016): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116679309.
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The 2014 Indian general election was notable due to a single party – the Bharatiya Janata Party – winning a majority of seats in Lok Sabha for the first time since 1984. The Congress, the other main national party, suffered its worst ever defeat. This election was viewed by some as signalling the advent of a phase of a BIP-dominated party system in India. In this article, I revisit the results of this election, and of the subsequent state assembly elections, to analyse if they signal a substantial change in the political landscape and party system in India. I argue that although the Congress decline has continued, and the BJP has won many recent state assembly elections, it is premature to conclude that the Indian party system has shifted to a BJP-dominated one. Further, given India’s first-past-the-post electoral system and a diffused political environment, where state and regional parties continue to be strong in many parts of the country, achieving a legislative majority remains a difficult proposition for a single party.
3
Singh, Himanshu, und Naresh Kumari. „Transformation of Indian Power Transmission System“. International Journal of Advance Research and Innovation 5, Nr. 3 (2017): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51976/ijari.531711.
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India is standing on threshold of becoming a superpower by the year 2030. A conclusive growth of a country takes into account all the major sectors involved in running its economy every day. One of the most important sector out of these is ‘Power Sector’. All the three parts of power sector i.e. Generation, Transmission and distribution have gone a rapid transformation since independence and development of all the three sub-sectors is important to ensure overall growth of Indian power sector. Since the day government has introduced open access in power sector which has been termed as giant leap for our country’s power sector, there has been a tremendous response from both sides (consumers as well as producers). After the creation of PGCIL in 1989 the growth of transmission has been manifold since the operations have been handed over by NTPC to PGCIL. It is notable to mention the achievement of PGCIL in transmission Sub-sector which has pioneered in this field and is running its operation in 10+ countries besides its pan-India operation, this alone is enough to prove the fast transformation Power sector has seen in recent years.
4
Rahman, Md Raufur, und Aanjey Mani Tripathi. „E-Voting With Blockchain Technology“. YMER Digital 21, Nr. 05 (14.05.2022): 641–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37896/ymer21.05/72.
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Creating an E-Voting system which satisfies every legal requirement of lawmaker or Election Commission has been a challenge for a long time especially in a country like India. The E-Voting were 1st used in 1982 in kerela(India). Since then many questions have been raised against EVM. In every Election, losing party accuses the winning party of hacking the EVM. But the Blockchain Technology offers infinite range of security and assurance that each and every vote given by you is going to right place and to the right person. This paper aims to evaluate every aspect of blockchain based E-Voting and how blockchain based Evoting is different from traditional E-Voting system. Also we elucidate the requirement for the Blockchain based E-Voting system. This paper describes the need of making E- Voting system and identifies the legal and technical limitations of using blockchain. This is a simple and user- friendly web app developed for Indian voting system which is very bigger. Blockchain technology provides scalability and confidentiality and it is more secure than the other traditional voting system. The hash code generated by the user is unique and can be use only one time in one election. User cannot give the vote second time. Blockchain Technology uses peer to peer technology that’s why it is highly secure.
5
Ramchandani, R. R. „Rationalising India-Africa Economic Relations: The Role of Production Cooperation“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, Nr. 3 (Juli 1986): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200303.
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A group of Indian parliamentarians, cutting across party lines, organised on 24–25 July 1986 a two-day national seminar on “Parliamentarians Action for Removal of Apartheid.” The seminar constituted yet another milestone in underscoring India's unflinching commitment to stand firmly united with the African countries in their fight against the pernicious system of apartheid and the removal of the remaining remnants of colonialism that still persist in parts of Southern Africa. It is because of India's principled stand and considerable sacrifice in this respect, and the unwavering appreciation of that standby the African leadership, that ever since their independence India and African countries have forged the most cordial and constructive political ties. Apart from sharing common ideals of the Non-aligned Movement, they have often expressed common concern on crucial world issues such as peace moves and nuclear disarmament, security and development issues, “South-South” cooperation and the establishment of the New International Economic Order. But, despite close political understanding, their economic relations have yet to develop sufficient depth to register a sustained forward thrust to record a lasting impact on the global production structure. India's trade with African states, for instance, has shown an uneven pattern for the last two decades and a half, and depicted a falling trend in recent years.
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Benner, Dagmar. „The Medical Ethics of Professionalised Āyurveda“. Asian Medicine 1, Nr. 1 (16.01.2005): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157342105777996791.
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In 1982, the Central Council for Indian Medicine (CCIM) issued guidelines on medical education and practice and a code of ethics for practitioners of Indian medicine, i.e. āyurveda, unani and siddha. These were at least partly based on the traditions of the respective medical systems and have been revised and adapted over the years. The ethical guidelines, however, followed standards set by the World Medical Association in the Declaration of Geneva of 1948 and the International Code of Ethics of 1949 and have not been updated since they were first issued. Rather than being a self-expression of the indigenous medical professions and their traditional values, the CCIM code of ethics aligned itself with international standards, thus ideologically placing the Indian systems of medicine on a par with biomedicine. This echoes developments in the early history of āyurvedic professionalisation, which was strongly influenced by the regulation and formalisation of medicine in Britain. In this article, I will trace the historical development of āyurvedic professional ethics, highlighting links with British health care regulations and international developments in the field of medical ethics.
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Verma, Vijay. „The Changing Nature of the Indian Party System: ‘Congress System’ to ‘BJP Dominance’“. Research Expression 6, Nr. 8 (31.03.2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.61703/10.61703/vol-6vyt8_1.
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In the last 75 years, the Indian political system has gone through various changes and transition phases, the clear impact of which can be seen in the Indian party system. The existence of the Congress as an important national party after independence, both at the national and state levels, in what Rajni Kothari termed the 'Congress System' (1952-1967). Morris-Jones described the 1950–1967 phase in similar terms as "coexistence with competition but without a trace of alternative". 1977 marked the beginning of the end of the 'Congress system' by Rajni Kothari, which had been facing challenges since 1967, when Congress lost power in eight states for the first time. The main reasons behind this were the rise of opposition and regional parties, allegations of corruption and scams, preference for seniority and dynasty over talent, the dominance of the Nehru-Gandhi family, failure to attract youth and the Modi wave etc. Along with this, various parties and regional parties started emerging in the opposition, which changed the Indian party system towards a multi-party system. In this form, BJP emerged as an important national party, which completely changed the party system after winning the national elections in 2014 and 2019. Some thinkers argue that 2014 marks the beginning of India's fourth party system—the first three-party system in the Congress system (1950–77), the second transitional phase (1977–89) when the dominance of the Congress was challenged, Third, the emergence and new phase of a bipolar party system in the 1990s. Can we compare BJP dominance with the 'Congress System'? What are the similarities and dissimilarities in this? What are the reasons behind the decline of 'Congress System'? All these questions will be discussed in detail.
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Burns, John P. „China's Governance: Political Reform in a Turbulent Environment“. China Quarterly 119 (September 1989): 481–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000022918.
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In 1989, after 40 years in power, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is faced with its worst crisis since the Cultural Revolution (1966–69) over the issue of reform of the Stalinist political system. Arguing that political reform was the necessary pre–condition for further change in China's economy, the reform wing of the CCP confronted conservatives who feared that the Party was losing its monopoly of Chinese politics. The result was that thousands of unarmed civilians in Central Beijing were killed by the army in the J early hours of 4 June 1989.
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Bresciani, Marco. „Fascism, Anti-Fascism and the Idea of Nation: Italian Historiography and Public Debate since the 1980s“. Contemporary European History 30, Nr. 1 (15.01.2021): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000491.
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It is common to consider 1989 as a kind of ‘zero hour’. This applies to East Central European and to Italian history alike. A thought-provoking book, published in 1993, evoked the image of ‘an avalanche that swells downhill, speeded up and enriched by the great landslide of the nearby great mountain’. In this way the historian Luciano Cafagna described the impact of the fall of the Berlin Wall on Italian democracy. As a matter of fact, the Italian party system, based on the leading role of the Christian Democratic Party and of the West's major Communist Party, suddenly collapsed in the three years that followed the end of the Cold War because of a growing loss of legitimacy. In hindsight, though, I argue that the first, mostly invisible, movements of this ‘avalanche’ went further back in time, to well before 1989. The early 1990s simply marked its spectacular acceleration.
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CHHIBBER, PRADEEP, und MARIANO TORCAL. „Elite Strategy, Social Cleavages, and Party Systems in a New Democracy“. Comparative Political Studies 30, Nr. 1 (Februar 1997): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414097030001002.
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Electoral studies of the Spanish party system have consistently noticed that social class has no influence on the vote. This paper will argue that social class has emerged as influential in determining the vote between the two major parties—the PSOE and PP. The development of these links between social class and political parties resulted from the strategic programmatic choice made by the political elites of both major parties since 1989 and the policy adopted by the governing PSOE. Evidence for this argument will be drawn from a very large Spanish survey conducted in 1992, a textual analysis of party platforms, and a survey of government economic policy since 1989. The attribution of this association between social class and the vote in Spain to the strategic policy choices made by elites also offers an additional perspective on how social divisions come to be linked to party systems.
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Postmus, Tessa, und Arlinda Rrustemi. „The Post-Cold War Promises of Third Party Military Interventions: Implications for Core Human and Political Rights“. Journal of International Peacekeeping 25, Nr. 4 (08.05.2023): 388–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-25040004.
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Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, and especially since the adoption of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, third party military interventions are only justified in cases of large-scale human rights violations. However, the number of military interventions did not decrease since 1989. A large-N study is done to measure the effect of third party military interventions since 1989 on core human right practices. It is argued that five years after an intervention takes place, there will be less physical harm to citizens. However, the effect on political rights appears to be diminishing. In addition, to contribute to the discussion as to who should intervene, an analysis about the intervener’s political system is included in this article. The results impose important questions and debates, both about the intentions and effects of foreign troops intervening in a conflict, as the conceptualization and cultural debate with regard to human rights violations.
12
Lee, Jong-Won. „Looking at the Stability and Transformation of the Japanese Postwar Party System“. Korean Journal of Policy Studies 13 (31.12.1998): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps13002.
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The Japanese political system of 1946-1996 has often been defined by the continuous rule for four decades of the conservative Liberal Democratic party (LDP), which had held a majority of seats in the Diet between its formation in 1955 until it lost its majority in the Upper House (House of Councilors) in 1989. Under the Japanese political milieus, the LDP has been in a position of semi-permanent governance since 1955 except for a few years in the mid-1990s. The first questionable issue, here, is how the LDP had maintained its dominant position during that period and how one-party dominance system had sustained? How had electoral volatility affected the party system change? Can we expect a dramatic change in Japanese politics in near future? In relation to these questions, how can we apply the theories of comparative parties and party systems to 1946-1996 history of Japanese party politics.
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Bechtel, Susan K., und David M. Stothers. „New Perspectives on the Settlement-Subsistence System of the Late Woodland Western Basin Tradition, ca. 500–1300 A.D.“ North American Archaeologist 14, Nr. 2 (Oktober 1993): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/pfhd-606f-a06d-uc61.
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Based on joint efforts by the Williams County Historical Society and the Laboratories of Ethnoarchaeology at the University of Toledo, thirty-six new sites, including six Western Basin Tradition ceramic sites, have been documented in the tri-state region of northeastern Indiana, northwestern Ohio, and south-central Michigan. Also, data collected from throughout the Western Lake Erie region since 1984 has necessitated several revisions in the 1984 settlement-subsistence model proposed for the Late Woodland Western Basin Tradition populations, ca. 1000–1300 A.D. (Stothers, Graves, and Redmond, 1984). Key changes involve the relative sizes of functionally different site types that form component parts of a larger settlement system, a lack of formal village life, and a new perspective on seasonal patterns of population coalescence and dispersal.
14
MAIORANO, DIEGO. „Indian Institutions in the Early 1980s: The pre-history of the great transformation“. Modern Asian Studies 48, Nr. 5 (16.01.2014): 1389–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000255.
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AbstractIn 1989 India's political system underwent a process of profound change which affected the entire institutional setup of the country. Power was radically redistributed—it began to flow from the central government to the states, and from the Prime Minister's Office to the other institutions of the state. By analysing the severe institutional crisis which occurred during Mrs Gandhi's final term in office, this paper seeks to show how state institutions worked on the eve of such a redrawing of India's institutional setup. In addition, an effort is made to link the working of India's institutions to the configuration of the party system, thus stressing the importance of political dynamics in the functioning of parliamentary democracies.
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Bharti, Mukesh Shankar. „The Government and Politics of Poland in the Light of the Constitutional Perspective since 1989“. Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 70, Nr. 6 (2022): 439–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.06.32.
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The article analyses the characteristics of the Polish constitution and government since 1989. This study empirically discusses the dynamics of the constitutional framework and Polish political system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections and the formation of the government in the Republic of Poland. The article describes Samuel P Huntington‘ s theoretical-speculative theory as the primary level of political development in Poland. According to Samuel P Huntington, between 1989 and 1990, several countries from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe moved from totalitarian rule to the democratic forms of government. The constitution was formulated according to the rule of the law and is based on democratic norms. This democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend and Poland was also affected by this wave of democratisation in 1989. The main purpose of this study is to describe the political transformation which is resulted in the democratic government. How does Poland establish the rule of law and a sustainable popular government that follows constitutional norms? The result of this article is that the political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must propose a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, in particular by tackling the compromise of a democratic system on the basis of the Constitution of 1997, e.g. distribution of powers, elections, party politics, the position of the Constitutional Court and functioning of the judiciary in the country.
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Lollen, Nyajum. „Emergence of Indian National Congress and Its Role in State Politics of Arunachal Pradesh“. Dera Natung Government College Research Journal 3, Nr. 1 (2018): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.56405/dngcrj.2018.03.01.04.
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he political activities in Arunachal Pradesh are of recent origin as it remains unexposed to outer world for long time. Traditional socio-political institutions of various tribal communities were primarily responsible for managing people’s day-to-day affairs. People of Arunachal (erstwhile NEFA) were ignorant about the party politics and election system for a long time since independence but it doesn’t mean that they have no idea about the Indian National Congress. Before the emergence of modern polity in NEFA, some sections of people have an idea about the INC because of its active participation in Indian struggle for independence. However, the initiation of political party formation in the state started with the visit of Kumarasami Kamraaj, then president, AICC in 1967, at Pasighat where he talked about the necessity of foundation of Congress party in the state. With this backdrop, the paper aims to trace the emergence and growth of Indian National Congress, popularly known as “Congress” in Arunachal Pradesh. The data for the study were gathered through already available literature on state politics in Arunachal Pradesh and through face-to-face interview with some of the eminent political personalities of the state who played vital role in political development of Arunachal Pradesh.
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Bayu, Takele Bekele. „Fault Lines within the Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF): Intraparty Network and Governance system“. International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 10, Nr. 02 (07.02.2019): 20592–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v10i02.662.
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Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRD) is a political party in charge of government power since 1991. EPRDF is established in 1989 out of Rebel group to party transformation with the view to oust the military government called Derg. It is a coalition of four parties political organization i.e. Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF)- which is an architect of EPRDF, Amhara National Democratic Movements (ANDM) in 1980, Oromo People Liberation Organization (OPDO ) and Southern Ethiopian People Democratic Movement ( SEPDM) However, in spite of the nominally coalition structure of the EPRDF, from the beginning the TPLF provided the leadership and ideological direction to other members of the coalition. To maintain the dominant position within the coalition the TPLF has transferred its rebel time internal governance network that focuses on traditional Marxist Leninist organizational lines, with an emphasis on “democratic centralism”; and a tradition of hierarchically organizational structure to the newly established political organization i.e. EPRDF. Consequently, the EPRDF intraparty network and governance system is dominated by the use of ML (Marxist-Leninist) authoritarian methods and hegemonic control, rigid hierarchical leadership; Democratic centralism, the dominance of the party apparatus behind the façade of regional and local autonomy, an extensive patron-client mechanisms; the use of force to silence opposition within and outside the party; intertwined State institutions and the party system and excessive reliance on party entity instead of state administration units; and gim gema (self-evaluation) are worth mentioning. These intraparty network and governance system have severely limited genuine democratization within the party as well as hampered the democratization process in the country. The party is facing increasing pressure and challenge from within the party and the public at large demanding equal status and fair political economic representation. In effect, EPRDF is in deep crisis shattered by internal divisions, crises as well as external public pressure forcing the party to entertain democratic principles and culture. Hence, it is recommended that the organizational structure and the values and principles governing the organization should be revisited within the framework of democracy which allows adaptability and flexibility given the various change agents in the socio-cultural, economic, political environment.
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Kim, Kyung-Mi. „The Strategies and Policies for Consolidation of the Liberal Democracy in Poland since 2005: Focusing on the Governments of PiS and PO“. East and West Studies 34, Nr. 2 (30.06.2022): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.93.
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This paper analyzes the consolidation of liberal democracy in Poland after 2005 based on the system transition stage theory. The nine indicators are selected for it: the guarantee of basic rights, the separation of powers, the government changes by elections, the existence of non-official power groups, the stabilization of the political party system, the operation of the market, the guarantee of private property rights, economic development, the development of civil society, the spread of democratic political culture, and a fair free media. Since PiS took power in 2015, the independence of the judiciary has been greatly threatened through reforms to the constitutional order. The basic rights guaranteed in the constitution were also limited by the enactment and revision of the Police Act, the Anti-Terrorism Act, and the Assembly Act. The changes of government through elections have been successfully implemented since the system transition in 1989, but the party system has not been stabilized due to the merger and division between parties. Almost all economic indicators in the economic sphere show that Poland has succeeded in its transition to the market economy system. Polish civil society has gradually increased its power. PiS is increasing its control over the media through the amendments of related laws. Overall, during the PiS rule, the consolidation of liberal democracy is regressing.
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Tworzecki, Hubert. „Poland: A Case of Top-Down Polarization“. ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, Nr. 1 (20.12.2018): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218809322.
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Poland represents a surprising case of democratic backsliding since the return to power of the PiS party in 2015, given that positive conditions associated with democracy are present—consistent strong per capita economic growth since 1989, moderate inequality, rising wages, strong preference for democracy, high levels of happiness, and a parliamentary system with proportional representation. The lack of strong underlying cleavages indicates the polarization was not bottom up. Instead, this article argues that polarization was driven from the top down by a segment of the political class that donned the cloak of radical populist anti-establishmentarianism to gain popular support, win an election, and rewrite the constitutional rules of the game to its own benefit. The Polish case points to the importance of elite cues, and especially the pernicious consequences of system-delegitimizing rhetoric, creating distrust in the media and institutions.
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Alam, Dr Md Aftab. „Causes and Consequences of the Decline of the “One Party Dominance” of the Indian National Congress“. Praxis International Journal of Social Science and Literature 6, Nr. 6 (25.06.2023): 55–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.51879/pijssl/060608.
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When India got independence and chose to be a democracy, experts were skeptical whether India will survive as a democracy, because it was not a middle income country, industrialisation had not taken place in India, and it was large and highly diverse country, these were preconditions for democracy. Congress has been one of the most important institutions in India’s modern political development trajectory. Congress has played a significant role, while remaining as a dominant party in a competitive party system, in evolving an institutionalized democracy in post-independent India. But, we have witnessed Congress’ decline since 1980s while there has been some points of recoveries as well in between. The paper dwells upon the reasons for the decline of Congress, as well as the consequences of decline of Congress for Indian democracy at large.
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Perez-Lopez, Jorge F. „Swimming Against the Tide: Implications for Cuba of Soviet and Eastern European Reforms in Foreign Economic Relations“. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, Nr. 2 (1991): 81–140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165832.
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Since mid-1989, remarkable political and economic changes have occurred in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Although the countries differ with regard to the scope, speed, and sequence of these changes, in the economic arena the objective is, in all cases, to abandon traditional central planning and replace it with a market economy. An integral component of these efforts to establish markets is the reform of foreign economic relations and greater involvement in the world economy.While a tide of political and economic change has swept the East, Cuba has adamantly held on to a one-party political system and to orthodox central planning.
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Proch, Dominik. „Selected measures proposed and taken by current Indian government“. Köz-gazdaság 15, Nr. 3 (2020): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2020.03.15.
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ndia is going to have the second largest population and one of the largest markets in the world, however, trade and investment environment have been unsatisfactory. The economy was being paralyzed between 2011 and 2013 after long-standing problems had appeared. Nevertheless, a paradigm shift can be seen since 2014. In that year, Indian People’s Party won a majority in the general elections and Narendra Modi became the Prime Minister. Under his government, several programs have been introduced and some of them already implemented. The main objective is liberalization, deregulation or computerization, together calling for higher investment and trade exchange. GST is one of the most discussed reforms since it should have brought a unified tax system across all federal states with more transparent requirements for foreign entities. Subsequently, voluminous programs such as Make in India, Digital India, Clean India etc. have being promoted. Despite the fact that businesses can benefit from the outlined initiatives, common people are often affected in a negative way – which is the actual case of demonetisation.
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Al-Adwan, Abdalhaleem. „Shura and Pluralism from an Islamic Perspective “Jordanian Parties, as a Model”“. Asian Social Science 17, Nr. 1 (30.12.2020): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v17n1p62.
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Shura and pluralism are two sides of ideologically different ideas, Islamic thought that adopts the Shura as an Islamic democratic system and Western thought embraces political pluralism. As for the Jordanian Islamic trend, since its establishment in 1945, it has been involved in political work and supported the system of government in facing the challenges it faced, and it was not involved in any subversive or terrorist acts. After 1989 he began participating in political and party pluralism, seeing Shura's concept as a feature of Islamic thinkers and thought in pluralism and democracy. That pluralism is a permissible and legitimate interest, has coexisted with left and middle political currents being the largest and most influential political currents on the Jordanian scene.
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Couzens, Meda. „Romanian Courts and the un Convention on the Rights of the Child: A Case Study“. International Journal of Children’s Rights 24, Nr. 4 (20.12.2016): 851–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02404008.
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Romania has been a party to the un Convention on the Rights of the Child (crc), 1989, since 1990, and since then the crc is directly applicable by the courts and other state bodies. For a long time the country struggled to provide adequate protection for the rights of children. Well-known systemic problems affecting Romanian children were institutionalisation, inter-country adoptions, an inadequate child justice system, poverty, and discrimination, to name but a few. This article examines the application of the crc by the courts, and the impact which this has had on the protection of children’s rights in Romania. The selected constitutional and judicial (i.e. ordinary courts) jurisprudence examined in the article shows that courts have only marginally provided impetus for systemic change, but have, however, contributed to the protection of individual rights. A few potential causes for this state of affairs – divided into factors relating to the justice system in Romania and crc-related factors – are discussed.
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Beke, Dirk. „La Constitution Algerienne De 1989: Une Passerelle Entre le Socialisme Et L’islamisme?“ Afrika Focus 7, Nr. 3 (26.01.1991): 241–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-00703004.
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The Algerian Constitution of 1989: A Bridge Between Socialism and Islamism? The riots of october 1988, the most violent uprising since independence against FLN-rule, forced president Chadli Bendjedid to accelerate and to extend the constitutional reforms announced earlier. An adaption of the constitutional law to the ongoing economic liberalization-process had become a necessity, but the popular pressure now not only asked economic changes, but also profound political reform. The new constitutional text was rapidly elaborated by a small circle of persons around the President and then submitted directly to a popular referendum. In contradiction with the procedure fixed by the previous constitution, the National Assembly was not involved nor even consulted. The constitution of 1989 generates an entirely new political regime. The word “socialism”, basis of the official doctrine since independence and largely confirmed by the provisions of the constitution of 1976, is banned completely. The new constitution also provides for the political responsibility of the Head of the Government and the members of the Government to the National People’s Assembly, and not any more to the President only. In the chapter on fundamental freedoms and the rights of man, it is explicitly provided that the State guarantees the right to form political associations. This new timorous formulation entails the end of the one-party system and the FLN’s exclusive hold on power. Some basic principles remain: Algeria is still considered a popular democratic state. Islam is the state religion and the official language is Arabic. No reference is made to the Berber language or culture. New is that the exercise of the guaranteed fundamental freedoms and rights can not be submitted any more to the imperatives of a socialist revolution. It is also stated that judges only obey to the law, they are not submitted any more to the revolutionary legality. A Constitutional Council is created to ensure that the constitution is respected but citizens have no right to submit a case, only the President and the President of the Assembly have. The tasks of the army are limited to safeguard the national independence and sovereignty,•the army has no duties any more to safeguard the socialist revolution. The introduction of a responsible Government affects the presidential powers only in a minor way. The President presides over the Council of ministers, where bills are discussed. The President can ask the Assembly for a second reading of a law and this new vote requires a two-thirds majority. Only the President has the initiative for a constitutional revision. The President chairs a number of other councils. Finally the declaration of the state of emergency is depending only on the decision of the President; this attributes him large exceptional powers. Thus, the constitution of 1989 confirms a strong presidential regime but on the other hand it has introduced a real multi-party system in Algeria. More than 20 political parties are recognised. During the local elections of 1990 the ruling FLN was defeated in most places by a massive victory of the islamic fundamentalist party, the FIS. A new electorial law, voted by the - still exclusive FLN - National Assembly beginning 1991, had to ensure a better result for the FLN during the forthcoming first free national elections. In June 1991 violent and even armed protest, organised by the fundamentalists against the law forced president Bendjedid to postpone elections, to declare the state of emergency but also to promise early presidential elections. Meanwhile many fundamentalists, and between them the main party-leaders, were arrested. The army played a crucial role in reestablishing public order and as a consequence gained more importance, but there were no signs that it exceeded its authority. Under present difficulties one wonders whether the constitution of 1989 will help to create a representative democratic multi-partyism, with an equitable liberal economy, whether it will help to open the way for a regime dominated by islamic fundamentalists?
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Martin, Guy. „Preface: Democratic Transition in Africa“. Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, Nr. 1-2 (1993): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501589.
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Since 1989, the “winds of change” have swept throughout Africa, signaling the dawn of a new era, variously referred to as the “second independence,” or the “Springtime of Africa.” After three decades of authoritarian one- (or no) party rule characterized by political repression, human rights abuses, economic mismanagement, nepotism and corruption, democracy is spreading like bushfire throughout Africa. In 1992 an evaluation of the Carter Center’s African Governance Program, noted that 9 African countries may be described as “democratic,” 4 are under a “directed democracy” regime, and 31 are in transition to democracy, with various degrees of commitment. Popular struggles for democracy in Africa are not new, they have been here since independence. But recent changes in the structure of the international system (notably successful popular struggles for democracy in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union) have created a generally favorable and supportive environment for their development and maturation.
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Inoguchi, Takashi. „Japanese Politics in Transition: A Theoretical Review“. Government and Opposition 28, Nr. 4 (01.10.1993): 443–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01380.x.
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THE END OF ONE-PARTY DOMINANCE BY THE LIBERAL Democratic Party of Japan came as abruptly as the fall of the Berlin wall four years before. It started with the debate on electoral system change, ostensibly as an attempt to curb corruption. The LDP has been plagued by a series of large-scale corruption scandals since the Recruit scandal of 1989. The latest concerned former vice-president Shin Kanemaru's alleged violation of the political money regulation law and the income tax law in 1992–93. The Prime Minister, Kiichi Miyazawa, accepting a fair degree of compromise with opposition parties, wanted to pass a bill to change the current electoral system. The LDP initially wanted to change from the system of choosing a few persons in each district by one vote to the Anglo-American type system of selecting one person in each district by one vote. The opposition wanted to change to the continental European system of proportional representation. A compromise was made by the LDP's proposal to combine the latter two systems. Then two dissenting groups emerged suddenly in the LDP. One took the exit option by forming new political parties. The other took the voice option by backing away from the Miyazawa compromise plan. Miyazawa was humiliated by his failure to have the bill enacted and a motion of no confidence was passed. He then called for a general election, which took place on 18 July 1993. The outcome did not give a majority to the LDP and subsequently a non-LDP coalition was formed to produce a non-LDP government for the first time since the foundation of the LDP in 1955
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Ali, Ali. „Challenges for the Conventional Deterrence of Pakistan in the Post 2019 Security Situations: Options and Choices“. Scandic Journal Of Advanced Research And Reviews 3, Nr. 3 (30.12.2022): 001–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.55966/sjarr.2022.3.3.0054.
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The study aims at discussing the changing dynamics of conventional deterrence in South Asia especially after the Pulwama-Balakot incident of 2019. The study is evaluated through Descriptive, Exploratory and Predictive data analysis approach. For elaborating different aspects of the study, both primary and secondary data was used. The study conducted in-depth interviews of the experts on the strategic and nuclear environment of the South Asian region. The study is divided in to three parts. In first part of the study, India-Pakistan relations since their independence in 1947 have been discussed. It was followed by discussing how Indian military strategic thinking against Pakistan has been changed from being defensive in Sunderji Doctrine (SD) of 1987 to offensive in the Cold Start Doctrine (CSD) of 2004 and then to the Land Warfare Doctrine (LWD) of 2018. The study then continues on discussing how India has crossed the international border line and conducted so-called surgical strikes inside Pakistani territory after a militant attack on the Indian paramilitary troops in Indian Occupied Kashmir (IoK) in 2019 and how Pakistan responded to the Indian aggression with a military operation codenamed “Operation Swift Retort”. The second part of the study is related to the Indian acquisition of modern sophisticated weaponry from the great powers like US, Israel, Russia etc. and the possible impacts of these weapons systems on the strategic stability of Pakistan. How the weapon systems like Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) system, Rafale fighter jets, Anti-Tank Guided Missiles (ATGM), Nuclear Submarine, P8-I Antisubmarine aircraft, Apache attack helicopter, Spy satellites and the armed Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) will pose threats to Pakistan, was main theme of the second part of the study. The possibility of any future war between India and Pakistan was also discussed in this section. Third section of the study was related to the possible options for Pakistan to counter the growing Indian conventional superiority. It was discussed that Pakistan should improve its long-range air defense system, improve the speed, lethality and range of its missiles, acquire or develop nuclear submarine and fifth generation aircrafts, improve Intelligence Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities along with the acquisition of attack helicopters and enhancing the endurance and range of armed UAVs to counter any future Indian aggression. Overall the Indian military modernization, the acquisition and procurement of modern sophisticated weaponry was discussed in the study. How negatively it will impact Pakistan and what options and choices are available with Pakistan to counter it, was the basic theme of the study. It was also thoroughly examined that Pakistan’s nuclear weapons are not for wars, but it’s the guarantor of peace in South Asia. It was also examined that Pakistan will never allow any aggression to disturb its strategic stability and will never hesitate to ensure its strategic stability and the basic sovereignty as a state at any cost, even by using its nuclear weapons as a last resort in case of failure of its conventional weapons.
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Mikuła, Łukasz, und Urszula Kaczmarek. „From marketization to recentralization: the health-care system reforms in Poland and the post-New Public Management concept“. International Review of Administrative Sciences 85, Nr. 1 (16.07.2018): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852318773429.
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The aim of the article is to evaluate the outcomes of the post-1990 health-care system reforms in Poland in the context of New Public Management and post-New Public Management ideas. The most important arguments put forward in the public debate, both in favour and against the agencification, marketization and privatization of health services, are presented and discussed. They are confronted with quantitative data on the health situation in Poland. In the final sections, the programme of the recentralization and de-marketization of the hospital sector, proposed by the new government formed by the Law and Justice Party (in office since 2015), is analysed against the theoretical background of the post-New Public Management concept. Points for practitioners The transformation of the health-care system in Poland took place in 1999, almost 10 years after the democratic breakthrough of 1989, as a part of the second wave of territorial-administrative reforms. Commercialization and partial privatization of public hospitals following the New Public Management model of public sector reform has been much discussed in Poland for the last decade. Yet, this process, which is politically and socially very controversial, has proceeded at a moderate pace. The recent government’s proposals for the de-agencification and de-marketization of health care may be interpreted as a post-New Public Management reform aimed at achieving higher standards of coordination within the system but also as another step towards the consolidation of political power for the ruling party.
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Korotkova, Lia G. „The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Indonesia“. Oriental Courier, Nr. 1-2 (2021): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310012670-5.
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This article examines a rather extensive period in the history of Indonesia — from the beginning of the rise of the national liberation movement until the coup of September 30, 1965. The primary attention is paid to the formation, development, and crises of the Communist Party of Indonesia (CPI)— one of the leading forces of the national liberation movement in Dutch India. The work highlights the crisis of Dutch colonial rule during the First World War and the gradual radicalization of the protest movement, the formation in 1920 of the Indian Communist Association (CPI since 1924), its opposition to the colonial authorities, as well as interaction and contradictions with other national forces. The reasons for the rapid growth in the popularity of the party in 1925–1927 and the equally rapid decline in the 1930s are explained. The second part of the article is devoted to the activities of the CPI during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia and its place in the political system of independent Indonesia, as well as the position of the party in 1965–1966, the moment of the beginning of repressions against its members and the official ban of the communist organization on March 12, 1966.
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Azam, Adeela. „Indian Foreign Policy towards Pakistan during Modi Era: Assessing the Role of Ideology - Hindu Nationalism“. BTTN Journal 1, Nr. 1 (31.07.2022): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.61732/bj.v1i1.9.
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Foreign policy conduct of a State, executed by its leaders, broadly reflects various patterns of its experiences, beliefs and policies. Domestic factors coupled with systemic pressures play an important role in shaping states’ behavior. In addition to various domestic and external factors, leadership and its ideological association play an important role in a country’s foreign policy formulation and conduct. Nevertheless, the belief system, politico-religious identity of the statesman is reflected through his foreign policy conduct. With Modi in power, Hindu nationalism has been on the rise wherein Hindu nationalists feel permitted to undermine religious minorities (Muslims) in India, Kashmiris in Indian Illegally Occupied Kashmir (IIOK) and neighbors including Pakistan. Thus, the rise of Hindu nationalism has not just challenged the secular identity of India but has also affected India’s interaction both at the domestic and international levels. BJP’s policies and actions during Modi’s tenure have undeniably eroded India’s secular identity. Modi, having a politico-religious ideology of Hindutva, has adopted a policy of belligerence towards Muslims and Pakistan. Since India’s politico-religious party – Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) – under the leadership of Modi has come to power, India’s relationship with Pakistan has been at its lowest ebb. The objective of the study is to understand the role of Hindu nationalism on Indian foreign policy behavior towards Pakistan.
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Corbridge, Stuart. „Competing Inequalities: The Scheduled Tribes and the Reservations System in India's Jharkhand“. Journal of Asian Studies 59, Nr. 1 (Februar 2000): 62–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658584.
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This paper reports on the economic and political consequences of reserving government and public-sector jobs for members of the Scheduled Tribes in the Indian State of Bihar. It also contributes to a more general debate on the system of compensatory discrimination that has existed in India since the 1940s, and which was made tangible for middle class Indians by the decision of the government of V. P. Singh (1989–90) to adopt some of the recommendations of the Second Backward Classes Commission (1979–80: chairman B. P. Mandal). The Mandal Commission report advised that a system of reserved jobs in central government could usefully be extended from the Scheduled Castes and Tribes of India (roughly 15 and 7.5 percent of the population, respectively) to embrace a broader collection of Socially and Economically Backward Classes.1 In August 1990 V. P. Singh found it expedient to act upon Mandal's suggestion that up to 49.5 percent of all jobs in central government services and public undertakings should be reserved for the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
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Roy, Himanshu. „Interrogating the Maoists and the Indian State: A Study of Salwa Judum in Bastar“. Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, Nr. 2 (Juni 2017): 284–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117699742.
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Salwa Judum was a unique tribal-peasant movement that arose against the specific agenda of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) 1 (henceforth Maoists) in its full intensity in 2005 in the sub-region of Bastar ( baanstari, a Halbi word meaning the bed of or the land of bamboos) in Chhattisgarh. The movement began since January across different villages of non-Abujh Maad (the unknown hills of Madia/Koya tribes) sub-region that initially galvanised approximately 20,000 tribals. It was spontaneous and non-political (Prasad, 2012, p. 329). It was unique as the movement was against a ‘revolutionary’ group of Maoists and not against the state or against the zamindari system as most peasant movements in rural India were in the past. Its build-up was the culmination of suppressed anger of the tribals that had developed over decades against the Maoists also called ‘Naxalites’. It was a new and different phenomenon.
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Alam, Sughra, Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti und Alam Sher Khan. „An analysis of the narrowing space of secularism in India and its ramifications in the region“. Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 6, Nr. 2 (31.12.2022): 122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/6.2.7.
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Indian society was diverse and complex in nature from its emergence and was marred with communal conflicts. Hence, it was inevitable for the founding fathers of the Indian state to adopt an inclusive political system based on democracy, secularism, and pluralism to achieve unity in diversity. Due to the self-centric mindset of succeeding politicians who began to drift away from these ideals, secularism has been declining for a long time. The appalling political behaviour of the ruling elite has been enlarging the gulf between the theory and practice of secularism since the rule of the Indian National Congress, starting from the demise of Nehru. It has been damaging the idea of composite cultural nationalism by narrowing its societal space. That practice has also created an ideological vacuum filled by religious nationalism over time and reached its culminating point when Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came into power in India. This article analytically explores the consequences of the narrowing space of secularism and the resultant rise of Hindutva. It also delineates the destabilization of the domestic environment and an alarming regional security situation affected by the emerging extremist ideology in place of secularism in India.
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Burdjak, Vira. „Political Communication of Power and Opposition in Bulgaria: A Modern Projection“. Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, Nr. 6 (17.12.2018): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2018.6.159-171.
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Political communication between the authorities and the opposition within the multi-party system of the modern Republic of Bulgaria, in terms of social and functional values, supports the mobilization of intellectual potential, social energy and initiatives of both individual citizens and various social organizations, groups, while accelerating and deepening further development of society as a whole. The article presents the objective identification of political communication, specific features of public speeches and a double-natured projection of political speeches in the vertical perspective of “power - opposition”. While positioning Bulgaria by the criterion of the democracy degree in the communication between the authorities and the opposition, we should take into account the amplitude differences: the peculiarities of the transition of Bulgaria after 1989, political configuration (the influence of the two-party system), the specifics of the political confrontation of the communicative process, which reveals their intransigence and difference in the positions. The specific confrontation between the main political actors (SDS and BSP) has been developing by the very destructive axis of “democracy – communism”. The eight-year activity of the coalition government of SDS (20012009) has led to an extreme expansion. Its intensity has been somewhat leveled by the ideological identity, but still it couldn’t soften the communicative confrontation between the authorities and the opposition. The activities of the three governmental offices of the GERD Party and Prime Minister’s B. Borisov office since 2009 have clearly highlighted the new differences in communicative with the opposition, provoking systemic intransigence. The authorities’ resistance to the opposition sometimes borders on arrogance. This creates a closed circle in which the authorities and the opposition wait for each other’s actions to quickly react to the miscalculations of the enemy in the media space, to compromise in order to set the new rules.
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Verma, NMP, und Rudra Prasad Sahoo. „India’s Foreign Policy during Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee“. British Journal of Multidisciplinary and Advanced Studies 5, Nr. 1 (01.03.2024): 170–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/bjmas.2022.0430.
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This paper examines Indian foreign policy under Atal Bihari Vajpayee in terms of realistic pluralism. It argues that since the 1998 nuclear test, India has developed a slightly different style of realistic foreign policy as a means to achieve its core interests. It is characterized by an emphasis on engagement with contemporary challenges such as neoliberal globalization, terrorism, the issue of disarmament, coping with the changing international order, the decline of multilateral institutions, and new regionalism, etc. To deal with all these issues, India adopted realistic pluralism to accelerate India's economic development and security interests, as well as enhance its status as an emerging power in the international system by continuously promoting its cherished values. This paper explains how a party with its rightist ideology occupies power at a time when Congress fails to deliver people's aspirations. It analyses the key arguments that have been presented in this framework and the way Bajpayee put them into practice. It concludes with the assessment of Bajpayee strategies and future prospects that it will deliver for Indian foreign policy.
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Jadhav, Vivek. „Dual Problem of FPTP Electoral Systems: Evidence from the Indian States“. Indian Public Policy Review 2, Nr. 5 (Sep-Oct) (10.09.2021): 34–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.55763/ippr.2021.02.05.002.
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Democracy across the world has witnessed the evolution of the electoral system. First-Past-The-Post (FPTP), practiced in India has certain disadvantages in terms of disproportionate representation. This paper aims to construct the Gallagher Index, Gini Coefficient, and Generalized Entropy Index to measure and analyse the political concentration and inefficiency that characterise such disproportionate representation. The Gallagher Index measures the disproportionality between seat share and vote share; as it captures the disproportionality between votes received and seats won in the house. This can be viewed as a measure of inefficiency in representing the population, inasmuch as parties with a low vote share can have a high seat share. In other words, even though voters are not preferring the particular party or set of parties, these parties can still get enough seats to govern the particular state. Further, this paper tries to build the association between inefficient representation and concentration of power. We show that the high level of inefficiency in representation observed in the Indian State Assemblies is associated with the concentration of power at the state government level. We suggest that since FPTP in Indian democracy is associated with the dual problems of inefficiency and concentration, alternatives to FPTP should be considered.
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Tworzecki, Hubert. „Social Democracy in East-Central Europe: Success by Default?“ Journal of Policy History 15, Nr. 1 (Januar 2003): 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0009.
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In the parliamentary elections of 2001, Poland's ex-communist Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) won more than three times the number of votes than any other party, registering its best result since 1989 and simultaneously delivering a crushing blow to the ruling Solidarity-led coalition, which not only lost power but also failed to win any seats in the lower house of parliament. If at the time of communism's collapse someone had gazed into a crystal ball and predicted that Solidarity's heirs would suffer from almost continuous disarray and the SLD would emerge as the country's most successful political party, he would have been dismissed as a crank. For a number of reasons, ranging from the country's strong religious traditions, to a political culture that saw the communist system and its servants as a basically alien force, to a long history of political contestation of communism, culminating in the rise of the Solidarity movement in 1980, Poland was the one East European country in which such a result must have seemed particularly unlikely. Further, given Poland's singularly dismal economic performance under communist rule (hardly conducive to nostalgic feelings), as well as the country's relative success with market reforms in the 1990s, one could not easily explain the ex-communist left's electoral gains as simply the result of a backlash against the consequences of economic transition.
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Ahn, Ji-Young. „An Analysis of Market Failure aspects in Chinese High School's ｢Ideological and Political｣ Textbooks“. Korean Association For Learner-Centered Curriculum And Instruction 22, Nr. 18 (30.09.2022): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22251/jlcci.2022.22.18.171.
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Objectives This study aims to analyze the trend of market failure by period in the Chinese high school ｢Ideological and Political｣ textbook published from 1983 to 2019 to explore how market failure in China by period is reflected in the textbook.
Methods 12 textbooks were collected and analyzed in 1983, 1989, 1998, 2004, 2011, 2016, and 2019 published in line with the revision cycle of the ｢Ideological and Political｣ curriculum in Chinese high schools. The collected data were analyzed based on China's economic development stage and the definition of market failure, and both text and illustration were included.
Results As a result of the analysis, the pattern of market failure in the Chinese high school ｢Ideological and Political｣ textbooks appears differently depending on the period. Market failure in the textbooks during the Chinese market economy exploration stage (1978-1991) was monopolization, corruption, inflation, and widening the income gap. Market failure in textbooks during the Initial construction stage of the market economy (1992-2001) is administrative monopoly, Counterfeit Products, mammonism, unfair competition. Market failure in the textbooks during the stage of full-scale and in-depth reform (2002-2012) is corruption, economic instability, administrative monopoly, counterfeit products, distributionism, unfair competition, illegal fundraising and investment, socioeconomic inequality, and environmental issues. Market failure in textbooks in comprehensive deepening of reform (2013~present) is administrative monopoly, unfair competition, monopoly, Socio-economic inequality, environmental issues, urbanization, economic instability and supply-side structural reform.
Conclusions In Chinese high school ｢Ideological and Political｣ textbooks, market failure is the basis for the party and the government's involvement in the economic field. Administrative monopoly, which appears only in China, a country in the transition period of the economic system in Chinese textbooks, is also a problem in the market. Since the market has inherent problems such as unfair competition, monopoly, damage to social equity, and widening income gap, it is argued that control and control of the national economy of the country are needed before the market failure of the market. The logic of the Communist Party of China has been consistently reflected since China adopted a socialist market economy system, and in particular, the 2019 textbook shows a strong tendency for state-led economic growth led by the party.
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KITLV, Redactie. „Book Reviews“. New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 69, Nr. 1-2 (01.01.1995): 143–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002650.
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-Sidney W. Mintz, Paget Henry ,C.L.R. James' Caribbean. Durham: Duke University Press, 1992. xvi + 287 pp., Paul Buhle (eds)-Allison Blakely, Jan M. van der Linde, Over Noach met zijn zonen: De Cham-ideologie en de leugens tegen Cham tot vandaag. Utrecht: Interuniversitair Instituut voor Missiologie en Oecumenica, 1993. 160 pp.-Helen I. Safa, Edna Acosta-Belén ,Researching women in Latin America and the Caribbean. Boulder CO: Westview, 1993. x + 201 pp., Christine E. Bose (eds)-Helen I. Safa, Janet H. Momsen, Women & change in the Caribbean: A Pan-Caribbean Perspective. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Kingston: Ian Randle, 1993. x + 308 pp.-Paget Henry, Janet Higbie, Eugenia: The Caribbean's Iron Lady. London: Macmillan, 1993. 298 pp.-Kathleen E. McLuskie, Moira Ferguson, Subject to others: British women writers and Colonial Slavery 1670-1834. New York: Routledge, 1992. xii + 465 pp.-Samuel Martínez, Senaida Jansen ,Género, trabajo y etnia en los bateyes dominicanos. Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, Programa de Estudios se la Mujer, 1991. 195 pp., Cecilia Millán (eds)-Michiel Baud, Roberto Cassá, Movimiento obrero y lucha socialista en la República Dominicana (desde los orígenes hasta 1960). Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1990. 620 pp.-Paul Farmer, Robert Lawless, Haiti's Bad Press. Rochester VT: Schenkman Press, 1992. xxvii + 261 pp.-Bill Maurer, Karen Fog Olwig, Global culture, Island identity: Continuity and change in the Afro-Caribbean Community of Nevis. Chur, Switzerland: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1993. xi + 239 pp.-Viranjini Munasinghe, Kevin A. Yelvington, Trinidad Ethnicity. Knoxville: University of Tennesee Press, 1993. vii + 296 pp.-Kevin K. Birth, Christine Ho, Salt-water Trinnies: Afro-Trinidadian Immigrant Networks and Non-Assimilation in Los Angeles. New York: AMS Press, 1991. xvi + 237 pp.-Steven Gregory, Andrés Isidoro Pérez y Mena, Speaking with the dead: Development of Afro-Latin Religion among Puerto Ricans in the United States. A study into the Interpenetration of civilizations in the New World. New York: AMS Press, 1991. xvi + 273 pp.-Frank Jan van Dijk, Mihlawhdh Faristzaddi, Itations of Jamaica and I Rastafari (The Second Itation, the Revelation). Miami: Judah Anbesa Ihntahnah-shinahl, 1991.-Derwin S. Munroe, Nelson W. Keith ,The Social Origins of Democratic Socialism in Jamaica. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992. xxiv + 320 pp., Novella Z. Keith (eds)-Virginia Heyer Young, Errol Miller, Education for all: Caribbean Perspectives and Imperatives. Washington DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 1992. 267 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Günter Böhm, Los sefardíes en los dominios holandeses de América del Sur y del Caribe, 1630-1750. Frankfurt: Vervuert, 1992. 243 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Robert M. Levine, Tropical diaspora: The Jewish Experience in Cuba. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1993. xvii + 398 pp.-Aline Helg, John L. Offner, An unwanted war: The diplomacy of the United States and Spain over Cuba, 1895-1898. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992. xii + 306 pp.-David J. Carroll, Eliana Cardoso ,Cuba after Communism. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1992. xiii + 148 pp., Ann Helwege (eds)-Antoni Kapcia, Ian Isadore Smart, Nicolás Guillén: Popular Poet of the Caribbean. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1990. 187 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Moira Ferguson, The Hart Sisters: Early African Caribbean Writers, Evangelicals, and Radicals. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993. xi + 214 pp.-Michael Craton, James A. Lewis, The final campaign of the American revolution: Rise and fall of the Spanish Bahamas. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1991. xi + 149 pp.-David Geggus, Clarence J. Munford, The black ordeal of slavery and slave trading in the French West Indies, 1625-1715. Lewiston NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991. 3 vols. xxii + 1054 pp.-Paul E. Sigmund, Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerillas and Revolution in Latin America: A comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. xx + 424 pp.-Robert E. Millette, Patrick A.M. Emmanuel, Elections and Party Systems in the Commonwealth Caribbean, 1944-1991. St. Michael, Barbados: Caribbean Development Research Services, 1992. viii + 111 pp.-Robert E. Millette, Donald C. Peters, The Democratic System in the Eastern Caribbean. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1992. xiv + 242 pp.-Pedro A. Cabán, Arnold H. Liebowitz, Defining status: A comprehensive analysis of United States Territorial Relations. Boston & Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989. xxii + 757 pp.-John O. Stewart, Stuart H. Surlin ,Mass media and the Caribbean. New York: Gordon & Breach, 1990. xviii + 471 pp., Walter C. Soderlund (eds)-William J. Meltzer, Antonio V. Menéndez Alarcón, Power and television in Latin America: The Dominican Case. Westport CT: Praeger, 1992. 199 pp.
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Saha, Tularam, und Goutam Dakua. „The Changing Trends of Coalition Politics of Kerala from its Origin to 2016 in India“. RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 9, Nr. 3 (15.03.2024): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2024.v09.n03.012.
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The Constitution of India provide for a federal system of government though the term ‘federalism’ which is nowhere been used in the constitution. But the article 1 of the constitution describes that India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States. K.C. where describes Indian federalism as “Quasi-federal”. Granville Austin called it ‘co-operative federalism.’ And Ivor Jennings describes it as ‘federation with strong centralizing tendency’. This nature of Indian federalism has leads India towards coalition. The coalition politics at the central level has been relatively a recent phenomenon but at the state level it has been in operation right after the first general election (1952). The growth of regional parties and dominant leadership at state level has federalized the polity and the state government has stretched their arms. The first coalition at state level formed in Kerala in 1954. The coalition politics is a time-tested thing in contemporary democracy. The concept of coalition politics occurred when the states used to ally with each other in order to defect of a common enemy. In 1954 the Congress created a coalition government in Kerala. Since this time Kerala has been living with coalition rule after regular intervals. The politics in Kerala is dominated by two coalition fronts: the communist party of India (Marxist)- led left Democratic front (LDF) and the Indian National Congress – led United Democratic Front (UDF) since late 1970s. Kerala was the first Indian state where the communists were chosen to power. Since the early 1980s these two coalitions have alternate in government. They are unable to gain re- election for a second term. These two-alliance coalition have occurred periodically and ruled continued to 2016 election. In May 2016, the LDF win election and now in power. This LDF coalition occurred with CPI (M)-58, CPI-19, TDS-3, NCP-2, KCB-1, CPM(L)-1, CS-1 and Independents-5.
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Nicolini Gabriel, João Paulo, Henoch Gabriel Mandelbaum, Carlos Eduardo Carvalho und Marcel Artioli. „Nacionalismo na Índia de Narendra Modi e do Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) | Narendra Modi, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Nationalism in India“. Mural Internacional 12 (31.12.2021): e60103. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2021.60103.
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O artigo analisa peculiaridades significativas do governo Modi dentre os nacionalismos "de direita". Elementos tradicionais indianos sustentam personalismo e chauvinismo religioso. Medidas de liberalização econômica se mesclam com estratégias estatais de desenvolvimento, como desde os anos 1990, com ênfase em setores de alta tecnologia. Leis agrícolas para modernizar a atividade rural encontram forte reação de milhões de agricultores que se sentem ameaçados. Reformas na tributação e no sistema monetário buscam fortalecer o Estado e concentrar poder no governo central. A política externa mantém orientações tradicionais para transformar a Índia em potência global. Modi cultiva a imagem de líder forte e capaz de estabelecer políticas assertivas em disputas com a China, mas preserva as relações com Pequim. Diversificação de parcerias e negociação de acordos comerciais procuram fortalecer a autonomia nacional e reforçam a concepção de soberania como valor que acompanha historicamente o desejo de modernização produtiva. Palavras-chave: nacionalismo hindu; Narendra Modi, BJP.ABSTRACTThe article analyzes the expressive peculiarities of Modi's administration among "right-wing" nationalisms. Traditional Indian elements underpin personalism and religious chauvinism. Since the 1990s, economic liberalization measures have been intertwined with state development strategies, emphasizing high-tech sectors. Agricultural legislation to modernize rural activity has faced strong reactions from millions of farmers. Tax and monetary system reforms seek to strengthen the state and concentrate power in the central government. The foreign policy maintains traditional guidelines to morph India into a global power. Modi cultivates the image of a strong leader capable of establishing strategies in disputes with China while preserving relations with Beijing. Diversification of partnerships and negotiation of trade agreements aim to highlight national autonomy and the concept of sovereignty as a value that historically accompanies the desire for productive modernization. Key-words: Hindu nationalism; Narendra Modi; BJP. Recebido em: 30 mai. 2021 | Aceito em: 02 dez. 2021.
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Siddiqui, Rehana. „Bernhard Glaeser. Housing, Sustainable Development and the Rural Poor. A Case Study of Tamil Nadu. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1989. 432 Pages. Hardbound, Indian Rs 465.00.“ Pakistan Development Review 36, Nr. 3 (01.09.1997): 293–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v36i3pp.293-295.
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Shelter is the most pressing need of the present times. Strategies to satisfy this need are urgently needed, particularly for the rural poor. Since eighty percent of the Indian population lives in the rural areas, the author tries to identify their demand for better houses and the required improvements in construction technology in rural India. This study is the result of a joint project of two institutes, i.e., Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) and Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (Social Science Research Centre, Berlin) (WZB), based on a survey conducted in Tamil Nadu, India. The majority of the rural population covered by this study are landless labourers. The survey covered 300 households in 20 selected villages where 71 percent of the respondents were living in traditional katcha houses made of mud, bamboo, and palm leaves. The study concentrates on the poorest strata of rural society and collects information about socioeconomic properties such as income, occupation, education, energy, and water sources used by the respondents. The respondents were asked during the survey to reveal the household preferences for more living space, privacy, ownership, and availability of public services like piped water, electricity, sewerage system, etc. The analysis is based on 291 (out of 300) questionnaires (households schedule).
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Zhou, Di. „China’s Environmental Vertical Management Reform: An Effective and Sustainable Way Forward or Trouble in Itself?“ Laws 9, Nr. 4 (11.11.2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws9040025.
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An environmental management system provides the institutional foundation for sound environmental governance. Conventional environmental management systems, deriving from the combination of the vertical management of competent authorities and the localized management of local governments, can lead to local protectionism and implementation deviation at the local level. Since 2016, environmental vertical management reform has been performed as a significant part of the overall promotion of the ecological civilization in China. Representing the most fundamental reform of China’s local environmental management system since the Environmental Protection Law of 1989, the environmental vertical management reform focuses on the reconstruction and adjustment of the environmental management functions among the local governments, and their environment protection authorities at the provincial, city, and county levels. In this paper, we provide an overview of the basic theory of the vertical management model, as well as the motivation for—and the legal/policy background, focuses/content, local practices, and results of—the environmental vertical management reform in China. In the discussion section, we analyze the current problems that impede the effectiveness and sustainability of this reform. On the basis of the analysis of the present and the problems, we raise the question of whether this round of reform is effective and will be sustainable in the future. In response to the challenges, feasible recommendations are proposed. These suggestions include firmly promoting the rule of law in the process of implementing the reform, enhancing the institutional supply and capacity building at the grassroots level, and taking advantage of the holistic governance under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC).
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Zvozdetska, Oksana. „Present-day Poland Media Landscape: Compliance with EU Regulations“. Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, Nr. 35-36 (20.12.2017): 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.116-127.
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The article gives an in-depth analysis of the modern Poland government policy in taking on public media and the European Union stance regarding these reforms.
The author argues that Poland public media have been the subject of political disputes since the 90s of the last century. Noteworthy, in October 2015 the newly elected Polish government, namely, the ruling Law and Justice party (known by its Polish initials as PiS) announced its public media to radically reform. To be more precise, the government aimed at replacing the current public media with a national broadcaster that would promote national interests under closer government control.
According to PiS elite, Polish public media is presently supervised by the National Media Council, an organization that consists of members elected by the president and the Lower House of the Polish parliament. This means that Poland’s public media is under direct control of the government. The reform of the public media has been part of PiS plans to re-orientate Polish society towards traditional values since the party came back to power. What is more, the heads of the ruling Law and Justice party consider that the present-day public media are the tools of propaganda of the ruling in 2007-2015 and currently the oppositional liberal party – the Civic Platform.
The researcher notes that the Polish government launched a new parliamentary initiative as a result of legislative changes, and eventually, the government has returned to the state-known media-dependent government-owned model in the past. Furthermore, from the point of view of a democratic state, law and its main provisions, this reform stipulates the authorities and the mass media symbiosis. However, public media should guarantee freedom of speech, information and creative independence and the separation of public media from politics. Remarkably, in a country, where public media used to be a tool of the communist dictatorship until 1989, media and constitutional reforms pose threats to civil liberties.
According to NGO ‘Freedom House’ research, freedom of the press suffers from oppression by the authorities, the government’s intolerance to independent or unbiased journalism, political influence on the media and restrictions on freedom of expression regarding Polish history and consciousness. Interestingly according to the latest studies done in 2017, Poland public media have become partially free for the first time since 1990.
To conclude, in December 20, 2017 the European Parliament adopted the resolution, backing the European Commission decision, to initiate the sanctions imposition on Poland over judicial reform. Consequently, the European Commission triggered a procedure against undermining and shrinking of democracy, violation of human rights, freedom of speech, as well as pluralism and the formation of a dependent judicial system in Poland.
Keywords: Republic of Poland, public media, freedom of the press, EU sanctions
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Krishnapp, Ramya, und Pukhraj Agarwal. „Panchayat System in Karnataka: Democracy, Representation and Political Parties“. Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental 18, Nr. 1 (19.02.2024): e04902. http://dx.doi.org/10.24857/rgsa.v18n1-070.
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Abstract: As far as the Indian sub-continent is concerned local governance/panchayat has an elaborate history. The rural population have for long practiced this system of governing themselves through their representatives. The mode of working and the powers vested in the local bodies, have not been uniform throughout. The federation conferred constitutional status to the local governance bodies in 1993 and this system has progressed in an interesting way. Karnataka, a southern State in India has been ahead of time in enacting legislations dealing with local governance. Even before the amendment inserting provisions to the Constitution of India was passed, Karnataka had and was implementing extravagant laws pertaining to panchayats. Since democracy and decentralisation are closely associated with the panchayats, the idea of representation has a key role to play. The concerns with respect to involvement and influence of political parties in the local body elections are an important aspect as well. This paper ventures out to understand the panchayat system in Karnataka, pre and post the Constitutional amendment. The paper intends to throw light on the essence of the legislations relating to panchayats in Karnataka and understand the idea of democracy, representational factor and the concept of elections on a non-party basis. The researchers have keenly pondered upon the implementation of apolitical elections in Karnataka, the flaws in the proposed phenomenon. The paper also aims to look into hurdles in the way of these local bodies and propose suggestions to get over the same.
Purpose: To Analyze the panchayat system in Karnataka, both before and after the 1993 constitutional amendment. Examine the essence of Karnataka's panchayat-related legislation. Explore the concepts of democracy, representation, and non-party elections in the context of panchayats. Evaluate the implementation of non-partisan elections in Karnataka and identify potential flaws. Analyze the challenges faced by panchayats and propose solutions.
Theoretical Reference: Mainly Doctrinal research methodology. Relies on primary sources like the Indian Constitution, relevant statutes relating to panchayaths, and relevant data. Draws on secondary sources like articles and research papers.
Method: Analyzes relevant legal documents and scholarly works. Analytical Method of Study Comparative Studies in relation to various factors pertaining to the research between the three levels of Panchayat (Gram Panchayat, Taluk Panchayat and Zilla Panchayat)
Results and Conclusion: Non-partisan elections in Karnataka are largely theoretical; political parties influence local elections. Political interference hinders effective panchayat functioning. The paper likely proposes recommendations for strengthening panchayats and minimizing political influence.
Implications of Research: Provides insights into the challenges and potential of decentralized governance in India. Informs policymakers and stakeholders about improving panchayat effectiveness. May contribute to debates on non-partisan elections and local democracy.
Originality/Value: The study offers a focused analysis of Karnataka's panchayat system within a specific theoretical framework. Its findings on the limitations of non-partisan elections could be valuable for other regions considering similar approaches.
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Qureshi, Sarfarz K. „Sharad S. Marathe. Regulation and Development: India's Policy Experience of Controls over Industry. New Delhi: Sage Publications India Pvt. Ud., 1989. 338 pp.Price Rs 95.00 (Softbound Edition).“ Pakistan Development Review 29, Nr. 2 (01.06.1990): 184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v29i2pp.184-185.
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This book deals with an important but relatively little discussed aspect of industrial development in the context of a developing economy. The subject-matter chosen for analysis is that of the efficacy of controls over industry in India. The author provides a detailed and insightful analysis of the issue in its historical context, particularly since India's independence in 1947. Based on an insider's experience, the book makes an important contribution to the often neglected field of industrial policy. The central thesis advanced by the author is that the State has played a dominant role in industrial development by way of ownership and/or management of some of the key industries, the granting of industrial incentives, and an elaborate and complicated regulatory system. There have been shifts in emphasis between these three main instruments of state intervention in industrial development over time. Nonetheless, it is argued that currently Indian industry is overregulated, public sector industries are mismanaged, and the economic environment for the working of both private and public sector industries is inimical to their efficient working and growth. The broad approach adopted provides for a discussion of objectives, policy instruments, and the intended and unintended impact of different instruments of state intervention in industrial development. The wide discrepancy between the objectives and the results is shown to be a major failing of the past industrial policies in the context of the Indian development experience.
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Kolaszyński, Mateusz. „OVERSEEING SURVEILLANCE POWERS – THE CASES OF POLAND AND SLOVAKIA“. Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, Nr. 1/2020 (25.05.2020): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.3.
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The article aims to present the most important issues related to oversight over surveillance powers in Poland and Slovakia. The word „surveillance powers” used in the study refers particularly to covert techniques and practices of gathering personal data which occurs without the monitored subjects’ knowledge or approval. Such surveillance powers are typically carried out by police services and intelligence agencies, and are more politically sensitive, as well as closely related to core issues of power and security. Oversight over these services and their surveillance powers is the standard in democratic states. Before 1989-1990, there was a similar model of security services in both analyzed countries. During Communism, there was no civil and democratic oversight over police services and intelligence agencies. Under the communist system control over security services was exercised by an inner circle representing the highest levels of the Communist party. Finally, since the early 1990s Poland and Slovakia had to build new systems of control and oversight over surveillance powers. Nowadays, both countries are members of the European Union and the Council of Europe. The basic issue of the paper is to describe how the systems of control and oversight look in Poland and Slovakia in the post-Snowden era.
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Krishnappa, Ramya, und Pukhraj Agarwa. „Panchayat System in Karnataka: Democracy, Representation and Political Parties“. Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, Nr. 11 (29.11.2023): e1752. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i11.1752.
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Abstract: As far as the Indian sub-continent is concerned local governance/panchayat has an elaborate history. The rural population have for long practiced this system of governing themselves through their representatives. The mode of working and the powers vested in the local bodies, have not been uniform throughout. The federation conferred constitutional status to the local governance bodies in 1993 and this system has progressed in an interesting way. Karnataka, a southern State in India has been ahead of time in enacting legislations dealing with local governance. Even before the amendment inserting provisions to the Constitution of India was passed, Karnataka had and was implementing extravagant laws pertaining to panchayats. Since democracy and decentralisation are closely associated with the panchayats, the idea of representation has a key role to play. The concerns with respect to involvement and influence of political parties in the local body elections are an important aspect as well. This paper ventures out to understand the panchayat system in Karnataka, pre and post the Constitutional amendment. The paper intends to throw light on the essence of the legislations relating to panchayats in Karnataka and understand the idea of democracy, representational factor and the concept of elections on a non-party basis. The researchers have keenly pondered upon the implementation of apolitical elections in Karnataka, the flaws in the proposed phenomenon. The paper also aims to look into hurdles in the way of these local bodies and propose suggestions to get over the same. Methodology: The research is doctrinal in nature. The authors have depended on primary sources inclusive of the Constitution of India, 1950, relevant statutes, statistical data and secondary sources including articles and research papers. Results/Analysis: Apolitical elections to the local government bodies in Karnataka is a myth and it ceremoniously present on papers. Political parties, national and regional influence the electoral process at the grass root level. Interference of political parties in panchayat elections is detrimental to the working of panchayats.
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Koo, Jaseon. „China's Military Reform under Xi Jinping and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute: Focusing on Organizing Structure“. Institute for Historical Studies at Chung-Ang University 57 (30.12.2022): 307–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46823/cahs.2022.57.307.
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Unlike other civilian leaders, Xi Jinping pushed ahead with sweeping military reforms after taking office as General Secretary of the Communist Party and Chairman of the Central Military Commission. This was a reaction to the situation in which the chairman had not been able to secure control of the military since Deng Xiaoping. Through anti-corruption, Xi Jinping eliminated high-ranking officials who used the military as a tool for personal gain, and tried to eliminate trafficking of official posts and factions within the military. In addition, through structural reorganization, the power of command of the military commander, who had been ineffective, was clarified. The 4 headquarters that interfered with the commander's command system were dismantled and reconstituted as an organization that assisted the military commission. The defense- oriented 7 military districts were also reorganized into 5 theater to prepare for both peacetime and wartime. And the army was established to break the grand army principle, strengthen the status of other forces necessary for modern warfare, and rearrange the composition of troops for them.
The theater is not just a defense system, but a system responsible for operations. Accordingly, the eastern theater was responsible for Taiwan, the southern theater was responsible for the South China Sea and Vietnam, the western theater was responsible for India and Central Asia, the northern theater was responsible for the Korean Peninsula, and the central theater was responsible for the mission of the strategic reserve force. In general, it is evaluated that the risk of war in the Taiwan Strait, which is in charge of the Eastern Front, is the highest. However, the area where the largest number of troops are actually deployed is in the Western Front. There are two group army, as well as Xinjiang and Xizang military district. This is because west operation area is vast and its borders are very long, even though China has continuously pushed for weapon modernization. In addition, India is the only country that China does not have a border agreement with, and continues to confront each other across the LAC. In addition, the region should be responsible for operations in Central Asia in case of emergency. Therefore, west are organizing units and distributing weapons with the possibility of a small-scale armed clash or conflict rather than a large-scale war. In fact, it is judged that the possibility of an armed conflict in this area is much higher than in the Taiwan Strait.