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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Indian Party System since 1989“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Indian Party System since 1989"
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Nikolenyi, Csaba. „When the Central Player Fails: Constraints on Cabinet Formation in Contemporary India“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, Nr. 2 (Juni 2004): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040181.
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From the first post–independence election in 1952 until the general elections of 1989, the Indian National Congress party won a plurality of the votes and a majority of the legislative seats in every national parliamentary election except for the one that was held in 1977. Although the party maintained its dominant position in the national party system for almost four decades, starting in 1967 it gradually lost it at the subnational level. Finally, the 1989 national election brought Congress dominance to a definite end in the national party system as well. Since 1989, Congress has neither remained the consistently strongest electoral party nor has it won a parliamentary majority in any single election.
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Diwakar, Rekha. „Change and continuity in Indian politics and the Indian party system“. Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, Nr. 4 (25.11.2016): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116679309.
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The 2014 Indian general election was notable due to a single party – the Bharatiya Janata Party – winning a majority of seats in Lok Sabha for the first time since 1984. The Congress, the other main national party, suffered its worst ever defeat. This election was viewed by some as signalling the advent of a phase of a BIP-dominated party system in India. In this article, I revisit the results of this election, and of the subsequent state assembly elections, to analyse if they signal a substantial change in the political landscape and party system in India. I argue that although the Congress decline has continued, and the BJP has won many recent state assembly elections, it is premature to conclude that the Indian party system has shifted to a BJP-dominated one. Further, given India’s first-past-the-post electoral system and a diffused political environment, where state and regional parties continue to be strong in many parts of the country, achieving a legislative majority remains a difficult proposition for a single party.
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Singh, Himanshu, und Naresh Kumari. „Transformation of Indian Power Transmission System“. International Journal of Advance Research and Innovation 5, Nr. 3 (2017): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51976/ijari.531711.
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India is standing on threshold of becoming a superpower by the year 2030. A conclusive growth of a country takes into account all the major sectors involved in running its economy every day. One of the most important sector out of these is ‘Power Sector’. All the three parts of power sector i.e. Generation, Transmission and distribution have gone a rapid transformation since independence and development of all the three sub-sectors is important to ensure overall growth of Indian power sector. Since the day government has introduced open access in power sector which has been termed as giant leap for our country’s power sector, there has been a tremendous response from both sides (consumers as well as producers). After the creation of PGCIL in 1989 the growth of transmission has been manifold since the operations have been handed over by NTPC to PGCIL. It is notable to mention the achievement of PGCIL in transmission Sub-sector which has pioneered in this field and is running its operation in 10+ countries besides its pan-India operation, this alone is enough to prove the fast transformation Power sector has seen in recent years.
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Rahman, Md Raufur, und Aanjey Mani Tripathi. „E-Voting With Blockchain Technology“. YMER Digital 21, Nr. 05 (14.05.2022): 641–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37896/ymer21.05/72.
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Creating an E-Voting system which satisfies every legal requirement of lawmaker or Election Commission has been a challenge for a long time especially in a country like India. The E-Voting were 1st used in 1982 in kerela(India). Since then many questions have been raised against EVM. In every Election, losing party accuses the winning party of hacking the EVM. But the Blockchain Technology offers infinite range of security and assurance that each and every vote given by you is going to right place and to the right person. This paper aims to evaluate every aspect of blockchain based E-Voting and how blockchain based Evoting is different from traditional E-Voting system. Also we elucidate the requirement for the Blockchain based E-Voting system. This paper describes the need of making E- Voting system and identifies the legal and technical limitations of using blockchain. This is a simple and user- friendly web app developed for Indian voting system which is very bigger. Blockchain technology provides scalability and confidentiality and it is more secure than the other traditional voting system. The hash code generated by the user is unique and can be use only one time in one election. User cannot give the vote second time. Blockchain Technology uses peer to peer technology that’s why it is highly secure.
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Ramchandani, R. R. „Rationalising India-Africa Economic Relations: The Role of Production Cooperation“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, Nr. 3 (Juli 1986): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200303.
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A group of Indian parliamentarians, cutting across party lines, organised on 24–25 July 1986 a two-day national seminar on “Parliamentarians Action for Removal of Apartheid.” The seminar constituted yet another milestone in underscoring India's unflinching commitment to stand firmly united with the African countries in their fight against the pernicious system of apartheid and the removal of the remaining remnants of colonialism that still persist in parts of Southern Africa. It is because of India's principled stand and considerable sacrifice in this respect, and the unwavering appreciation of that standby the African leadership, that ever since their independence India and African countries have forged the most cordial and constructive political ties. Apart from sharing common ideals of the Non-aligned Movement, they have often expressed common concern on crucial world issues such as peace moves and nuclear disarmament, security and development issues, “South-South” cooperation and the establishment of the New International Economic Order. But, despite close political understanding, their economic relations have yet to develop sufficient depth to register a sustained forward thrust to record a lasting impact on the global production structure. India's trade with African states, for instance, has shown an uneven pattern for the last two decades and a half, and depicted a falling trend in recent years.
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Benner, Dagmar. „The Medical Ethics of Professionalised Āyurveda“. Asian Medicine 1, Nr. 1 (16.01.2005): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157342105777996791.
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In 1982, the Central Council for Indian Medicine (CCIM) issued guidelines on medical education and practice and a code of ethics for practitioners of Indian medicine, i.e. āyurveda, unani and siddha. These were at least partly based on the traditions of the respective medical systems and have been revised and adapted over the years. The ethical guidelines, however, followed standards set by the World Medical Association in the Declaration of Geneva of 1948 and the International Code of Ethics of 1949 and have not been updated since they were first issued. Rather than being a self-expression of the indigenous medical professions and their traditional values, the CCIM code of ethics aligned itself with international standards, thus ideologically placing the Indian systems of medicine on a par with biomedicine. This echoes developments in the early history of āyurvedic professionalisation, which was strongly influenced by the regulation and formalisation of medicine in Britain. In this article, I will trace the historical development of āyurvedic professional ethics, highlighting links with British health care regulations and international developments in the field of medical ethics.
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Verma, Vijay. „The Changing Nature of the Indian Party System: ‘Congress System’ to ‘BJP Dominance’“. Research Expression 6, Nr. 8 (31.03.2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.61703/10.61703/vol-6vyt8_1.
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In the last 75 years, the Indian political system has gone through various changes and transition phases, the clear impact of which can be seen in the Indian party system. The existence of the Congress as an important national party after independence, both at the national and state levels, in what Rajni Kothari termed the 'Congress System' (1952-1967). Morris-Jones described the 1950–1967 phase in similar terms as "coexistence with competition but without a trace of alternative". 1977 marked the beginning of the end of the 'Congress system' by Rajni Kothari, which had been facing challenges since 1967, when Congress lost power in eight states for the first time. The main reasons behind this were the rise of opposition and regional parties, allegations of corruption and scams, preference for seniority and dynasty over talent, the dominance of the Nehru-Gandhi family, failure to attract youth and the Modi wave etc. Along with this, various parties and regional parties started emerging in the opposition, which changed the Indian party system towards a multi-party system. In this form, BJP emerged as an important national party, which completely changed the party system after winning the national elections in 2014 and 2019. Some thinkers argue that 2014 marks the beginning of India's fourth party system—the first three-party system in the Congress system (1950–77), the second transitional phase (1977–89) when the dominance of the Congress was challenged, Third, the emergence and new phase of a bipolar party system in the 1990s. Can we compare BJP dominance with the 'Congress System'? What are the similarities and dissimilarities in this? What are the reasons behind the decline of 'Congress System'? All these questions will be discussed in detail.
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Burns, John P. „China's Governance: Political Reform in a Turbulent Environment“. China Quarterly 119 (September 1989): 481–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000022918.
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In 1989, after 40 years in power, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is faced with its worst crisis since the Cultural Revolution (1966–69) over the issue of reform of the Stalinist political system. Arguing that political reform was the necessary pre–condition for further change in China's economy, the reform wing of the CCP confronted conservatives who feared that the Party was losing its monopoly of Chinese politics. The result was that thousands of unarmed civilians in Central Beijing were killed by the army in the J early hours of 4 June 1989.
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Bresciani, Marco. „Fascism, Anti-Fascism and the Idea of Nation: Italian Historiography and Public Debate since the 1980s“. Contemporary European History 30, Nr. 1 (15.01.2021): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000491.
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It is common to consider 1989 as a kind of ‘zero hour’. This applies to East Central European and to Italian history alike. A thought-provoking book, published in 1993, evoked the image of ‘an avalanche that swells downhill, speeded up and enriched by the great landslide of the nearby great mountain’. In this way the historian Luciano Cafagna described the impact of the fall of the Berlin Wall on Italian democracy. As a matter of fact, the Italian party system, based on the leading role of the Christian Democratic Party and of the West's major Communist Party, suddenly collapsed in the three years that followed the end of the Cold War because of a growing loss of legitimacy. In hindsight, though, I argue that the first, mostly invisible, movements of this ‘avalanche’ went further back in time, to well before 1989. The early 1990s simply marked its spectacular acceleration.
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CHHIBBER, PRADEEP, und MARIANO TORCAL. „Elite Strategy, Social Cleavages, and Party Systems in a New Democracy“. Comparative Political Studies 30, Nr. 1 (Februar 1997): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414097030001002.
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Electoral studies of the Spanish party system have consistently noticed that social class has no influence on the vote. This paper will argue that social class has emerged as influential in determining the vote between the two major parties—the PSOE and PP. The development of these links between social class and political parties resulted from the strategic programmatic choice made by the political elites of both major parties since 1989 and the policy adopted by the governing PSOE. Evidence for this argument will be drawn from a very large Spanish survey conducted in 1992, a textual analysis of party platforms, and a survey of government economic policy since 1989. The attribution of this association between social class and the vote in Spain to the strategic policy choices made by elites also offers an additional perspective on how social divisions come to be linked to party systems.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Indian Party System since 1989"
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Dey, Mouli. „Indian party system and party systems in the states since 1989“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2797.
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Misra, Girishwar, Hrsg. Psychology: Volume 5. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199498833.001.0001.
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This survey of research on psychology in five volumes is a part of a series undertaken by the ICSSR since 1969, which covers various disciplines under social science. Volume Five of this survey, Explorations into Psyche and Psychology: Some Emerging Perspectives, examines the future of psychology in India. For a very long time, intellectual investments in understanding mental life have led to varied formulations about mind and its functions across the word. However, a critical reflection of the state of the disciplinary affairs indicates the dominance of Euro-American theories and methods, which offer an understanding coloured by a Western world view, which fails to do justice with many non-Western cultural settings. The chapters in this volume expand the scope of psychology to encompass indigenous knowledge available in the Indian tradition and invite engaging with emancipatory concerns as well as broadening the disciplinary base. The contributors situate the difference between the Eastern and Western conceptions of the mind in the practice of psychology. They look at this discipline as shaped by and shaping between systems like yoga. They also analyse animal behaviour through the lens of psychology and bring out insights about evolution of individual and social behaviour. This volume offers critique the contemporary psychological practices in India and offers a new perspective called ‘public psychology’ to construe and analyse the relationship between psychologists and their objects of study. Finally, some paradigmatic, pedagogical, and substantive issues are highlighted to restructure the practice of psychology in the Indian setting.
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Chhibber, Pradeep K., und Rahul Verma. Statism, Recognition, and Party System Change in India. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190623876.003.0009.
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Data drawn from the National Election Studies going back to 1967 and two surveys of political elites conducted in 1971 and the 1993 show that the ideological divide is quite stable. Activists, members, and supporters of the main political parties hold clearly distinct views on the two ideological dimensions that define the party system in India. The changes in the Indian party system since independence have occurred with movement of political parties within the ideological space defined by statism and recognition. This led to the end of the Congress led one party dominant system, its replacement by the rise of regional parties in many states and finally to a BJP led fourth party system.
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Kenny, Paul D. Regionalism and the Rise of the Populist Far Right in India. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.003.0007.
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This chapter addresses India’s more recent experience of populism at the national level. While India has avoided a return to authoritarianism since the Emergency, populism has been a recurrent feature of Indian politics. The persistence of divided party rule between the national and subnational levels has meant an uneasy tension between two different modes of political mobilization for national office. National–subnational coalitions based on the distribution of pork have undergirded several Congress party governments. However, such coalitions remain inherently unstable given the autonomy of India’s subnational unit, and they are vulnerable to outflanking by populist appeals over the heads of state governments. The electoral success of the BJP under Modi in 2014 illustrates the appeal of populist mobilization in a vertically fragmented patronage-based system.
Buchteile zum Thema "Indian Party System since 1989"
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Palshikar, Suhas. „Toward Hegemony“. In Majoritarian State, 101–16. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190078171.003.0006.
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This chapter discusses the paradigm shift in Indian politics beyond the realm of electoral hegemony. The historical mandate of 2014 was the watershed moment which has resulted in the restructuring of the party system and the emergence of a new ideological framework in the public sphere. The BJP succeeded in breaching linguistic, cultural and state barriers by creating an All India Imagination, this marks the dawn of the second dominant party system since the Indian National Congress in 1989. This vision of New India with Modi as the central force spells trouble for the state parties. The potent combination of development, Hindutva and nationalism shapes this new hegemony. Paradoxically, only an electoral upset can bring the BJP’s march to hegemony to a halt.
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Karan, Kavita. „Cultural Political System“. In Advances in Media, Entertainment, and the Arts, 221–37. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-1986-7.ch012.
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The use of popular culture of music, dance, songs, theatre, videos and films for electioneering has been part of the Indian election process. Politics has been the narrative of Indian cinema since the beginning of century where political themes, political roles and political issues were exemplified through lead roles of politicians, enactment of political scenes, political satires and songs. This chapter examines the role of film artists in politics, popular political songs in films and campaign films that have expanded the levels of traditional and new media campaigning in India. Films and songs in the films glorify the country, arouse patriotism and whenever needed expose social issues such as high prices, corruption, feudalism, and other political issues. In the process, political campaign films became a way of marketing parties and candidates. This further characterizes the future of the political cultural system and the political economy of Indian cinema.
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Unganai, Leonard S. „Monitoring Agricultural Drought in Southern Africa“. In Monitoring and Predicting Agricultural Drought. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195162349.003.0030.
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Southern Africa lies between 0°S to 35°S latitude and 10°E to 41°E longitude. In this region, annual rainfall ranges from below 20 mm along the western coastal areas of Namibia to as high as 3000 mm in some highland areas of Malawi. Rainfall generally increases from south to north in response to topography and the main rain-bearing systems affecting the subregion. In the southwest sections of the sub-region, annual rainfall averages below 400 mm, whereas the high-altitude areas receive up to 3000 mm due to orographic enhancement. Two important features that control the climate of southern Africa are the semipermanent subtropical high-pressure cells centered in the southeast Atlantic and the southwest Indian Ocean. These subtropical high pressure cells are associated with widespread and persistent subsidence (Lockwood, 1979). Part of southern Africa is under the downward leg of the Hadley Cell, superposed on the zonal Walker cell. The complex interaction of these cells, particularly during warm El Niño/Southern Oscillation (ENSO) episodes, is usually associated with drier than normal austral summers over much of southern Africa. Much of southern Africa is therefore semiarid and prone to recurrent droughts. In South Africa, for operational purposes, a drought is broadly defined as occurring when the seasonal rainfall is 70% or less of the long-term average (Bruwer, 1990; Du Pisani, 1990). It becomes a disaster or severe drought when two or more consecutive rainfall seasons experience drought. Drought affects some part of southern Africa virtually every year. Southern Africa has suffered recurrent droughts since record keeping began (Nicholson, 1989; Unganai, 1993). Severe drought periods included 1800– 30, 1840–50, 1870–90, 1910–15, 1921–25, 1930–50, 1965–75, and 1980–95. During some of these drought periods, rivers, swamps, and wells dried up and well-watered plains turned into barren lands. For Zimbabwe, the worst drought years were 1911–12, 1923–24, 1946–47, 1972–73, 1981–82, 1982–83, 1986–87, and 1991–92 (Zimbabwe Department of Meteorological Services, personal communication, 2002). During the severe and recurrent droughts of the 1980s and 1990s, the impact on vulnerable communities and the environment was catastrophic.
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Mitchell, Paul. „Ireland: Coalition Politics in a Fragmenting Party System“. In Coalition Governance in Western Europe, 357–95. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868484.003.0011.
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Ireland is a parliamentary democracy created as a result of a revolutionary secession from the United Kingdom. While Ireland has many institutional and administrative features that are quite similar to the Westminster model, there are also some important departures, most notably the adoption of limited government via a written constitution, and the adoption of PR-STV which has facilitated the formation of coalition governments. For most of the twentieth century (up until 1989 at least) a Fianna Fáil single-party government was the default outcome of the government-formation process, though many of these cabinets were ‘large’ minority administrations. The only method of ejecting Fianna Fáil was for the second- and third-largest parties (Fine Gael and Labour) to form a coalition government, which they did on a number of occasions. The bargaining environment permanently changed in 1989 when Fianna Fáil broke the habit of a lifetime and entered its first coalition with the Progressive Democrats. Since then almost all governments have been coalitions. This chapter examines the life cycle of coalition government in Ireland: formation, governance, and dissolution. Coalition agreements have evolved over the decades and have become much more important, detailed, and hence more lengthy. The coalition programme plays a key role in the work of the cabinet and the relations between the parties. The increasingly detailed coalition agreements are a very important commitment device during the life cycle of coalition governments. The increasing fragmentation of the party system has meant that coalition formation bargaining has become more challenging.
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Maun, Anwar, und Dianne Fahselt. „Dune systems in relation to rising seas“. In The Biology of Coastal Sand Dunes. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198570356.003.0018.
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Beaches and associated dunes are constituted of unconsolidated materials, such as sand, and thus are low-strength land forms less robust than rocky cliffs (van der Meulen et al. 1991). It is estimated that 70% of sand-based coastlines in the world are presently subject to erosion (Bird 1985; Wind and Peerbolte 1993). However, natural dune systems are inclined to adjust after stress without permanent damage (Brown and McLachlin 2002), and when stabilized by plant cover they offer a first line of coastal defence against assault from wave action (Wind and Peerbolte 1993; Broadus 1993; De Ronde 1993). Natural self-sustaining dune systems interact with the sea and closely reflect changes in sea levels. At any given time no single sea level characterizes all oceans, that is, the resting position of the ocean surface, or geoid, is not uniformly elevated over the earth. Eustatic sea levels, free of influence from tides, waves and storms, thus vary from place to place as well as over time. Satellite altimetry, which permits more accurate as well as more numerous observations than older tide-gage methods of measuring sea levels, shows that the ocean is actually a spheroid modified by depressions and elevations. For example, in parts of the Indian Ocean sea levels are as much as 70 m lower than the global mean and in the North Atlantic 80 m higher (Carter 1988). Climate is governed by long-term periodic variations in the earth’s orbit that effect changes in solar radiation and, consequently, also in sea levels (Bartlein and Prentice 1989; Woodroffe 2002). As a result, ice ages repeatedly alternate with periods of interglacial warming in which ice masses contract and sea levels increase. Most of the time that has passed since the Cambrian period—approximately 500 million years—sea levels, although fluctuating on several timescales, have been higher than they are today. Because of the difficulties in documenting conditions so far in the distant past estimates of these sea levels vary considerably, but those shown in Fig. 13.1, based on different kinds of evidence, are representative of attempts at reconstruction (personal communication RA Rohde 2008).
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Hay, Donald, Derek Morris, Guy Liu, und Shujie Yao. „The Enterprise Reform Programme in China since 1979“. In Economic Reform and State-Owned Enterprises in China, 1979-1987, 3–39. Oxford University PressOxford, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198288459.003.0001.
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Abstract The events of 4 June 1989 in Tiananmen Square probably marked the end of a ten-year period of economic reform in China, which had affected every aspect of the planned economy built up by the Communist Party since the revolution. In this period agriculture was extensively decollectivized, the complex central planning system effectively dismantled for a wide range of industrial goods, and much greater autonomy given to industrial firms. The purpose of the research reported in this book is to trace the impact of the economic reforms as they affected the larger state-owned industrial enterprises. In particular, the objective is to provide a detailed statement of the external environment of the firm under the reform regime, to model the behaviour of firms in this new environment, and to quantify, as far as possible, the impact of different policy measures.
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Cheung, Olivia. „Shekou and Shenzhen : Blurring the Line between Special Economic Zone and Special Political Zone, 1979–1989“. In Factional-Ideological Conflicts in Chinese Politics. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463720298_ch05.
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Shekou and Shenzhen, two cities in Guangdong province, were designated by the central leadership to be pilot zones for the reform and opening up policy in the late 1970s/early 1980s. Under the patronage of the Party’s Right, they exceeded the scope of their mandate to experiment with liberal-leaning political reforms that were in tension with the party line. Competitive elections for the government were held in Shekou. Plans for establishing a legislative-cum-consultative organ that would ‘have seen Shenzhen jumped out from the system of our country [China] completely’ were drafted in Shenzhen. The political reforms of Shekou and Shenzhen were quashed with the suppression of the pro-democracy protests in 1989. China has never seen any political reform as liberal since.
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Mitter, Rana. „3. Making China modern“. In Modern China: A Very Short Introduction, 39–70. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198753704.003.0003.
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Chinese 20th-century politics appears as a story of constant conflict. The clash between the Nationalists under Chiang Kaishek and the Communists under Mao Zedong lasted for decades. ‘Making China modern’ looks at the legacies of Mao and Chiang and the context surrounding them. The early 20th century could be seen in terms of their clash, or as a long modernizing project by two parties that agreed on as many issues as they disagreed. The parties had shared goals, such as reducing rural poverty, maintaining a one-party state, creating a powerful industrialized infrastructure, and establishing a strong centralized state. What can be said about the Chinese political system since 1989? How much has changed?
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Morozov, Nikolai N. „Romania thirty years later: from a totalitarian dictatorship to a deep state?“ In Central and South-Eastern Europe in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries: researches and documents, 254–68. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Nestor-Istoriia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2712-8342.2021.2.17.
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This chapter combines an analysis of the party-political system of post-communist Romania with the impressions of a direct witness to the most important historical events in the country, tracing the political evolution of Romania over the 30 years after the December revolution of 1989, which led to the overthrow of the totalitarian regime of Ceauşescu. A review of political parties and alliances is presented, which may be of practical benefit to researchers working on this period in Romanian history. On the basis of numerous sources and direct interviews with Romanian politicians, some specific characteristics of the political process in the country are identified. An attempt has been made to show the mechanisms of political power that have emerged since the collapse of the former totalitarian system.
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Devitt, Camilla. „Ireland“. In Health Politics in Europe, 75–114. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860525.003.0005.
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This chapter provides an extended look at health politics and the largely tax-financed health system in Ireland. It traces the historical development of the Irish healthcare system, characterized by the institutionalization of a health service that obliged and incentivized the middle classes to pay for their healthcare, out-of-pocket or through voluntary private health insurance. Since the late 1980s, the hospital sector has become more privatized, while universal coverage has been partially introduced to the primary sector. While center-right government legislation which institutionalized the treatment of private patients in public hospitals elicited strong parliamentary opposition from across the political spectrum, the fiscal incentivization of private hospital development, introduced by a center-right coalition, was subject to little debate. The most significant turning point in healthcare policy since 1989 has been the removal of means-testing and provision of free general practitioner care to the under-6s and the over-70s. Cross-party consensus on a plan to move towards a universal tax-based healthcare system was reached in 2017.
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Indian Party System since 1989"
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Anandapadmanaban, B., A. Babu, B. Babu, K. Dinesh, V. Ramanathan und G. Srinivasan. „Life Extension of the Fast Breeder Test Reactor“. In 18th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone18-29277.
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The Fast Breeder Test Reactor (FBTR) is a loop type sodium cooled fast reactor located at Kalpakkam, India. The reactor went critical in October, 1985 with a core of 23 unique high Plutonium carbide fuel subassemblies and the reactor power was rated for 10.5MWt with peak linear heat rating of fuel at 320W/cm. The extension of the target burn-up of this fuel based on Post Irradiation Examination at different stages enabled progressive expansion of the core and increase in reactor power. The reactor has been operated upto a power level of 18.6MWt/3MWe with a sodium temperature of 482°C max. The reactor has completed 24 years of operation and is currently under periodic safety review by the Atomic Energy Regulatory Board of India. As a part of the periodic safety review, equipment qualification status and ageing management studies have been presented to the regulators. Equipment qualification refers to the ability of the replaceable equipment to meet the functional requirements on demand, accomplished by periodic surveillance, maintenance and replacement. Ageing management addresses the residual life assessment of components which are passive, non-replaceable / replaceable with difficulty, taking into account their life degrading mechanisms. Over a period of time, based on the operational feedback, maintenance difficulties and obsolescence, several major components have been replaced. These include the Neutronic channels, UPS, computers of the Central Data Processing System, main boiler feed pumps, three control rod drive mechanisms, two control rods, central canal plug, deaerator lift pumps, reheaters of the steam water system, station batteries, DM plant and Nitrogen plant. The starting air system of the emergency diesel generators and isolation dampers of the reactor containment building have also been replaced. Regarding the non-replaceable components, residual life assessment has been carried out based on the operational history vis-a`-vis the design limits for each component. The life limiting mechanism of heat transport systems of FBTR are creep and fatigue. Since the reactor has operated only upto a temperature of 444°C till 2007, the creep effect is insignificant. The total number of thermal cycles seen by the reactor components as of 2007 was 163, as against the design cycle of 2000 for most of the components. Hence all the heat transport system components are as good as fresh ones. However, the major life limiting factor has been found to be the Neutronic fluence on the grid plate which supports the core. The fast flux at the grid plate location was measured using Np foils and the residual life of the reactor has been assessed to be 10.5 effective full power years. This paper details the life extension exercise being carried out for FBTR.
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Qaui, Bouhania, und Latrish Ismaiel. „Political Governance in the Light of the Constitutional Amendment in Algeria and the Mechanisms of Political Reform (Organizing Powers as a Model)“. In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp13-25.
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Since the transformation of the Algerian political system in 1989, the principle of separation of powers has emerged strongly in political life, as an inevitable alternative to what prevailed in the past from the consolidation of power under the one-party system, and with the fading of manifestations of enshrining the principle in the 1996 Constitution and the subsequent amendments that contributed to Strengthening presidential dominance of power, which resulted in a clear imbalance between powers, which called for the intervention of the Algerian constitutional founder in order to introduce new reforms in line with the urgent popular demands aimed at sending promising political reforms that guarantee good political governance, especially with regard to orga…
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Schauer, Raymond H. „Keeping Up With Growth by Recommitting to a Long-Term Waste-to-Energy Future“. In 16th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec16-1902.
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The Solid Waste Authority of Palm Beach County (Authority) has owned the North County Resources Recovery Facility (NCRRF) since 1989, producing clean, economical and renewable energy from refuse derived fuel while preserving precious landfill space. As with any facility as it approaches the end of its first 20-year operating term, the Authority found it necessary to initiate a comprehensive refurbishment to ensure its continued effective operations. The operating agreement between the Authority and the Palm Beach Resource Recovery Corporation (PBRRC), a subsidiary of Babcock & Wilcox (B&W), is set to expire concurrently with the end of the this 20-year term. The Authority acknowledged that PBRRC has unparalleled institutional knowledge of the NCRRF and, as such, took the opportunity to renegotiate its operating agreement with PBRRC for an additional 20-year term. The Authority was also able to build into the new operating agreement conditions for PBRRC to provide assistance to a third party design-builder performing the refurbishment. Additionally, understanding that B&W produced many of the key combustion unit components of the original NCRRF construction, the Authority worked into the new agreement terms for B&W to provide several essential components for the refurbishment that will be installed by the design-builder. When the refurbishment is completed in 2011, the Authority will still only have disposal capacity through 2021 with its existing landfill. To be able to keep up with rapid growth in Palm Beach County, the Authority has initiated the due diligence phase for the development of a new mass burn waste-to-energy facility and landfill that will expand the disposal capacity of the Authority’s system for more than 100 years.